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VOL. I. 




BE IT REMEMBERED, That on this Thirteenth day of March, 1865, BEAMISH 
MURDOCH, of the City of Halifax, Esquire, has deposited in this Office, the 
title of a Book, the Copyright of which he claims in the words following : 
Q. C." 

JAS. H. THORNE, Defuty Secretary. 

v, I 

IN offering to public attention the first volume of this work, 
I have to crave indulgence for many imperfections that I am 
sensible cannot fail to occur in such an attempt. The great 
amount of materials for history which the provincial assembly 
have collected and preserved by means of the Record Com- 
mission, were powerfully tempting to me, and my preposses- 
sions as a Novascotian making strong impressions on my mind 
of the value of my country and the interest of its early history, 
I commenced, in 1860, the collection and arrangement of this 
narrative. In its progress I have received the most friendly 
aid and encouragement in every direction ; and having given 
rny whole heart to the work ever since, I have every confi- 
dence that it will prove useful as a record of the varying 
events that have at length made Nova Scotia a happy, free 
and intelligent province, progressive and prosperous, which 
may she ever be. I am bound to express my thanks for sub- 
stantial aid to the provincial government and assembly, and 
individually to those who have furnished information, facilita- 
ted my researches, and otherwise assisted my enterprise, 
among whom I must name Thomas B. Akins, esquire, the 
Commissioner of Records, The Hon. Joseph Howe, The Hon. 
Dr. Charles Tupper, The Hon. W. A. Henry, The Hon. J. 
McCully ; Henry C. D. Twining, esquire, clerk of Assembly ; 
Hon. messrs. Ritchie, Shannon and McDonald ; Mr. Speaker 
Wade ; Hiram Blanchard, esq. ; Rev. Mr. Rand, missionary 

iv Preface. 

to the Micmacs ; Rev. Mr. Patterson, of Greenhill ; W. A, 
Hendry, esq., of the Crown Land office ; W. J. Almon, M. D. r 
and W. S. More, esq., Halifax ; C. Mand6 Melan^on, esq., 
Clare ; C. B. Owen, esq., Yarmouth ; E. Rameau, Paris ; Rev, 
Mr. Ballard, Brunswick, Maine ; Mr. W. Stevens and Messrs. 
Compton, of Halifax ; Messrs. A. & W. McKinlay, Mr. Muir, 
and Messrs. Hall & Beamish, Book-sellers, Halifax ; A. M, 
Gidney, esq., of Bridgetown. From many others I have also 
received friendly aid in this labor. The late Mr. Edward 
Wallace, and the late Dr. Abraham Gesner, obliged me much 
in my search for information, 

I must apprize the reader that in the spelling of the names- 
of places I have always followed the orthography of the book 
or document from which I was at the moment preparing my 
statements. There is, consequently, a frequent variation in 
spelling the old Indian names of places, which is not to be 
charged to negligence. The modes of spelling them have 
varied at different periods. One of the most remarkable 
instances of this is Canso, which has been spelt Campseau r 
Canceaux, Cango, Canseau, &c. &c. Mines has been spelt 
Menis and Minas, ana even Manis. Pisiguid, Pigiguit, Pizi- 
quid, &c. Chignitou, Chignicto, Shickanectua. In extracts- 
and quotations, I have generally adopted, as nearly as pos- 
sible, the language, spelling, &c., of the time, not attempting 
to correct or alter it, on the contrary desiring to preserve the 
characteristic phrases and language of each period. 

In the review of the people who inhabited Nova Scotia at 
successive dates, the Micmacs, the French, and the English, 
I have seen many shining and noble qualities displayed in 
each successive age, both by leaders and followers. Some 
faults they had some crimes were committed ; but we, who 

Preface. v 

succeed them, may be happy if we can shew the courage, the 
endurance and generosity that are the attributes of the early 
adventurers and settlers of Acadie. Some periods of our 
history afford but little matter for connected narrative. At 
other times interesting transactions occur which do not form 
part of the regular sequence of events. In such cases I have 
preferred to place them in appendices to the chapters, instead 
of omitting them entirely, as I am anxious to preserve every- 
thing of genuine interest that I have found in my enquiries. 

The leading idea with me has been to preserve from 
oblivion the past occurrences in this province. The frequent 
change of masters the misfortunes that have often retarded 
its progress to civilization, and the varying effects that the 
contests of two great and noble nations have had on its des- 
tiny, will hereafter give scope for philosophical minds to 
review, and for eloquent writers to expatiate on. 

The task of collecting and reducing into annals facts of 
interest, must naturally precede the more ambitious course of 
history, just as the labor of the pioneers of this continent, in 
clearing the forest, making roads and bridging streams, is an 
essential requisite to lead eventually to cities, villas, and high 
cultivation. If this work prove to be a useful preparation, as 
a scaffolding for the erection of more diversified and elegant 
structures, the labor I bestow on it will not have been useless. 


CHAPTER I. P. I 12. 

New France Acadie, its extent, climate and productions. Voyages of Dis- 
covery. Visit of de la Roche to Sable island. DeMonts' patent. 

CHAPTER II. P. 1324. 

DeMonts voyage to Acadie in 1604. His survey of the coast towards New 
England, Ste. Croix. Appendix DeMonts' commission from Henry 4. 

CHAPTER III. P. 25 30. 
Port Royal founded in 1605. De Monts visits it in 1606. 

CHAPTER IV. P. 3142. 

Poutrincourt his encounter with hostile Indians near cape Mallebarre. L'Es- 
carbot his poetical turn. Champlain's order ' de bon temps' 1606. Member- 
tou's war on the Armouchiquois. 1607. Poutrincourt returns to France. Appen- 
dix Indian manners. Verses on the Indian names of places in Acadie. 

CHAPTER V. P. 43 47. 

Souriquois or Micmacs, Etchemins. Champlain begins his settlement at Q*t- 
bec in 1608. Baptism of Indians in 1610. Biencourt visits France to seek aid 
for the colony. Madame de 'Guercheville promotes a mission of Jesuits. The 
English settle Newfoundland in 1610. 

CHAPTER VI. P. 4852. 

Voyage of the Jesuits. Discord as to burial place of Membertou. DeMonts 
transfers his claims on Acadie to madame de Guercheville, 1611, 1612. 

CHAPTER VII. P. 5363. 

1613. Jesuits mission settle near Monts Deserts. They are attacked and cap- 
tured by Argal, an English commander from Virginia. Argal erases and destroys 
all monuments at Port Royal. Poutrincourt is killed in battle in France in 1615. 
His epitaph. 


Companies formed for fishery and trade. Sir William Alexander obtains a 
grant of Nova Scotia from king James ist. His attempts at settlement. The 
Scotch fort near Goat island. Baronets of Nova Scotia. Company of New 
France formed in 1628. Kirk takes Port Royal in 1628, and Quebec in 1629. 

CHAPTER IX. P. 7383. 

Claude de la Tour, and Charles Amador, his son. Claude captured by Kirk. 
Charles de la Tour commands at cape Sable. Claude marries a second wife. 
Endeavors to lead his son to surrender his fort to the English. 1631. Charles 
de la Tour made lieutenant general of Acadie. 

viii Table of Contents. 

CHAPTER X. P. 74 gr. 

Acadie restored to France in 1632. De Razilli sent there to take possession. 
The Recollets return there in 1633. Grant to Latour. Jesuits' missions. Ap- 
pendix 3d article of treaty of St. Germain, &c. 

CHAPTER XI. P. 9297. 

Discord between LaTour and D'aulnay after Razilli's death. 1638. Royal 
letter to D'aulnay. Charles de la Tour visits Quebec in 1640. 1641. Royal let- 
ter to arrest Latour. Latour seeks aid from Boston, 1642. 

CHAPTER XII. P. 98108. 

D'aulnay attacks Latour's fort at St. John in 1643. Charles Latour and his 
wife escape to Boston. Debates there in consequence. Latour obtains aid, and 
drives D'aulnay off from St. John. D'aulnay goes to France. Madame Latour 
goes to Europe in 1644. Brings out three mercnant ships, with cargoes. Her 
lawsuit in Boston, 1645. She defends St. John with success. Appendix Treaty 
made by D'aulnay's agent with Massachusetts. 

CHAPTER XIII. P. 109116. 

1646. D'aulnay's commissioners negociate at Boston. The sedan chair. 
D'aulnay again besieges St. John. Madame la Tour capitulates. D'aulnay 
hangs the garrison. Madame Latour dies. Latour's misfortunes. 1648. He 
visits Quebec. 1650. D'aulnay dies. Appendix Abstract of D'aulnay's com- 

CHAPTER XIV. P. 117123. 

1651. Latour restored to his authority as governor of Acadie, and receives 
possession of the fort at St. John. 1652. Madame D'aulnay's compact with the 
duke of Vendome. 1653. Marriage of Latour to D'aulnay's widow. Grant to 
M. Denys of the gulf coast, from Canso to cap des Rosiers. Appendix Latour's 
new commission abstracted. Contract of the duke of Vendome with madame 
D'aulnay. Marriage contract between Latour and madame D'aulnay. 

CHAPTER XV. P. 124132. 

1654. Le Borgne's shipments and assumption of power as creditor of D'aul- 
nay's estate. Adventures of Denis de Fronsac. He is made prisoner by le 
Borgne. The English summon Latour, who surrendered. They besiege Port 
Royal. Le Borgne capitulates. Laheve captured. Denys forced to give up 
Chedabouctou to La Giraudiere. Returns to France, and is reinstated. A fire 
ruins his commercial prospects. Appendix Articles of capitulation of Port 
Royal in 1654. 

CHAPTER XVI. P. 133139. 

1655. Treaty of Westminster between England and France. Acadie granted 
by Cromwell, to Latour, Temple and Crowne. 1657. Sir Thomas Temple made 
governor of Nova Scotia by Oliver Cromwell. Le Borgne commissioned by the 
French king. 1658. Le Borgne made prisoner at La Heve by the English. 
1663. Grant of the islands of Madelaine, &c., to Doublet. Earthquakes over 
the continent. Sagadahock granted to the duke of York. 1664. Louis XIV 
established the Compagnie des hides Occidentales. Appendix Abstract of patents 
from Cromwell, &c. 

Table of Contents. ix 


CHAPTER XVII. P. 140148. 

1667. Treaty of Breda. Acadie restored to France. Temple ordered to sur- 
render it. He objects to the boundaries claimed by the French. 1669. Peremp- 
tory orders to give it up. 1670. He delivers possession. Appendix Descrip- 
tion of the forts at Pentagoet and Gemisick given up. 

CHAPTER XVIII. P. 149157. 

1671. Grand-fontaine governor of Acadie. Proposes to re-establish the old 
fort at St. John. Census of 1671. Settlement at Miramichi in 1672 or 1673. 
1674. Death of Sir Thomas Temple. De Chambly succeeds Grand-fontaine. 
Pentagoet taken by a pirate vessel. Indian wars in 1676 on borders of New Eng- 
land. 1678. De Marson commands in Acadie, and is succeeded by M. de la 
Valliere. Appendix Grants of Nachouac and Gemisick to Marson, and of 
Chignictou to la Valliere, &c. A concession from Bellisle, as seigneur, on the 
Annapolis river, to Martin and his son in 1679, given in full. 

CHAPTER XIX. P. 158163. 

State of the province in 1680. The English take possession for the fifth time. 
Grant to Bergier & Co.. for shore fishery. 1682. La Valliere still in command. 
Bergier settles at Chedabouctou. Pirates seize the fishing craft of the people of 
Port Royal. Misconduct of la Valliere. Appendix Grants of seigneuries on 
the St. John river in 1684. 

CHAPTER XX. P. 164172. 

1684. Violence and oppression of La Valliere. He is superseded. M. Perrot 
made governor. He proposes to fortify Laheve. 1686. De Meulles visits the 
different settlements of Acadie, and prepares a very full census. Treaty of Lon- 
don. Neutrality in America stipulated. Appendix Extracts from de Meulles' 
census, &c. 

CHAPTER XXI. P. 173182. 

1687. De Menneval appointed governor. Instructions given to him. Garri- 
son increased from 30 to 60 men. Governor to reside at Port Royal. Castin to 
be checked. 1688. De Goutins appointed judge, $cc. His instructions. Marie 
de Menou gives Port Royal to her half brothers and sisters the Latours. Castin 
pillaged by governor Andros, of New England. Pirates on the Acadie coast 
rob a Portuguese vessel. 1689. Capture of English fort at Pemaquid by the 
Indians, Illicit trade between Port Royal and Boston. French vessels of war 
seize English vessels for fishing and trading on the coast. 1690. Discords be- 
tween governor de Menneval and the judge des Goutins. Appendix Certificate 
respecting D'aulnay's improvements, buildings, &c., and his death. Grants of 
Seignories in 1688 and 1699. Notice of de la Mothe Cadillac. 

CHAPTFR XXII. P. 183193. 

1690. Attack on English colonies from Canada. Phipps invades Acadie with 
a squadron and 700 men from Boston. Menneval surrenders on terms. Phipps 
violates the agreement, and, having pillaged Port Royal, abandons it. Neglect 
of the French government to protect their settlements. Appendix Notice of 
Sir Wm. Phipps. Canadian families of Bekancourt and Longueil. Phipps 
attacks Quebec, and fails. 

x Table of Contents. 

t * 

CHAPTER XXIII. P. 194207. 

1690. Villebon arrives at Port Royal. Decides to occupy Jemsek, on the St. 
John. Pirates pillage Placentia, Port Royal and Chedabouctou, and burn Port 
Royal. They also capture the Union, the vessel which brought Villebon from 
France. Villebon goes to Quebec, and thence to France. 1791. Returns as 
Governor. Nelson and Tyng made prisoners. Appendix Acadie granted by 
William and Mary to Massachusetts, in the charter of 1691.- Grants of 
Seigneuries in Acadie in 1691-2-3. Marie de Menou's will. Notices of John 
Nelson. His imprisonment in the Bastile, &c. Lahontan's remarks on Acadie. 
Perrot's proposals. 

CHAPTER XXIV. P. 208214. 

1692. Expedition to capture Villebon's fort on the St. John fails to do any- 
thing. Erection of English fort at Pemaquid. French vessels go there, but 
withdraw. 1693. Villebon in command at Nachouac. 1694. Villieu leads 500 
Indians against the frontier of New England, where they kill, pillage and burn. 
Capt March violates a flag of truce. 

CHAPTER XXV. P. 215225. 

1695. Baptiste, in his privateer,makes prizes, resorting to the St. John river. 
Villebon entertains Indian chiefs. 1696. Indians who came to Pemaquid to 
treat of exchange of prisoners, killed by captain Chubb. Pemaquid is besieged 
by French and Indians under d'Iberville and Bonaventure, assisted by Castin, 
&c. Chubb surrenders. The fort is demolished. Cruel wars in Newfoundland. 

CHAPTER XXVI. P. 226232. 

Church's expedition to Chignecto. He burns, pillages, kills cattle, &c. New 
England forces besiege Villebon in Nachouac, but, after hard fighting, withdraw. 

CHAPTER XXVII. P. 233238. 

1697. Villebon strengthens his fort Affairs of Indian frontier wars. An 
English prisoner burnt alive, &c. &c. Appendix Treaty of Ryswick, (1697.) 
Article of mutual restoration of territories between England and France. 

CHAPTER XXVIII. P. 239 245. 

1698. Chapel built at Narantsouac, (Norridgewock), on the Kennebec, where 
the priest Ralle was stationed. Fishermen placed at Chibouctou, (now Halifax 
harbor), by the company. A pirate appeared off St. John. Famine. 1699. Bas- 
set claimed as a British subject. Is sent to France. His offences are stated. 
Account of the fishing station at Chibouctou. Appendix Fort at St. John. 
Extracts from despatches in 1698 and 1699, from Villebon, Thury, &c. Pirates 
visit cape Sable and fort Razoir, (now Shelburne.) Homespun made here. 
Price of provisions, &c. 

CHAPTER XXIX. P. 246254. 

1700. Resolution to transfer garrison and government from the river St. John 
to Port Royal. Villebon's death. Villieu acts as commander. 1701. Brouillan 
appointed governor. Arrives at Chibouctou, and then goes to Port Royal. He 
demolishes the fort at St John. Praises the site of the fort at Port Royal. 
Wishes to be lieutenant general of Acadie. Proposes many improvements and 
makes many requests. Appendix Notices of M. Brouillan from Lahontan, &c. 

Table of Contents. xi 

CHAPTER XXX. P. 255260. 

1702. Death of Wm. 3, and accession of Queen Anne. War declared against 
France and Spain. Bostonians threaten to hang captain Baptiste, but Brouillan, 
by threats of reprisal, saves him. Rumors of an attack by the English on Port 
Royal in the ensuing spring. Brouillan's offer to take Boston. Complaints and 
quarrels in the garrison at Port Royal. Brouillan's purchase of Hog island. His 
building there. Accusations of immoral conduct against Brouillan and Bonaven- 

CHAPTER XXXI. P. 261271. 

Royal decree of 20 March, 1 703, settling disputes about the principal seigneu- 
ries in Acadie, particularly the claims of the Latour family, and the division of 
their grants ; also Pedigree of the Latours of Acadie. Marquis de Vaudreuil 
made governor at Quebec, and Joseph Dudley in New England. Siege of Casco 
by Indians under French leaders. Petty wars on frontiers and in Newfoundland 
between English and French. Brouillan encourages privateers to resort to Port 
Royal. Different charges against Brouillan. Affair of madame Freneuse and 
Bonaventure. Appendix Singular letters of Cyprian Southack. 

CHAPTER XXXII. P. 272277. 

1704. Church again attacks Acadie. Destroys the dikes at Mines. His 
squadron and army go to Port Royal. Skirmishes and retreats. He burns, des- 
troys and pillages Chignecto again. Colonel Hilton destroys chapel and wig- 
wams at Norridgewock. Brouillan goes to France. His defence against charges. 


1705. Marriage of Duvivier. Madame Freneuse. BoflRventure in charge ot 
the government. Brouillan returning from France, dies on board the Profond, 
near Chibouctou. Interment of his heart near Port Royal. 

CHAPTER XXXIV. P. 283 298. 

1706. Exchange of prisoners between Boston and Port Royal. Penalties on 
Rowse and others for trading with French enemy, inflicted by Assembly of Mas- 
sachusetts, annulled by the Queen. Subercase governor of Acadie. Des Gou- 
tins and Bonaventure acquitted of charges. 1707. Expedition from Boston to 
besiege Port Royal. Besiegers, defeated by Subercase, retire. 

CHAPTER XXXV. P. 299 308. 

Subercase gives unfavorable opinion of the Indians. 1708. His correspon- 
dence with Dudley. Affair of madame de Freneuse. Wars in Newfoundland. 
Subercase employs privateers, who take many prisoners from the English. 

CHAPTER XXXVI. P. 309 319. 

1710. Francis Nicholson commands land and sea forces that sail from Boston 
to besiege Port Royal. Summons Subercase. English invest the place. Suber- 
case surrenders. Agents sent to Canada to give notice of the capture. Nicholson 
leaves a garrison there under colonel Vetch. Appendix Articles of capitula- 
tion, &c. 

xii Table of Contents. 

CHAPTER XXXVII. P. 320 329. 

1711. Complaints of inhabitants of Port Royal to the marquis de Vaudreuil. 
Garrison of Annapolis reduced by sickness, &c. Massacre of English troops by 
Indians at Bloody creek. The fort invested by French inhabitants and Indians. 
Gaulin sends to Placentia for aid to subdue the place. Fort reinforced by 200 
men of the New York levies. Canadian troops disbanded, and siege abandoned. 
Expedition against Quebec from England under General Hill and admiral Walker. 
Meet with shipwreck, and return. 


1712. Controversy between Ralle and Boston missionary. Treaty of armistice 
England and France. 1713. Treaty of Utrecht. Queen Anne's letter in favor 
of the French inhabitants. Newfoundland given up by the French, and Louis- 
bourg, in cape Breton, founded. Arguments as to the advantage of St. Anne. 

CHAPTER XXXIX. P. 340 346. 

1714. Costabelle having surrendered Placentia to colonel Moody, becomes 
governor of Cape Breton. Nicholson offers the Acadians the option to take the 
oath, and become British subjects. They prove refractory. Death of queen 
Anne. Appendix Census of persons who were transferred from Placentia to 
Louisbourg. Census of Port Royal. 

CHAPTER XL. P. 347 356. 

1715. Nicholson's letter concerning Nova Scotia. Louis XIV dies. 1716. 
Capt. Armstrong's report on the fort at Annapolis, &c. Conference at Arow- 
sick. Indian claim to territory asserted by the missionary Ralle. Death of 
colonel Church. Colonel Richard Philipps appointed Governor of Nova Scotia. 
1718. Project of Coram to build a town at Chibouctou, &c. 

CHAPTER XLI. P. 357361. 

1719. Commission of colonel Philipps. He goes to Boston, and attempts to 
get to Nova Scotia in vain. Spends the winter at Boston. Appendix Notices 
of governor Philipps. 

CHAPTER XLII. P. 362372. 

1720. Governor Philipps arrived at Annapolis. The French unwilling to take 
the oath of allegiance. Swears in ten councillors, and two subsequently. He 
issues proclamations to the people, offering them the privileges of British sub- 
jects, and directing them to choose deputies or representatives. Six deputies 
chosen from Annapolis river. With Philipps' consent, the inhabitants send dele- 
gates to M. St. Ovide de Brouillan, governor at Louisbourg. Reply of the people 
of Mines to the governor's proclamation. Philipps' interview with the Indian 
chief of the river Annapolis. His letters to Vaudreuil and to the Secretary 
of State, &c. 

CHAPTER XLIII. P. 373 385. 

Visit of Indian chiefs from St. John at Annapolis. Indians attack and pillage 
the English at Canso, (August, 1720.) Philipps writes to St. Ovide respecting 
oath of allegiance. Indians rob Alden, a trader, of his goods at Mines. Troops 
sent to Canso. Appendix Grant of the island of St. John. Letter of St. Ovide 
and Demery to governor Philipps. 

Table of Contents. xiii 

CHAPTER XLIV. P. 386397. 

1721. Philipps claims the Kennebec as boundary of Nova Scotia. Number 
of deputies increased for Cobequid and Mines. General court to sit four times a 
year established. Lieut. Washington complained of by governor Philipps. Bad 
state of the Fort. Conference intended at Arowsick island between Indian 
chiefs and the governor of New England. Indians attended 200 armed ; Castin 
and the Jesuit LaChasse with them. The governor of New England did not 
appear. They left him a letter, stating outrageous terms. Philipps visits Canso. 
Appendix Description of Annapolis, &c., by Mascarene. 

CHAPTER XLV. P. 398 406. 

1722. Indian war. Mr. Newton, and Mr. Adams, junior, captured, and after- 
wards ransomed. The Indians capture many English vessels on the coast. Phi- 
lipps sends out two vessels, who recapture most of the vessels and their crews. 
Indians kill several persons at Canso. Death of the Regent Duke of Orleans in 

CHAPTER XLVI. P. 407 421. 

1724. Indian war continues on borders of New England. A party of Malecite 
and Micmac Indians attack Annapolis. They kill two of the garrison. An 
Indian hostage killed in retaliation. Father Charlemagne banished. Indians 
attack and take a vessel at Mocodome, (Country harbor.) Indians assemble at 
Mines, designing mischief. Over 200 men, under Harman and other officers, in 
New England, march on Norridgewock, which they destroy, killing the priest 
Ralle and many of the Indians. Appendix Examination of father Charlemagne 
and others, of father Isidore, &c. &c. 

CHAPTER XLVII. P. 422433. 

1725. Cessation of arms agreed on between commissioners of Massachusetts 
and Eastern Indian chiefs. Armstrong, lieut. governor, arrives at Canso from 
England. Mascarene appointed Commissioner for Nova Scotia at intended 
treaty. Newton and Bradstreet sent to Louisbourg to confer with St. Ovide on 
grievances. Wreck of le Chameau near Louisbourg. Armstrong proposes to 
make Canso the seat of Government. Dummer's treaty concluded with the 
Indians. Death of Vaudreuil. Beauharnois succeeds him. Appendix Treaty 
with the Indians made at Boston 15 Dec'r., 1725. Narrative of three French 
gentlemen who came by land from Quebec. &c. &c. 

CHAPTER XLVIII. P. 434 441. 

1726. State of the garrison. Treaty ratified by Indian chiefs at Annapolis. 
Armstrong yields to the desire of the French inhabitants, who accordingly take a 
conditional oath of allegiance not to be obliged to bear arms, ever since which 
they called themselves ' Neutral French.' Gaulin apologizes, and is pardoned. 
Lieut, governor Doucett dies. Appendix Mangeant, who fled from Canada, 
receives protection. Nicholes' sentence. List of Indians from New England to 
St. John's river, &c. 

xiv Table of Contents. 

CHAPTER XLIX. P. 442 449. 

1727. Armstrong commissions some French inhabitants as public officers. 
Complains of Gamble, &c. Trade forbidden with Mines, Chignecto, &c., as the 
people refused to take the oath of allegiance. Death of George ist. Indians 
murder Englishmen at Liscomb's harbor and Jedore. Ensign Wroth blamed for 
his concessions at Mines and Chignecto, where he had been sent to proclaim 
Geo. 2, and administer oaths of allegiance. Refusal of the inhabitants of Anna- 
polis river to take the oaths. 

CHAPTER L. P. 450456. 

1728. Indians from Medoctec came to Annapolis to ratify Dummer's treaty. 
David Dunbar made surveyor general of H. M. lands in Nova Scotia. Arm- 
strong's misfortunes and suspicious temper. New commission of governor Phi- 
lipps. 1 729. Armstrong complains of Breslay and Cosby. Philipps arrives at 
Canso and at Annapolis, 

CHAPTER LI. P. 457 469. 

1730. Inhabitants of the Annapolis river all take the unconditional oath of 
allegiance. Dunbar's settlement at fort Frederick at Pemaquid. His subsequent 
career. Objections made by the lords of Trade to the form of oath of allegiance 
administered by Philipps. The people of the bay of Fundy also swear allegiance. 
The seigneurs' claims opposed by Philipps. Dunbar opposed by the Bostonians. 
Appendix Notice of Robert Temple, &c. &c. 

CHAPTER LII. P. 470 476. 

1731. Philipps recalled to settle accounts of his regiment. Armstrong in 
command as lieut. governor. Question of Cosby being made president of Coun- 
cil. Armstrong suggests a house of Assembly. Appendix Boundaries of Nova 
Scotia questioned by the French governor of Canada. Examination of O'Neale, 
an Irish surgeon, who came hither from Louisbourg, &c. 

CHAPTER LIII. P. 477 488. 

1732. Litigation among the French inhabitants. Armstrong projects a bar- 
rack at Mines, disguising his plan under the pretence of a granary. He again 
proposes a house of assembly. Godalie ordered to leave the province. Claim of 
the French to Canso. Revenue of Nova Scotia about .30 sterling. 

CHAPTER LIV. P. 489 494. 

Quit rents, &c., to be paid to a Receiver. Scale of fees for Secretary establish- 
ed. Goat island granted to Mr. Vane. Inhabitants oppose survey. M. de Belle- 
isle takes the oath of allegiance. (1733.) Whale fishery. Road stopped. 
Parties punished. 

CHAPTER LV. P. 495 504. 

1734. Seigneural rents collected for the Crown. Survey on bay of Fundy 
shores ordered. Bowling Green established. Singular trials and judgments. 
Watch ordered to fire on those who did not answer them. Mrs. Campbell's bar- 
gain with the Crown for the seigneuries. 

Table of Contents. xv 

CHAPTER LVI. P. 505 511. 

1636. Inhabitants, to distress garrison, put an exorbitant price on firewood. 
Prevalence of litigation among the people. Armstrong visits Mines and Piziquid. 
Is entertained at the latter place by M. Maufils, the cure. Patent for the isle 
Haute opposed. St. John Indians send delegates to Annapolis. Duvivier's 
memoire (of 1735) on the state of Acadie, and the prospect of recovering it for 

CHAPTER LVII. P. 512520. 

1736. The case of the brigantine Baltimore, derelict at Chebogue, and the 
story of Mrs. Buckler. Dispute between the government and messrs. St. Poncy 
and Cheveraux. St. John's Indians hostility. Inhabitants of St. John. Mr. E. 
Howe made a member of the Council. Evil of the missionaries in Nova Scotia 
being pensioned by France. Grant of 50,000 acres at Chiconecto, and of 50,000 
at Mines. Population of New France in 1 736. 

CHAPTER LVIII. P. 521526. 

Jones' vessel robbed by Indians in Piziguit river. (1737.) Case of arson at 
Annapolis Royal. 1738. Four terms settled for trial of causes before Governor 
and Council. Lemercier's petition for grant of isle of Sable. 

CHAPTER LIX. P. 527532. 

O'Neale's complaint. People of Mines refractory. Slater sent there with sol- 
diers. Reprisals ordered by English gov't. against the Spaniards. Grant of a 
township at Canso to E. How and others. Mr. Shirreff objects that the Council 
had not approved it. State of the military and fort, &c. 1739. Suicide of lieut. 
governor Armstrong. His character. Grants at Annapolis to Mr. Shirreff and 
Otho Hamilton. Iron vane at Annapolis Royal, 1738. Ruins of old building. 
Local antiquities. 

List of authorities consulted, p. 533. 
Micmac names of places, p. 534. 


Extracts from Denys, p. 535 to 538. 

' " Diereville, p. 539 to 542. 

" '" Customs, &c., of Micmakis and Maricheets, p. 542. 
Corrections, p. 543. 



THE provinces in North America, now held by Great Britain, 
were originally occupied and settled by the French ; while 
English colonies were established on the Atlantic coast of 
what is now called the United States, extending from New 
England to South Carolina, and afterwards to Georgia, embra- 
cing under the authority of England the then provinces of 
New England, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, 
the Carolinas, &c. 

The northern territory held by the Kings of France com- 
prised the countries now known as Canada, New Brunswick, 
Nova Scotia, and the islands Prince Edward and Cape Breton, 
with part of Newfoundland. This whole extent received the 
name of New France, the western portion of it, situate near 
the river St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes being called 
Canada, and having a royal governor and an intendant resident 
at Quebec ; while the eastern part, embracing the present 
provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, and a consider- 
able part of the present State of Maine, was called Acadie by 
the French ; but by the English, who made claims to it by 
discovery, it was named Nova Scotia. 

Acadie was then bounded on the North by the gulf of Saint 
Lawrence, on the East by the Atlantic, on the south by the. 

2 History of Nova-Scotia. 

river Kennebec, and on the West by the province of Canada, 
it's north westernmost boundary being in Gasp6 bay. Such 
was the Acadie (or Nova Scotia) of the seventeenth century. 
It extended from about 44 to 48 North Latitude, and be- 
tween 60 and 70 West Longitude. It measured from East 
to West about 700 miles, and from North to South about 275. 

Acadie is much warmer in summer, and much colder in 
winter than the countries in Europe lying under the same 
parallels of latitude. The spring season is colder and the 
autumn more agreeable, than those on the opposite side of 
the Atlantic. Its climate is favorable to agriculture, its soil 
generally fertile. The land is well watered by rivers, brooks 
and lakes. The supply of timber for use and for exportation 
may be considered as inexhaustible. The fisheries on the coasts 
are abundant. The harbors are numerous and excellent. Wild 
animals abound, among which are remarkable, the moose, 
caribou and red deer. Wild fowl also are plenty. Extensive 
tracts of alluvial land of great value are found on the Bay of 
Fundy. These lands have a natural richness that dispenses 
with all manuring ; all that is wanted to keep them in order is 
spade work. As to cereals wheat, rye, oats, buckwheat, maize, 
all prosper. The potato, the hop, flax and hemp are everywhere 
prolific. The vegetables of the kitchen garden are success- 
fully raised. Of fruit, there are many wild kinds, and the apple, 
pear, plum and cherry, seem almost indigenous. The vine 
thrives ; good grapes are often raised in the open air. It was 
said by a French writer that Acadie produced readily every 
thing that grew in old France, except the olive. 

In the peninsula or Acadie proper, there is an abundance of 
mineral wealth. Coal is found in Cumberland and Pictou. 
Iron ore in Colchester and Annapolis counties. Gypsum in 
Hants. Marble and limestone in different localities. Free- 
stone, for building, at Remsheg and Pictou. Granite near 
Halifax, Shelburne, &c. Brick clay in the counties of Halifax 
and Annapolis. The amethyst of Parrsborough and its vici- 
nity have been long celebrated, and pearls have been found 
lately in the Annapolis river. The discovery of gold along the 
whole Atlantic shore of the peninsula of Nova Scotia, has taken 

History of Nova-Scotia. 3 

place chiefly since I began this work in 1 860, and it now gives 
steady remunerative employment to about 800 or 1000 labor- 
ers, with every expectation of its expansion. 

The wilderness trees of Acadie, most characteristic of its 
forest scenery, are the pine, hemlock, spruce and hacmatac. 
The oak, beech, birch and maple, are also abundant. The 
cedar is also to be found. Of wild flowers, the most peculiar 
is the Mayflower (Epigaea repens,) a little hardy plant that 
flowers early, even before the snow banks have been all melted. 
It has been long adopted as the emblem of Nova Scotia, as it 
is hardly to be found elsewhere, and our native people have 
chosen it as their chief ornament, with the motto, 

" We bloom amidst the snows." 

The " Linnaea Borealis," and the " Sarracenia," or Indian Cupv 
are also remarkable flowers, probably peculiar to this region-.. 

Many learned disquisitions have latterly appeared, intended' 
to prove that this part of the world was visited by the vikings, 
of Norway, long before the discovery of America by Columbus. 
The voyage of Christopher Columbus in 1492 was followed 
by that of Sebastian Cabot in 1497 to its Northern shores. 
John Cabot is said to have sailed from Bristol, and to have 
actually seen Newfoundland, to which he gave the name of 
" Prima Vista" first seen. The Bre'tons and Normans are said 
to have first discovered the Grand Banks and the island of 
Newfoundland in 1504. Voyages du Sieur de Champlain, 
Vol. I., p. n. Paris, 1830. Thomas Aubert, of Dieppe, sailed 
thither in 1508, and John Denys, of Honfleur, in 1510. (See 
Relations des Jesuites. 

The first voyage to North America, with a view to settle- 
ment, was that of the Baron de Lery et de Saint Just, in 
1518. It seems that the Baron left a number of live cattle on 
the Isle of Sable. ( English and French Commissaries, p. 104.^ 
In 1534 Verazzani ranged the coast of this continent from 
Florida to Newfoundland, and Jacques Cartier is said to have 
visited the coast in the same year. The 2Oth April, 1534,. 
Jacques Cartier, after having been sworn before Charles de 
Moiiy, Sieur de la Meilleraye, vice admiral of France, sailed 
from Saint Malo, and arrived at Newfoundland and in the 

4 History of Nova-Scotia. 

gulph of Saint Lawrence, to take possession of the soil in 
the name of the king of France, provided with a commission 
of captain general of vessels. (Capitaine general des vais- 
seaux.) He returned in i535> to continue his discoveries. 
Leaving Saint Malo on the I9th of May, he arrived at the 
mouth of the Saguenay on the ist of September. On the 
1 3th he reached the river Ste Croix, now the Saint Charles, 
with his three vessels, and on the 2nd October he visited 
the Indian village of Hochelaga, near Mont Royal, now 
Montreal. On the 3rd May, 1536, Cartier erected at Quebec, 
(Stadacona,) with great pomp, a cross 35 feet high. On this 
was an escutcheon bearing the arms of France, with these 
words in Roman characters : Franciscus primus, dei gratia, 
Francorum rex regnat. (Francis the first, by the grace of 
God, king of the French, reigns.) [See l Champlain, p. 12. 
Memoires et documents de la, Socittt historique de Montreal, 
1859. livraison, pp. 98, &ca.] Cartier having spent the 
winters of 1535, 1536, among the Indians of the river Saint 
Lawrence, returned to France, arriving at Saint Malo on the 
6th July, 1536, having, in the course of the two voyages, visi- 
ted Newfoundland, Gasp6, and Labrador. Great part of his 
people having died in Canada of scurvy, he (erroneously) 
blamed the air of that region, and enterprize in that direction 
ceased for some time. I Champ lain, 13, 14. 

The next expedition to New France, of which we find men- 
tion, is that of Roberval. Jean Frangois de la Rocque, (or 
de la Roche,) Sieur de Roberval, a native of Picardie, pos- 
sessed such an influence in that province, that Francis the 
First called him the king of Vimeux. Roberval received 
an order to continue the discoveries begun in New France, 
and by letters patent of the date I5th January, 1540, he was 
declared to be Lord of Norembegue, viceroy and lieutenant 
general in Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, Terre Neuve, (New- 
foundland,) Belleisle, Carpent, Labrador, the Great Bay, and 
Baccalaos. (The name of Norembegue was given to the lands 
on the Pentagoet or Penobscot, and near its mouth ;) and the 
king gave 45,000 livres tournois for the expenses of the expe- 
dition. [ Canada par Ferland 1 86 1 . Quebec, partie I ere, p. 3 8.] 

History of Nova-Scotia. 5 

Five vessels formed his squadron, under Cartier as pilot, which 
sailed from France on the 23rd May, 1540. Cartier wintered 
again in Canada. Roberval did not sail until April, 1541, 
He put into St. John's, Newfoundland, and thence proceeded 
to the Saint Lawrence, where he also spent a winter. 

No permanent settlement ensued at this time in Canada. 
It is stated, however, by French writers, that a settlement 
was made in Cape Breton in 1541. For about thirty years 
after this, the passion for discovery in America took other 
directions. [A commission from Francis the First, dated i/th 
October, 1540, in favor of Jacques Cartier, for the settlement 
of Canada, is mentioned in the reports of the English, and 
French Commissaries, p. 702. They refer to Lescarbot, p. 397.] 

In 1578 Sir Humphrey Gilbert, brother by the mother's 
side to Sir Walter Raleigh, obtained a grant from Queen 
Elizabeth " of all remote, heathen and barbarous lands he 
should discover and settle." On his first voyage, he lost a 
vessel, and put back. His second voyage began nth June, 
1583, from Cawsand bay, with five vessels, one of 200 tons, 
one of 1 20, two of 40 each, and one of 10 tons. In these, 
260 men were embarked. They visited Newfoundland in July, 
and in August went to the Isle of Sable. One vessel was lost 
there; and on the 3ist August they began their return to 
England. On the 9th September the little craft of 10 tons 
disappeared, supposed to have foundered, with Sir H. Gilbert 
on board. The rest arrived in England. After the loss of 
Gilbert, Sir Walter Raleigh obtained a similar patent from 
the queen, and with the assistance of Sir Richard Greenville, 
and others, he fitted out two ships, commanded respectively 
by captains Philip Amidas and Arthur Barlow. They sailed 
from the Thames April 24, 1584, and made the American 
coast, in what is now North Carolina, on the second day of 
July. Here they traded with the natives, two of whom they 
brought with them to England, but they made no settlement 

Several subsequent voyages were made by the English, but 
no settlement was effected until 1606, when captain Smith 
went to Virginia. London Magazine 1755, p.p. 307, 308. 
In 1585, 1586 and 1587, colonies are said to have been sent 

6 History of Nova-Scotia. 

from England to Virginia, under the guidance of Sir W. 
Raleigh and Sir R. Greenville. In 1590, George White, who 
was sent there, found none of the third colony living, and re- 
turned to England. 

In 1593, Henry May, an Englishman, returning from the 
East Indies in a French ship, was wrecked on the island of 
Bermudas. He found swine there, proving that some vessel 
had been there before. The crew built a boat of cedar, caulked 
it, and payed the seams with turtle's fat, and sailed in it to 
Newfoundland, whence they got a passage to England. At 
this period, the fishery on the banks of Newfoundland was 
prosecuted by the French of Bretagne, the Basques and the 

We now come to the expedition of the marquis de la Roche, 
the date of which is disputed. 

Troilus du Mesgouez, marquis de la Roche, descended from 
an ancient family in Bretagne, had been attached to the 
French court from his youth, as a page of queen Catherine de 
Medicis. Protected by the queen, he received numerous favors 
from the kings Henry the second, Francis the second, and 
Charles the ninth ; but whether these riches and honors were 
insufficient to satisfy his ambition, or whether he cherished in 
his mind, as a more elevated object, the aggrandizement of 
French power, he solicited a commission, which he obtained 
in 1578, 3 Jan'y., which authorized him to equip vessels, dis- 
cover and take possession of new countries not belonging to 
friendly powers. By this commission he was made governor, 
lieutenant general and viceroy " in the said new lands, and 
" countries occupied by barbarous people, which he shall take 
and conquer." \Ferland, cours d'histoire du Canada, Quebec, 
1861. Part I., p.p. 58, 59.] De la Roche set sail in a single 
vessel, accompanied by an able pilot, named Chedotel, a Nor- 
man. Besides his crew, he had on board about fifty convicts, 
obtained from prisons in France. Making the Isle of Sable* 
he landed the prisoners there, and went to reconnoitre the 
shores of the main land. After some time spent in exploring, 
he sailed for France, expecting to touch at the Isle of Sable 
and take the prisoners on board again ; but a storm drove him 

History of Nova-Scotia. 7 

to the East, so fiercely, that in twelve days he made the French 

The convicts who were left on the island are said to have 
remained there seven years. Their subsistence is stated to 
have been procured from the milk of cows they found there, 
from the beef of these cows, from pork and fish. Some wri- 
ters conjectured that they were bred from cattle left there by 
de Lery in 1518. But Charlevoix says that these unfortunate 
men met with the wrecks of Spanish ships that had been sent 
to make settlements in Cape Breton, and while they used the 
wrecks to build huts for themselves, they found sheep and 
horned cattle on the .island, which had escaped from the 
wrecks and multiplied on the isle ; but they were at last redu- 
ced to such fish as they could catch as their sole dependance 
for food. When their clothes wore out they replaced them 
with seal skins. At the end of 5 or 7 years, (the term being 
differently stated by different authors,) king Henry the Fourth 
having heard of their adventures, compelled Chedotel, the pilot, 
to go in quest of them. He found but twelve survivors out of 
the forty-eight, the rest having perished from want and suffer- 
ing. The king having expressed a wish to see them in their 
singular dress, and having looked at them in their emaciated 
condition, gave to each one a present of fifty crowns, and a free 
pardon for past offences. Chedotel, having appropriated some 
furs collected by them, they sued him and recovered the value. 
E. and F. Commissaries, p. 106. I Charlevoix, 169. Lescar- 
bot, c. 3,/. 1 8. i Belknap American Biography, 40. Lescarbot, 
406, 407, 408. I Cliamplain, p. 42, who says the parliament of 
Rouen adjudged Chedotel to bring them back. 

In 1588 Jacques Noel and the sieur Chaton, nephews of 
Jacques Cartier, obtained from Henry the 3rd. an exclusive 
grant of the commerce of the gulph and river St. Lawrence ; 
and a M. Ravaillon succeeded them in this monopoly in 1591. 

In 1599 the sieur Chauvin, of Normandy, captaine pour le 
roi en la marine, who was of the reformed religion, (i Champ- 
lain, 44,) obtained a commission from his majesty, Henry the 
4th. He came to Tadoussac to trade with the natives, for 
furs ; but he did not succeed in founding a settlement. He 

8 History of Nova-Scotia. 

had the same title and powers as the marquis de la Roche ; 
but the enterprize was at his own cost and charges, while the 
expedition of la Roche had taken place at the expence of the 
State. Le Sieur du Pont grave", of Saint Malo, an experienced 
seaman, was his lieutenant, (i Champlain, 44.) Chauvin 
thought of nothing but commercial gain, and died without 
having done anything for colonization, and without having ful- 
filled his engagements. Chauvin made two voyages. In the 
first he built a small dwelling, and left sixteen men at Tadous- 
sac, who suffered much. The Sieur de Monts went with 
Chauvin on this voyage, for his pleasure, (i Champlain, 46, 47.) 

After the death of Chauvin, the commander de Chattes, 
(called de Chaste by Champlain), governor of Dieppe, an old 
man and faithful servant of the king, obtained a commission. 
Pontgrave was in charge of the expedition as navigator, and 
M. de Champlain, the founder and historian of Canada, made 
his first voyage with him in 1603. The commission of de 
Chattes appointed him lieutenant general of the king, and 
governor in America, from the 4Oth to the 52nd degree of 
North Latitude. De Chattes died before the voyage thus 
commenced under his auspices was concluded. 

After Cartier's visits to Canada, the French continued to 
trade there for furs, as well as to fish on the banks of New- 
foundland, Acadie and Cape Brecon, and they had become 
well acquainted with many parts of the coasts, among others 
with Canseau, already celebrated for the fishery. One Savalet 
(or Savalette), an old mariner, who frequented that port, had 
made no less than forty-two voyages to those parts previously 
to 1605. i Belknap, American Biography, p. 320. Lescarbot's 
New France, chapter 18. He lived at a port four leagues 
from Canso, which Lescarbot named after him port Savalet. 

Pierre de Guast, sieur de Monts, a native of Saintonge, 
was gentleman in ordinary of the chamber, and governor of 
Pons, in Saintonge. He was a Calvinist, and during all the 
troubles of the league, had rendered important services to the 
king Henry the Fourth, who reposed entire confidence in him. 
[i Ferland, Canada, 62, 64. i Belknap Am. Biography, 320. 
i Ckarlevoix> 173. i Champlain t 54.] 

History of Nova-Scotia. 9 

Demonts had made a voyage, for his pleasure, with the sieur 
Chauvin in 1599, but the climate at Tadoussac appeared to 
him so severe, that he formed the design of settling further 
South, in some country where the air should be milder and 
more agreeable. In accordance with this project, by an edict 
of 8 November, 1603, Demonts was named lieutenant general 
of the country of Cadie, from the 4Oth to the 46th degree of 
North Latitude, " to people, cultivate, and cause to be inhabi- 
" ted, the said lands the most speedily, to search for mines of 
" gold, silver, &c., to build forts and towns, grant lands, &c." 
The king, by letters patent dated 13 December, 1603, gran- 
ted to DeMonts and his associates, who were merchants of 
Rouen, Rochelle, and other places, the exclusive trade in furs 
and other merchandize, from Cape deRaze to the 4<Dth degree 
of North Latitude, comprehending all the coasts of Acadie, 
land and cape Breton, bay of Saint Cler, of Chaleur, Isles 
percees, Gaspay, Chichedec, Mesamichi, Lesquemin, Tadous- 
sac, and the river of Canada, on both shores, and all the bays 
and rivers on these coasts. \Laet. c. 21, p. 58.] 


Ce furent les Bretons et les Normands, qui, en 1'an 1504, descouvrirent les pre- 
miers des chrestiens, le grand Bane des Moluques, et les Isles de Terre Neufve, 
ainsi qu'il se remarque dans les histoires de Niflat et d'Antoine Maginus. \Cham~ 
plain, b. I c. 2. I vol. p. II. Paris, 1830. Voyages du Sieur de Champlain.] 
(The Bretons and the Normans were the first Christians who ul"overed the 
Grand Bank and the island of Newfoundland.) 


From Novus Orbis, 6-v., of Johannes de Laet, Antverp. Lugdun, Batav. apud 
Elzevirios, Ao. 1633. Written in Latin (translated) p. 36. 

" Furthermore, the island of Sable (so called by the French from its sands,) is 
situated in 44 degrees N. Lon., about 30 leagues from the island of the Britons, 
or of St. Lawrence, towards the South. It is about 15 leagues in circuit, much 
longer than it is broad, the sea surrounding it being shallow and without harbors, 
aud having a bad repute for shipwrecks. In the year 1518 the French, induced 

io History of Nova-Scotia. 

by the supposed convenience of the place, designed, under the auspices of the 
baron de Lery, to establish a colony here, but arriving late in the year, the total 
want of corn and fresh water compelled them to abandon the design ; but thej 
left behind them cattle and swine, which increased but little there, owing to the 
scarcity of food, as the greater portion of the island is nothing but pure sand. 
The Portuguese afterwards made a similar attempt, but with no better results. 
Finally, after it was long neglected by the Portuguese and other nations, the mar- 
quis de la Roche, a Frenchman, attempted again to colonize it in the year 1598. 
A few individuals were left in the island, who with difficulty supported life there, 
clothing themselves with the skins of black foxes and seals, and living on fish and 
wild animals. After five years abode, they were taken off. There is one small 
pond, but no springs of water, in the island ; many thickets of bushes, very few 
trees ; the soil naked, or but slightly covered with grass ; and the landing is 

From the History of the British Empire in America. 

In 1527, Messrs. Thorne & Elliot, of Bristol, made a voyage to Newfoundland. 
Another voyage was made thither in the Triton & Minion, from Gravesend, in 
April, 1536, with 130 persons on board. In 1579, a vessel went from England, of 
300 tons, to fish on the Great Bank, Whitburn commander ; and in 1583 he went 
thither again. Also in 1611. See post. In 1610, king James ist. granted part of 
Newfoundland to 48 persons, at the head of the list is Henry, earl of Northamp- 
ton. Among those names we find the celebrated Francis Bacon, then Sir Francis 
Bacon, solicitor general. They were thereby incorporated under the name of 
" The Treasurer and the Company of Adventurers and Planters of the city of 
" London and Bristol, for the colony or plantation of Newfoundland." 

The original grant is given in full in the history of the British Empire in Ame- 
rica, p. 133 to 136, and is dated April 27, 1610. 

They appear to have sent Whitburn there in 1610, 1611, 1613 and 1614. In 
1613 they sent 54 men, 6 women and 2 children, who wintered in Newfoundland. 

Sir George Calvert (afterwards Lord Baltimore) had a grant from James the 
first, of that part of Newfoundland between the bay of Bulls in the East and St. 
Mary's in the South, called the province of Avalon. In 1621 he sent a colony 
there, under Capt. Wynn, and a settlement was formed at Ferryland. 


Letters patent from queen Elizabeth to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, of Compton, 
Co. Devon, knight, dated n June, 2oth of her reign (1578,) to discover countries, 
" heathen and barbarous, lands, countries and territories," " not actually posses- 
sed of any Christian prince or people," " the same to have, hold, occupy and 
enjoy to him, his heirs and assigns, for ever," " with all commodities, jurisdiction 
and royalties, both by sea and by land," gives powers of granting land, &c., to 
be under allegiance to the crown of England, paying one-fifth part of all ores of 
gold and silver to the Crown, and doing homage, gives power to make war in 
defence of these acquirements. 2 Hakluyfs Voyages, p.p. 677, 679. 

On his first voyage he lost a vessel, and a gentleman, Miles Morgan, and put 
back. Ibidem, 682. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 1 1 

His 2nd voyage was begun II June, 1583, leaving Causet bay in the two fol- 
lowing vessels : I. The Delight, (alias) the George, 120 tons, admiral, in which 
the general (Sir H. Gilbert) went, Wm. Winter, captain and part owner, Richard 
Clearke, master. 2. The bark Rawley, set forth by Sir Walter Rawley. She was 
vice admiral, M. Butler, captain, and Robert Davis, of Bristol, master. 200 tons. 
3. The Golden Hinde, 40 tons, rear admiral. Edward Hayes, captain and owner, 
and Wm. Coxe, of Limchouse, master. 4. The Swallow, 40 tons, Capt. Maurice 
Browne. 5. The Squirrell, 10 tons, captain William Andrews, Cave, master. 

There were 260 men in this squadron, including shipwrights, masons, carpen- 
ters, smiths, mineral men and refinery, and musicians. After a few days, the 
Rawley put back to England, owing to a contagious sickness on board. By the 
28 June the squadron were in 41 N. L. On 30 July they made land in Lat. 51 N. 
They visited several places on the coast of Newfoundland. 5 August, Sir H. 
Gilbert assembled the merchants and masters of vessels at St. John's read his 
commission publicly, and took possession of the country to the extent of 200 
leagues in everyway from that in the name of the queen of England, and he enac- 
ted these laws I. Declaring the Church of England established. 2. Making it 
treason to interfere with her Majesty's possession of the territory. 3. To punish 
any who should speak in dishonor of her Majesty, by losing his ears, and his ship 
and goods be confiscated. They left St. John's Tuesday, 20 August, (47 40 N. 
Lat.), their general, Sir H. Gilbert, being on board the Squirrell. Next evening 
they made Cape Race, 46 25 N. Lat., whence they directed their course to the 
Isle of Sable. 

" Sable lieth to the seaward of Cape Britton, about 25 leagues, whither we " 
" were determined to goe upon intelligence wee had of a Portingall, (during our " 
" abode in St. John's), who was himself present when the Portingalls (above 30 " 
" years past) did put into the same islande both neat and swine to breede, " 
" which were since exceedingly multiplied." They sent men on shore in the bays 
near Cape Race to view the soil. " They saw pease in great abundance every- " 
" where. The distance between Cape Race and Cape Britton is 100 leagues, in " 
" which navigation we spent 8 days, having many times the wind indifferent " 
" good, yet could we never attain sight of any land all that time, seeing we were " 
" hindered by the currant. At last we fel into such flats and dangers that hardly " 
" any of us escaped : where neverthelesse we lost our Admiral, with all the men " 
" and provision, not knowing certainly the place." Two sets of reckonings are 
given, one giving 117 leagues, the other 121. Tuesday, 27 August, they had 
soundings, white sand at 35 fathoms, in latitude about 44 N. There the Delight 
was cast away and lost on the 29 August. 14 of the crew escaped in a pinnace, 
of whom 12 lived to reach Newfoundland, and were carried to France afterwards. 
31 August the remainder of the squadron began their return to England. On the 
the night of Monday, 9 September, 1583, the Squirrel was lost, supposed foun- 
dered at sea, with Sir Humphrey Gilbert on board. The Golden Hinde arrived at 
Falmouth on Sunday, 22 Septr., 1583. From the narrative of Edward Hayes, 
master of the Golden Hinde, in 2 Hackluyt, p.p. 679, 697. 


The Portuguese and French carried on fishery on the Banks of Newfoundland 
at that time. Sometimes 100 sail of vessels would be employed in it. 2 Hack- 
tuyt, 685. 

They found 36 sail in St. John's harbor 3 August, 1583. Ibidem^ 686. 

12 h istory of Nova-Scotia. 


The voyage of the marquis de la Roche is stated to have occurred in 1578. In 
1588 he was engaged on the Royal side in the wars of the League in Bretagne. 
He was captured at the town of Sable by order of the duke of Mercoeur, and sent 
to the castle of Nantes, where he remained a prisoner until 1596, eight years. 
Ferland, p.p. 59, 60. 

M. Pol. de Courcy, in his biography of the marquis de la Roche, cites a com- 
mission of Henry 3, date 1577, and conceives it was under his authority he made 
the expedition to Sable Island ; while Charlevoix and subsequent writers quote a 
commission from Henry the 4th, of 15 January, 1598, constituting de la Roche 
lieutenant general for the king, in Canada, Hochelaga, Newfoundland, Labrador, 
river of the great bay of Norembegue, &c., and assign 1 598 as the date of his 
voyage. \Fr. <Sr* English Comm., 702. Lescarbot, p. 408.] 

Aymar de Chaste, knight of Malta, commandeur de Lormeteau, lieutenant du 
roi in the bailliage de Caux, governor of Dieppe, ambassador in England, grand 
master of St. Lazare, and abbe of Fecamp, was the third son of Frangois, baron 
de Chaste, and Paule de Joyeuse. He effected a great service to France in indu- 
cing the people of Dieppe, from the 6th of August, to recognize Henry th 
Fourth. M. de Chaste became vice admiral in France. His tomb is in the 
church of St. Remi at Dieppe. Memoires et documents, <&v. Montreal, 1859, 
2e, livraison, p. 104. Fir land's Canada, part I., p. 63. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 13 


HENRY the fourth, (of France,) was disposed in favor of ex~ 
tending French enterprize in North America. His prime 
minister, Sully, disapproved of this ; thinking the climate of 
these regions too cold for settlement, and looking to the mines 
and other natural wealth of the South, as promising better 
returns to the kingdom. At this period many circumstances 
combined to encourage the project of colonization in North 
America. As early as 1504, the inhabitants of Bretagne and 
Normandie had begun to fish and to trade on the shores of 
Acadie and the coast and banks of Newfoundland. In 1534, 
Cartier explored the great river of St. Lawrence. While the 
French had been accustomed to the climate of North Ame- 
rica, the native Indians had become in some measure familiar- 
ized with traffic and intercourse with the Europeans. The 
civil war that had so long distracted France had ended, and 
the great Henry the fourth was on the throne. He had recon- 
ciled the great majority of the Catholics to himself, by adopt- 
ing their religion. Peace and good order were restored, by 
the skill and talents of Sully. Warlike enterprizes being thus 
suspended, the adventurous spirit of Frenchmen naturally 
turned to pacific and commercial objects. At the same time, 
the Protestants, being avowedly the weaker party, sought to 
establish a refuge against possible persecution. Thus we see 
that the merchants of Rochelle, and de Monts himself, (all 
Protestants), were eager to form colonies in the New World, 
free from ecclesiastical domination. It will, however, be seen, 
that in the progress of the colony at Port Royal, but few Pro- 

14 History of Nova-Scotia. 

testants came out as settlers. On the other hand, it happened 
that the attempts of the Jesuits to found missions in Acadie, 
entirely failed. The Franciscans, or Recollets were more suc- 
cessful, as they not only supplied the cures of the province, 
but they also converted the whole Micmac nation to the Chris- 
tian faith. 

It will appear through the course of events in the i/th cen- 
tury, that no religious intolerance showed itself in any part of 
the province. At the same time a jealousy and distrust gene- 
rally existed between the French governors and authorities on 
the one hand, and the priests and friars on the other. The 
commission of de Monts authorized him to instruct the sava- 
ges in the knowledge of God, and the light of the faith and 
Christian religion. The powers of governing and trading 
granted to him, extended as far North as 54 N. L., but the 
property in the lands only to 46 N. L. The exclusive right 
to the fur trade was given to him and acted on, though not in- 
cluded in his commission as lieutenant general. [2 Jesuit 
relations, p. 2.] M. de Monts was a very honest man. His 
views were upright. He was zealous for the public good, and 
he had all the capacity required for success in this undertaking. 
He was, however, unfortunate, and almost always badly served. 
The exclusive privilege in the fur trade granted to him, gave 
rise to envy, which in the event caused his ruin. He had 
kept up the association formed by his predecessor, de Chaste, 
and added to it many merchants of the chief ports of France, 
especially those of Rochelle, a great Protestant community. 
The original company consisted of merchants of Rouen, and 
of many men of quality, who joined them. [i Charlevoix, 
172, 174] The united funds of the company enabled them to 
fit out four vessels for this expedition. Part were at Dieppe, 
and part at Havre de Grace. One vessel was intended to pro- 
secute the fur trade at Tadoussac, in Canada. Pontgrave had 
orders to take another to Canseau, and thence to go along the 
narrow seas that separate Cape Breton and St. John's island 
(now Prince Edward Island) from Nova Scotia, and to drive 
away all those whom he might find interfering with the exclu- 
sive privileges of de Monts in the fur trade. The other two 

History of Nova-Scotia. 15 

vessels were conducted by de Monts himself to Acadie. One 
was of 1 20 tons burthen, and the other of 150. De Monts 
was accompanied by many gentlemen, priests, ministers, and 
by one hundred and twenty artizans and soldiers. Laet says 
he had engaged 1 20 agriculturists, " centum viginti agricolis 
conductis," c. 21, p. 58. They were of both religions, Catholic 
and Protestant. Champlain, ever ready to take part in voy- 
ages of discovery, received with joy the invitation to accom- 
pany M. de Monts in this expedition. Samuel de Champlain 
was a gentleman of Saintonge, a sea captain. He had the 
reputation of being a brave, capable and experienced officer. 
He had been two years and a half in the West Indies. He 
had been with Pontgrave" at Tadoussac, in 1603, for de Chaste. 
(Pontgrave was an able navigator, and was also one of the 
principal merchants of St. Malo. He had made several voy- 
ages to Tadoussac, and went to Canada along with Chauvin.) 
Pontgrave" was de Mont's lieutenant the first year, and Poutrin- 
court afterwards. Belknap's Am. B., 324. i Charlevoix, 179. 
With de Mont's expedition there was a gentleman of Picardie, 
Jean de Biencourt, baron de Poutrincourt, who was desirous 
of settling his family in the new world, hoping to find there 
more peace and tranquillity than in Europe. In this mixture 
of Catholics and Huguenots, Champlain believed there was a 
source of great difficulties for the new colony. I Ferland Ca- 
nada, 67. Belknap A, B., 324. I Charlevoix, 179. 

De Monts sailed from Havre de Grace on the 7 March, 1604, 
(Laet says 7 April, 1604), in a vessel commanded by captain 
Timothy, (of Havre de Grace) ; and her consort, commanded 
by captain Morell, of Honfleur, sailed three days after. They 
met on the voyage with banks of ice, and with contrary winds, 
and they went to the southward of the Isle of Sable to avoid 
ice. Champlain says they reached Cape de la Heve in one 
month. In the harbor they first entered, de Monts found 
a vessel engaged in the fur trade. In virtue of his exclu- 
sive privilege, he confiscated the vessel, and gave to the 
place the name of the master of the ship he had seized, which 
was Rossignol. This harbor is now called Liverpool. (Laet 
says they first landed at Port Mouton -portus ovium p. 58. 

1 6 History of Nova-Scotia* 

Leaving Port Rossignol, they came to another place which they 
called Port au Mouton, on account of a sheep being drowned 
there. Here de Monts landed all his people, and they staid in 
this place a month. M. de Champlain went meanwhile in a 
shallop to seek a suitable position for a settlement. A party 
of Indians was also detached with one of the crew, to find one 
of the vessels commanded by Morell, who was to have met 
de Monts at Canseau, which port the vessel de Monts was in 
had missed. Morell's vessel contained provisions, implements 
and materials of essential importance, and these were landed 
near Canseau, and were brought to Port au Mouton, with the 
aid of the Indians, while Morell's vessel proceeded to Tadous- 
sac. M. de Monts then followed the coast to the South-west, 
doubled Cape Sable, and at length anchored in St. Mary's bay. 
Two or three days after their arrival at St. Mary's bay, one of 
their priests, called Aubry, (of the city of Paris), got lost in the 
woods, not being able to find his way back to the ship. He 
remained there seventeen days, subsisting on a few herbs and 
wild fruit. At the end of this time he had found his way to 
the shores of the Bay of Fundy, (la baie Frangoise, so named 
by de Monts.) One of the shallops of the expedition happened 
to be near, and Aubry, having hoisted his hat upon a pole, 
was descried by them and rescued from his melancholy situa- 
tion ; and after a considerable time he recovered from the 
debility brought on him by the want of food and shelter. 
(i Ferland, 67.) He had gone on shore with others, and had 
got parted from his companions, and lost his way in the woods 
while seeking his sword, which he had left at a brook. They 
waited for him several days, firing guns and sounding trumpets 
to attract his attention, but in vain. A Protestant, who was 
of the party on shore, was charged with having killed him, be- 
cause they sometimes held warm arguments together about 
religion. Concluding that he was dead, they left the bay after 
sixteen days. In this bay they observed iron ore, and indica- 
tions of silver. They then entered the Bay of Fundy, which 
was then called la baie Franchise. On its eastern shore they 
discovered a narrow strait, (now called Digby Gut), and pass- 
ing through this into the spacious bason of Annapolis, they 

1604. History of Nova-Scotia. 17 

came to the site of the present town of Annapolis Royal. To 
this they gave the name of Port Royal. 

The river, now called Annapolis river, was named then, or 
subsequently, by the French, the river Dauphin, and they cal- 
led the smaller stream the 1'Equille, which subsequently was 
known as Allen's river or creek. (Champlain gives the place 
the designation of Port Royal, and he mentions a river then 
called the 1'Esquille, after the name of a little fish caught 
there " de la grandeur d'un esplan." In a German dictionary, 
equille is translated meer nadel, sea needle ; and in French 
dictionaries, esquille is a splinter, or splint.) Poutrincourt was 
so pleased with this place that he resolved on settling there, 
and requested a grant of it from de Monts, which he obtained, 
and afterwards the king confirmed it to him in 1607. i Cham- 
plain, 130. From Port Royal, de Monts sailed up the Bay of 
Fundy to Mines, since called Horton, and observed specimens 
of copper, probably at Cape d'Or. The adventurers fancied 
that they had found a mine of this metal. They also got spe- 
cimens of a shining blue stone, most probably the amethyst. 
Champdor, the pilot, having cut one of those blue stones out 
of a rock, broke it in two, giving one part to de Monts and the 
other to Poutrincourt. These they had set in gold. (On their 
return to France, Poutrincourt gave his part to the king, and 
de Monts to the queen. It is said that a goldsmith offered 
fifteen crowns for Poutrincourt's jewel.) Crossing the bay,, 
they entered the river called by the Indians the Ouigoudi, but 
by the French the Saint John, they having discovered it oa 
the 24th of June, the festival of Saint John the Baptist. They 
went up the river until their further progress was prevented: 
by the shallowness of the stream, and they were delighted and 
astonished at the beauty of the islands and of the scenery at 
the fish that swarmed in the waters, and the wild fruits that 
grew on the river's banks. Coasting southwesterly from the 
mouth of the St. John, de Monts arrived at an island twenty 
leagues further, situated in the middle of a river. This island 
and the river, below whose mouth lies the island surrounded 
in fact by salt water, was named Sainte Croix. Its. position 
has been the subject of controversy. The bay of Passama- 

1 8 h. istory of Nova-Scotia. 1 604. 

quoddy, in which it lies, contains several islands, and there are 
two rivers which fall into it. Champlain, who had left Port 
Mouton to explore the coast, had been at this place. When 
de Monts arrived there, he determined to build a fort on the 
island. Lescarbot gives the following details on the subject : 
" Leaving St. John's river, they came, following the coast " 
" twenty leagues from that place, to a great river, which is " 
" properly sea, where they fortified themselves in a little " 
" island, seated in the midst of this river, which the said " 
" Champlain had been to discover and view ; and seeing it " 
" strong by nature, and of easy defence and keeping : besides " 
" that the season began to slide away, and therefore it was " 
" behoveful to provide of lodging without running any far- " 
" ther, they resolved to make their abode there. Before we " 
" speak of the ship's return to France, it is meet to tell you " 
" how hard the isle of Sainte Croix is to be found out, to " 
" them that never were there ; for there are so many isles " 
" and great bays to go by (from St. John's) before one be at " 
" it, that I wonder how one might ever pierce so far as to " 
" find it. There are three or four mountains imminent above " 
" the others, on the sides ; but on the north side, from " 
" whence the river runneth down, there is but a sharp pointed " 
" one, above two leagues distant. The woods of the main " 
" land are fair and admirable high, and well grown, as in like " 
" manner is the grass. There is right over against the island " 
" fresh water brooks, very pleasant and agreeable : where " 
" divers of M. de Mont's men did their business and builded " 
" there certain cabbins. As for the nature of the ground, it " 
" is most excellent, and most abundantly fruitful. For the " 
"said mons. de Monts having caused there some piece of" 
" ground to be tilled, and the same sowed with rye ; he was " 
" not able to tarry for the maturity thereof to reap it ; and " 
" notwithstanding the grain fallen hath grown and increased " 
" so wonderfully, that two years afterwards we reaped and M 
" did gather of it as fair, big and weighty as in France, " 
" which the soil hath brought forth without any tillage ; and " 
"yet at this present (1609) it doth continue still to multiply" 
" every year. The said island containeth some half a league " 

1604. History of Nova-Scotia. 19 

" in circuit, and at the end of it, on the sea side, there is a " 
" mount or small hill, which is, as it were, a little isle, severed " 
" from the other, where M. de Monts his cannon were placed. " 
" There is also a little chapel, built after the savage fashion, " 
" at the foot of which chapel there is such a store of muscles " 
" as is wonderful, which may be gathered at low water, but " 
" they are small. Now let us prepare and hoist sails. M. de " 
" Poutrincourt made the voyage into these parts, with some " 
" men of good sort, not to winter there ; but as it were to " 
" seek -out his seat, and find out a land that might like him. " 
" Which he having done, had no need to sojourn there any " 
" longer. So then, the ships being ready for the return, he " 
" shipped himself and those of his company in one of them. " 
" During the foresaid navigation, M. de Monts his people " 
" did work about the fort, which he seated at the end of the " 
" island, opposite to the place where he had lodged his can- " 
" non. Which was wisely considered, to the end to command " 
" the river up and down. But there was an inconvenience ; " 
" the said fort did lie towards the north, and without any " 
" shelter, but of the trees that were on the isle shore, which " 
" all about he commanded to be kept and not cut down. The " 
" most urgent things being done, and hoary snowy father " 
" being come, that is to say, Winter, then they were forced to " 
" keep within doors, and to live every one at his own home. " 
" During which time our men had three special discommodi- " 
" ties in this island : want of wood, (for that which was in the " 
" said isle was spent in buildings), lack of fresh water, and " 
" the continual watch made by night, fearing some surprize " 
" from the savages that had lodged themselves at the foot of " 
" the said island, or some other enemy. For the malediction " 
" and rage of many Christians is such, that one must take " 
" heed of them much more than of infidels. When they had " 
" need of water or wood, they were constrained to cross over " 
" the river, which is thrice as broad of every side as the river " 
" of Seine." [Lescarbot's New France, c. 6 ; translated in 
Churchill's collection, vol. 2, p.p. 807, 808.] While the men 
were cutting timber for the buildings at St. Croix island, 
Champdore, one of the adventurers, accompanied by a min- 

2O History of Nova-Scotia. 1605. 

eralogist, sailed for St. Mary's bay, and entered it by the 
passage between Long Island and Digby Neck, called ' le petit 
passage} intending to examine more minutely the iron ores 
and the indications of silver, noticed in the previous visit to 
the bay. One result of this voyage was the recovery of the 
missing Aubry, who had wandered about the shores almost 
starved, having but berries and roots to subsist on. The fort 
on the island contained apartments for de Monts, fitted with 
panel work. The royal standard of France was hoisted on it. 
There was a storehouse erected and shingled ; and a chapel, 
bower-wise, the roof being supported by the living trees. 
Dwellings were put up for d'Orville, Champlain, and Champ- 
dore, and the other gentlemen of the expedition ; and they had 
a covered gallery for walking in bad weather. Between the fort 
and the battery were vegetable gardens. The Indians of the 
coast frequented the settlement, and were apparently pleased 
and attached to the French, and evinced especial respect for 
de Monts. 

The winter proved severe, and the people suffered so much 
from the scurvy, (a disease incident to confinement and scar- 
city of fresh water and fresh provisions), that out of those who 
wintered there, thirty-six are stated to have died, leaving 
thirty-six or forty still unwell, but who recovered in the spring. 
It appears that during the winter the colony was early com- 
pelled to subsist on salt meat, and that many of the men, to 
save themselves the trouble of crossing to the main land for 
supplies of fresh water, very imprudently drank melted snow. 
i Charlevoix, 180. 

1605. As soon as his men recovered, de Monts resolved to 
seek a comfortable station in a warmer climate. Belknap Am. 
B., 328. Having victualled and armed his pinnace, he sailed 
along the coast to Norombega, a name which had been given 
by some European adventurers to the bay of Pentagoet or 
Penobscot. Thence he sailed to Kennebec, Casco, Saco, and 
finally came to Malebarre, as Cape Cod was then called by the 
French. In some of the places which he had passed, the 
land was inviting, and particular notice was taken of the 
grapes. It may perhaps be doubted if the French account 

1605. History of Nova-Scotia. 21 

about grapes is accurate, as they mention them to have been 
growing on the banks of the Saint John and elsewhere, where 
if wild grapes exist they must be rare. The savages he met 
appeared numerous, unfriendly and thievish ; and de Monts, 
having but a small company with him, preferred safety to 
pleasure, and returned to the island of St. Croix. Here he 
was soon joined by Pontgrave, who came back from France. 
They found this place in a very bad condition, and M. de 
Monts was convinced of the necessity of removing. Pontgrave" 
brought in his ship a reinforcement of forty men, and a quan- 
tity of supplies. They crossed the bay to Port Royal, and de 
Monts concluded to transfer the colonists to that place. The 
stores remaining at Sainte Croix were brought over, while the 
buildings were left standing. The care of this transportation 
was taken by Pontgrave, whom M. de Monts appointed his 
lieutenant or deputy. De Monts is said \Ferland part i,p. 68] 
to have gone as far south this spring as 41 degrees north lati- 
tude, (near to the present city of New York), and that at the 
time there was not one European along the coast to Florida ; 
and speaking of Annapolis, Ferland says : " Port Royal, now " 
"Annapolis, founded in 1605, is the first durable settlement" 
" formed by the French in North America, and the most " 
" ancient town in this part of the world after St. Augustin." 
De Monts appears to have returned to France in the latter 
part of this year, 1605. [See de Lae't, c. 21, p. 58. 


(2 Churchill's voyages, 796-798. Nova Francia.) 

Henry, by the grace of God, king of France and Navarre. To our dear and 
well beloved the lord of Monts, one of the ordinary gentlemen of our chamber, 
greeting. As our greatest care and labour is, and always hath been, since our 
coming to this crown, to maintain and conserve it in the ancient dignity, greatness 
and splendor thereof, to extend and amplify, as much as lawfully may be done, the 
bounds and limits of the same ; we being, of a long time, informed of the situation 
and condition of the lands and territories of La Cadia, moved above all things, 

22 History of Nova-Scotia. 

with a singular zeal, and devout and constant resolution, which we have taken, 
with the help and assistance of God, author, distributor, and protector of all 
kingdoms and estates, to cause the people, which do inhabit the country, men (at 
this present time) barbarous atheists, without faith or religion, to be converted to 
Christianity, and to the belief and profession of our faith and religion : and to 
draw them from the ignorance and unbelief wherein they arc. Having also of a 
long time known, by the relation of the sea captains, pilots, merchants and others, 
who of long time have haunted, frequented, and trafficked with the people that 
are found in the said places, how fruitful, commodious and profitable may be unto 
us, to our estates and subjects, the dwelling, possession and habitation of these 
countries, for the great and apparent profit which may be drawn by the greater 
frequentation and habitude which may be had with the people that are found 
there, and the traffick and commerce which may be, by that means, safely treated 
and negotiated. We then, for these causes, fully trusting on your great wisdom, 
and in the knowledge and experience that you have of the quality, condition and 
situation of the said country of La Cadia ; for the divers and sundry navigations, 
voyages and frequentations that you have made in those parts, and others near 
and bordering upon it : assuring ourselves that this our resolution and intention, 
being committed unto you, you will attentively, diligently, and no less courage- 
ously and zealously, execute and bring to such perfection as we desire, have ex- 
pressly appointed and established you, and by these presents, signed by our hands, 
do commit, ordain, make, constitute and establish you, our lieutenant general, for 
to represent our person in the countries, territories, coasts and confines of 
La Cadia. To begin from the 4Oth degree to 46th ; and in the same distance, or 
part of it, as far as may be done, to establish, extend, and make to be known, oar 
name, might, and authority. And under the same to subject, submit, and bring 
to obedience, all the people of the said land and the borderers thereof: and by 
the means thereof, and all lawful ways, to call, make, instruct, provoke and incite 
them to the knowledge of God, and to the light of the faith and Christian religion, 
to establish it there : and in the exercise and profession of the same, keep and 
conserve the said people, and all other inhabitants in the said places, and there to 
command in peace, rest and tranquillity, as well by sea as by land : to ordain, 
decide, and cause to be executed, all that which you shall judge fit and necessary 
to be done for to maintain, keep and conserve, the said places under our power 
and authority, by the forms, ways and means prescribed by our laws. And for to 
have there a care of the same with you, to appoint, establish and constitute all 
officers, as well in the aifairs of war as for justice and policy, for the first time ; and 
from thenceforward to name and present them unto us ; for to be disposed by us, 
and to give letters, titles, and such provisoes as shall be necessary : and, accord- 
ing to the occurrences of affairs, yourself, with the advice of wise and capable men, 
to prescribe under our good pleasure, laws, statutes and ordinances, conformable, 
as much as may be possible, unto ours, especially in things and matters that are 
not provided by them ; to treat and contract to the same effect, peace, alliance, 
and confederacy, good amity, correspondency and communication with the said 
people and their princes, or others, having power or command over them ; to 
entertain, keep, and carefully to observe the treaties and alliances wherein you 
shall covenant with them : upon condition that they themselves perform the same 
of their part. And for want thereof to make open wars against them, to constrain 
and bring them to such reason as you shall think needful, for the honour, obe- 

History of Nova-Scotia. 23 

dience and service of God, and the establishment, maintenance and conservation 
of our said authority amongst them ; at least to haunt and frequent by you, and 
all our subjects with them, in all assurance, liberty, frequentation and communi- 
cation, there to negotiate and traffick lovingly and peaceably ; to give and grant 
unto them favours and privileges, charges and honours. Which entire power 
aforesaid, we will likewise and ordain, that you have over all our said sub- 
jects that will go that voyage with you and inhabit there, traffick, negotiate and 
remain in the said places, to retain, take, reserve and appropriate unto you what 
you will and shall see to be most commodious for you and proper to your charge, 
quality and use of the said lands, to distribute such parts and portions thereof, to 
give and attribute unto them such titles, honors, rights, powers and faculties as 
you shall see necessary, according to the qualities, conditions and merits of the 
persons of the same country, or others : chiefly to populate, to manure, and to 
make the said lands to be inhabited, as speedily, carefully and skilfully as time, 
places and commodities may permit. To make thereof, or cause to be made to 
that end, discovery and view along the maritime coasts and other countries of the 
main land, which you shall order and prescribe in the aforesaid space of the 4Oth 
degree to the 46th degree, or otherwise as much and as far as may be, along the 
said coast, and in the firm land. To make carefully to be sought and marked all 
sorts of mines of gold and of silver, copper, and other metals and minerals, to 
make them to be digged, drawn from the earth, purified and refined, for to be con- 
verted into use, to dispose according as we have prescribed by edicts and orders, 
which we have made in this realm of the profit and benefit of them, by you or 
them whom you shall establish to that effect, reserving unto us only the tenth 
penny of that which shall issue from them of gold, silver, and copper, leaving 
unto you that which we might take of the other said metals and minerals, for to 
aid and ease you in the great expences that the aforesaid charge may bring unto 
you. Willing, in the meanwhile, that as well for your security and commodity as 
for the security and commodity of all our subjects, who will go, inhabit and traf- 
fick in the said lands ; as generally of all others that will accommodate themselves 
there under our power and authority, you may cause to be built and frame one or 
many forts, places, towns, and all other houses, dwellings and habitations, ports, 
havens, retiring places and lodgings, as you shall know to be fit, profitable and 
necessary for the performing of the said enterprize. To establish garrisons and 
soldiers for the keeping of them. To aid and serve you for the effects aforesaid 
with the vagrant, idle persons and masterless, as well out of towns as of the coun- 
try ; and with them that be condemned to perpetual banishment, or for three 
years at least out of our realm ; provided always that it be done by the advice, 
consent and authority of our officers. Over and besides that which is above 
mentioned, (and that which is moreover prescribed, commanded and ordained 
unto you by the conditions and powers which our most dear cousin the lord of 
Ampuille, admiral of France, hath given unto you for that which concerneth the 
affairs and the charge of the admiralty, in the exploit, expedition and executing of 
the things abovesaid), to do generally whatsoever may make for the conquest, 
peopling, inhabiting and preservation of the said land of La Cadia ; and of the 
coasts, territories, adjoining, and of their appurtenances and dependencies, under 
our name and authority, whatsoever ourselves would and might do if we were there 
present in person, although that the case should require a more special order than 
we prescribe unto you by these presents : to the contents whereof we command, 

24 History of Nova-Scotia. 

ordain, and most expressly do enjoin all our justices, officers and subjects to eon- 
form themselves ; and to obey and give attention unto you in all and every the 
things aforesaid, their circumstances and dependencies. Also to give unto you 
in the executing of them, all such aid and comfort, help and assistance, as you 
shall have need of, and whereof they shall be by you required ; and this upon 
pain of disobedience and rebellion. And, to the end, nobody may pretend cause 
of ignorance of this our intention, and to busy himself in all, or in any part of the 
charge, dignity and authority which we give unto you by these presents ; we have 
of our certain knowledge, full power and regal authority, revoked, suppressed and 
declared void, and of none effect hereafter, and from this present time, all other 
powers and commission, letters and expeditions given and delivered to any per* 
son soever, for to discover, people and inhabit in the foresaid extention of the 
said lands, situated from the said 4Oth degree to the 46th, whatsoever they be. 
And, furthermore, we command and ordain all our said officers, of what quality 
and condition soever they be, that after these presents, or the duplicate of thenv 
shall be duly examined by one of our beloved and trusty counsellors, notaries and 
secretaries, or other notary-royal, they do upon your request, demand and suit, or 
upon the suit of any of our attornies, cause the same to be read, published and 
recorded in the records of their jurisdiction, powers and precincts, seeking, as 
much as shall appertain unto them, to quiet and appease all troubles and hinder- 
ances which may contradict the same ; for such is our pleasure. 

Given at Fountainbleau, the eighth day of November, in the year of our Lord 
1603, and of our reign the I5th. 

Signed ' Henry,' and underneath, by the king * Potier,' and sealed upon single 
label with yellow wax. 

1605. History of Nova-Scotia. 25 


1605. A point of land situated near the head of the basin of 
Port Royal was selected whereon to place the new settlement. 
The chief river, (called the river of Port Royal, afterwards the 
river Dauphin, and now the Annapolis river) was in front, and at 
some distance in the rear there ran a smaller stream, then cal- 
led the 1'Equille, subsequently the little river, and Allen's creek 
or river. Buildings for residence and storehouses were erec- 
ted. The Indians of the country, then called Souriquois, since 
Micmacs, were friendly, and exchanged furs for European goods, 
and everything for the time being was prosperous. Towards 
autumn de Monts sailed for France, leaving Pontgrave", as his 
lieutenant, with Champlain and Champdore to have charge of 
any expeditions or explorings by land or water. 

The basin of Annapolis is sheltered all round by high ground. 
It extends in length about eighteen miles, and is three or four 
miles wide. The water is deep and the bottom good. The 
entrance from the bay of Fundy is narrow. The scenery of the 
basin is beautiful, and the site of Port Royal, now Annapolis, is 
delightful. The river is navigable for small vessels as far as 
Bridgetown, fifteen miles higher up. The river has its source 
in the Caribou bog in Aylesford. The climate here is mild, and 
the summer it is thought sets in earlier than in most parts of 
Nova-Scotia. Extensive alluvial grounds redeemed from the 
sea, called (dyked marshes,) with good uplands, and plenty of 
wood for fencing, fuel and building, unite to make this an agri- 
cultural country of great value. The land is well wooded, as 

26 History of Nova-Scotia. 1605. 

you recede from the cultivated farms. It must have been 
abounding in game, birds and fish, when the French first came 
to settle. Charlevoix says, (vol. I., p. 181), "The climate" 
" there is temperate, the winter less rough than in many " 
" other places of the coast, the game abundant, the country " 
" charming, vast meadows environed by large forests, and " 
" everywhere fertile lands." On the Southeastern shore of the 
basin there are the Moose river, Bear river, and near Digby 
the river Raquette. In the basin are Goat island and Bear 
island. On the south side there is a remarkably pretty inlet 
called the Joggin. Indeed among the soft and varied land- 
scapes which Nova-Scotia presents in summer, none are more 
diversified and agreeable than the views on the river and basin 
of Annapolis. 

Pontgrave" used every care and was active in making suita- 
ble arrangements for the lodging and comfort of those who 
stayed. With the arrival of winter, the Indians came from 
distances to Port Royal, bringing the skins of the beaver, the 
otter and the moose to barter. They also brought with them 
fresh meat, and feasted merrily. Bread was abundant in the 
settlement for the colonists and their Indian friends, but their 
stock of wine was exhausted before the winter came to an end. 
\Lescarbofs Neiv France, 2. Churchill 's Voyages.'] The dispo- 
sition shewn by the Micmacs to a friendly intercourse with 
the French may be attributed to two causes : I. That the 
Micmacs, though called savages, were an intelligent, honest, 
and kind race of men. 2. That for a century before, from 
150410 1604, there had been dealings and acquaintance be- 
tween them and fishermen from Bretagne, the Basques and 
other French, who frequented these coasts. To what extent 
this existed cannot, perhaps, be now ascertained ; but the facts 
of Rossignol being found here with his vessel trading, and of 
the many voyages of Savalette to Acadie, lead to the inference 
that much commerce existed before 1605. One of the great- 
est annoyances the settlers felt, was their being compelled to 
grind up their grain in hand mills. The Indians declined to 
assist in this severe labor, although half the meal ground was 
offered them as recompense. Six of the settlers died this 

1605. History of Nova-Scotia. 27 

winter, and Lescarbot thought this labor of grinding had con- 
tributed to kill them. They had not cut trenches to carry off 
surface water from their dwellings, so that they were damp 
and unwholesome ; and he also blamed their drinking brook 
water, instead of the water of some spring, for their ill health ; 
but as he did not arrive at Port Royal until the next season, 
he speaks by hearsay and conjecture. 1606. The winter being 
past, and the sea navigable, monsieur du Pontgrave* fitted out 
the barque which remained with him, in order to make another 
voyage down the coast to cape Mallebarre, in search of a 
milder climate for settlement, Port Royal being thought unfit, 
though sheltered on the North and Northwest by high land. 
The vessel was twice driven back by contrary winds, and on a 
third attempt struck on the rocks near the entry of the port. 
In fine, he gave up the project ; but while he waited for the 
succor and supplies that M. de Monts, on leaving for France, 
promised to send out in the following spring, he nevertheless 
was prudent enough to build another barque and a shallop, 
intending, if no supplies came, to seek with these vessels for 
French ships in the Eastern parts, where the French were in 
the habit of sojourning to dry their fish ; such as Campseau, 
(Canso), English port, (Louisburg,) Miramichi, bay of Chaleur, 
&c., and in case of finding them, to ship himself and his people 
in them, and so to return to France. 

M. de Monts, on his return to France, found great discou- 
ragements. The heavy expense, and small return of his 
adventure, set the minds of people at home against it. He 
persevered, howsover, in his plans, and in the spring wrote to 
Poutrincourt, soliciting his continued assistance. Poutrincourt 
persuaded Marc L'Escarbot, an advocate of Paris, to go with 
them. The complaints of the French fishermen induced the 
king to revoke the exclusive privileges of the fur trade which 
de Monts held. I Charlevoix, p. 1 84. Poutrincourt endeavor- 
ed, but without success, to obtain at Paris some learned priest 
to go out with him, to assist the only one who remained at 
Port Royal. On this occasion, de Monts had the aid of two 
respectable merchants of Rochelle, messieurs Macquin and 
Georges. With their help, after long delays and difficulties, he 

28 History of Nova-Scotia. 1606. 

fitted out the Jonas, of 150 tons, captain Foulques, at the port 
of Rochelle. On the nth of May, 1606, de Monts, Poutrin- 
court and Lescarbot being on board, the Jonas left Rochelle 
harbor, and on Saturday, Whitsun eve, the 13 May, they 
weighed anchor, and put out to sea. After a long voyage, 
they sighted St. Pierre island, Newfoundland, and came near 
enough to Canseau to meet and converse with Frenchmen 
from St. Malo, in their fishing smacks, and Indians of the 
coast. Here some of their men landed, intending to go along 
the shore to Port Royal. July 23 they touched at port Mouton, 
where seventeen men were landed. They found the cabins 
that de Monts had made there in 1604 uninjured, and at this 
place they took in wood and water. On the 25 July they pas- 
sed near cape Sable, and on the 26th they cast anchor at the 
mouth of Port Royal, firing two guns as a salute, the ebb tide 
preventing their going in then. On Thursday, the 27th, they 
got in with the flood tide. They displayed their white banner, 
and were saluted from the fort by four guns, and returned it 
from the ship with three. I Charlevoix 184. Thus ended a 
voyage, on which the success of this settlement essentially 
depended, for the long delay in the arrival of the Jonas, and 
the scarcity of food, &c., induced Pontgrave to embark all his 
people, except two men left in the fort ; and they had set sail, 
and were on their way to France, when he met a shallop, by 
which he learned that the Jonas had been spoken off Canseau, 
and on this news he went back to Port Royal. There he found 
that the Jonas had already got in, they having missed meeting 
each other. It appears that de Mont's ship, coming from the 
eastward, had gone outside of Brier island j while the vessels 
of Pontgrave^ on leaving the basin of Port Royal, had gone 
through the petit passage, between Long island and the main, 
and thus they did not fall in with the Jonas. 

When de Monts and his friends got to Port Royal, they 
found there only the two men, named la Taille and Miquelet, 
who had volunteered to remain in charge of the place and of 
the stores left behind. Pontgrave" had but a barque and a 
shallop. His design was to run down the Eastern coast with 
these, in hopes to meet some French ship that should give 

1606. History of Nova-Scotia. 29 

them a passage home. On friday, July 28, 1606, the day after 
his landing, Poutrincourt set his people to work. Some to till 
and manure the ground, others to clean the chambers, and 
every one at some preparatory labor. Meantime some of the 
men who had landed from the Jonas at Canseau, met with 
Pontgrave" on the coast, and came on with him. Pontgrav6, 
returning with his barque and shallop, got into Port Royal on 
monday, 3ist July, where he remained until the 8th of August, 
intending to go to France in the Jonas, as a passenger, and to 
leave his barque and shallop for the benefit of the colony. 

The reunion of the friends was the occasion of a time of fes- 
tival. Poutrincourt opened a hogshead of his best wine, and 
all who came were free to partake, until, as Lescarbot says, 
some of them drunk until their caps turned round. Lescarbot, 
after describing the obstacles that attended the fitting out the 
Jonas, and the damages she sustained before sailing from 
France, says, " Notwithstanding M. de Monts and his asso- " 
" ciates did bear manfully the loss ; and I must needs be so " 
" bold as to tell in this occurrence, that if ever that country " 
" be inhabited with Christians and civil people, the first praise " 
" thereof must of right be due to the authors of this voyage." 
On his arrival at Port Royal, he says, " Finally, being in the " 
" port, it was unto us a thing marvellous to see the fair dis- " 
" tance and the largeness of it, and the mountains and hills " 
" that invironed it, and I wondered how so fair a place did " 
"remain desert, being all filled with woods, seeing that so." 
"many pine away in the world which might make good of" 
" this land, if only they had a chief governor to conduct them " 
" thither. At the very beginning we were desirous to see " 
" the country up the river, where we found meadows almost " 
" continually above twelve leagues of ground, among which " 
" brooks do run without number, which come from the hills " 
" and mountains adjoining. The woods are very thick on " 
" the water shores." Reverting to the abundance of brooks, he 
says, " Yea, even in the passage to come forth from the said " 
" fort, for to go to sea, there is a brook that falleth from the " 
" high rocks down, and in falling disperseth itself into a small " 
" rain, which is very delightful in summer," and he speaks of 

3O History of Nova-Scotia. 1606. 

caves at the foot, and a rainbow when the sun shines there. 
(The Jesuit relation, written in 1614, refers to the vast pastu- 
rages and meadows in the bay of Chignecto (Cumberland, and 
on the river of Port Royal and other parts of Acadie.) 

1606. Lescarbot says of the marsh meadows, " Some might " 
" marvel how those meadows are made, seeing that all the " 
" ground in these places is covered with woods. For satisfac- " 
' tion whereof, let the curious reader know, that in high spring " 
" tides, specially in March and September, the flood cover- " 
" eth those shores, which hindereth the trees there to take " 
" root. But everywhere, where the water overfloweth not, " 
" there are woods." This alluvial land in different parts* of the 
bay of Fundy has been greatly increased in extent and in 
value, by dykes built to keep out the sea. The French began 
this, and it has been carried on to a much greater extent by 
their English successors. The land thus made available for 
agriculture, and called dyked marsh, contains a great depth of 
soil free entirely from stones. It consists of the finer portions 
of earth washed down by the rains that have fallen during 
unnumbered centuries from the higher grounds, and it contains 
also much decayed vegetable matter. It is exceedingly rich 
and productive, requiring no aid of artificial manure, it being 
only necessary to till it to check the rapid growth of weeds. 
Wheat and other grain, as well as grass, are cultivated profita- 
bly on these marshes. When the surface has lost its fertility 
by exhausting crops, its powers of production are renewed by 
letting in the salt water for two or three seasons, whereby the 
necessity of digging or ploughing is saved. Marshes of this 
description are to be found in the counties of Annapolis, 
Kings, Hants, Colchester and Cumberland, all lying on the 
bay of Fundy. 

1606 History of Nova-Scoha 31 


POUTRINCOURT having a fondness and esteem for agriculture, 
proceeded, in fifteen days after his arrival, to sow a variety 
of grain and vegetables, and within eight days he had the plea- 
sure of seeing the beginning of their growth, on the 20 August. 
Lescarbot says, " Poutrincourt caused an enclosure of ground " 
" to be cultivated, with the aid of our apothecary, Louis " 
" Hebert, a man who, besides the experience he had in his " 
" art, took great pleasure in the cultivation of the earth." 
Hebert was born in Paris, and afterwards went to Quebec, 
where he obtained ten arpents of land in what is now the 
haute ville, (Upper town). Many of the old families of Canada 
trace their descent from him. I FerlancTs Canada, p. 180. 

On the 25 August, 1606, they began to prepare the ship 
Jonas and the barque for sea. Notwithstanding all the beauty 
and fertility of Port Royal, M. de Monts still felt a desire to 
find a better place at the Southward. He therefore prevailed 
on Poutrincourt to make another voyage to cape Mallebarre ; 
and so the latter resolved to employ the rest of the summer 
in this expedition. On the 28 August, the ship and the barque 
both sailed from Port Royal, each taking a different course. 
In the ship, de Monts and Pontgrave" returned to France. 
Poutrincourt went in the barque with M. de Champdore for 
master and guide, taking his course first towards the isle of 
St. Croix ; but from stress of weather, the barque being also 
leaky, he was forced to put back again twice. Eventually 
they reached Sfc Croix, where they found corn growing, and 

32 History of Nova-Scotia. 1606. 

sent some of it to Port Royal. Lescarbot was requested to 
stay, to look to the house, and keep the rest of the company in 
concord. He employed himself there in preparing the ground 
to make inclosures, and gardens for corn and vegetables. He 
caused a ditch to be made all round the fort, to carry off the 
water that had lodged among the fallen trees and roots, and 
caused dampness. He says they had " store of joiners, car-" 
" penters, masons, stone cutters, locksmiths, tailors, sawyers, " 
" mariners, &c." They were called on to work only three 
hours a day, they bestowed their spare hours on picking up 
shell fish ; but one of M. de Monts' men supplied the table of 
Lescarbot and his friends with wild geese and other birds in 
plenty. Bread was abundant, and at first they had wine enough 
to give three quarts a head per day. This, from their hospi- 
tality, became afterwards scarcer, and they were reduced to a 
pint each daily. The provisions brought out on this second 
expedition were various and excellent, and they obtained stur- 
geon, salmon, also moose and caribou meat from the Indians 
in exchange for bread. The Indians were very friendly and 
generous, making a free gift to the French of half the venison 
they brought in, and selling the other half fairly and publickly, 
taking bread in payment. Some of the masons became bakers, 
and produced as good bread as that made in Paris, and one of 
the sawyers set himself, to manufacture charcoal, with success. 
Ferland (part i./. 70 ) says of Lescarbot, "Although a fron-" 
"" deur, and little of a friend to the Jesuits, he was religious, " 
" and well enough instructed in Christian truths to act as a " 
" catechist for the Indians of the environs of Port Royal. He " 
"" fulfilled the functions of this office with zeal, there being no " 
"priests there; for those who had come in 1604 had left" 
*' Acadie, and M. de Poutrincourt, in the hurry of his depar- " 
" ture, had not been able to obtain any to accompany him. " 
" Lescarbot, a man of mind, and endowed with great good M 
41 sense, aided the success of the settlement by his gaiety and " 
" his good advice." Meanwhile Poutrincourt pursued his coas- 
ting voyage towards cape Mallebarre, (cape Cod), touching at 
many harbors in his way. Near the cape, the shoals made the 
navigation dangerous. The rudder of his vessel was broken, 

1606. History of Nova-Scotia. 33 

and it cost him fifteen days delay to repair damages. Signs of 
hostility and of treachery appearing on the part of the Indians, 
Poutrincourt ordered all hands to leave the shore and go on 
board. Five young men, who disobeyed this command, were 
surprized by the savages, and several of them killed. On the 
alarm being given, ten men went ashore in the shallop, inclu- 
ding Poutrincourt himself, and his son ; a son of Pontgrave ; 
Robert Grave ; Daniel Hay, the surgeon ; the apothecary and 
the trumpeter. This party landed in haste, without arms, but 
the Indians fled. The French found two of their men dead, 
whom they buried on the spot ; a third man died on the shore, 
and a fourth of his wounds at Port Royal. The fifth was 
wounded, and survived then, but came to an ignominious end 
in Canada not long afterwards. The report was that they had 
fired two muskets at the Indians, because an Indian had stolen 
a hatchet ; and that the surprize and murder were in revenge 
for their conduct. After the French had returned to their 
vessel, the Indians came at low water and tore down the cross 
under which the men were buried, took up one of the bodies,, 
and by their gestures insulted the French, who could not come 
on shore. They had before yelled and danced in triumph, 
while the funeral service was performed. When the tide ser- 
ved, the French landed and replaced the cross and the body. 
After this Poutrincourt tried to pass beyond the cape ; but 
the weather being adverse, he put back, and, with continued 
disasters, arrived at Port Royal on the I4th day of November, 

M. Poutrincourt was joyfully received ; FEscarbot, who was 
addicted to poetry, making French verses for the occasion, 
and placing over the gate of the fort the arms of France, envi-> 
roned with laurel crowns of native growth, with the king's 
posy or motto, Duo protegit unus, and under, the arms of M. de 
Monts, with this inscription, Dabit deus his quoque finem ; and 
those of M. Poutrincourt, with this other inscription, Invia 
virtuti nulla est via; both of these also environed with bays. 
The public rejoicing being finished, M. de Poutrincourt had a 
care to see his corn, the greatest part of which he had sowed 
two leagues from the fort, up the river 1'Equille ; the rest 

34 History of Nova-Scotia. 1606. 

near the fort. He found that which was first sown very for- 
ward, but not the last, which had been sown the 6th and loth 
November, but it continued to grow under the snow. Lescar- 
bot notices the continuance of charcoal burning for the use of 
the forge, and the use made of the compass as a guide in the 
woods ; also the making of wood roads. He also describes an 
arrangement, originated by Champlain, and established at the 
table of M. Poutrincourt, called Vordre de bon temps, (the order 
of happy times.) There were fifteen guests, each of whom, in 
his turn, became steward and caterer of the day. At the din- 
ner, the steward, with napkin on shoulder, staff of office in 
hand, and the collar of the order round his neck, led the van. 
The other guests in procession followed, each bearing a dish. 
After grace in the evening, he resigned the insignia to his suc- 
cessor, and they drank to each other in a cup of wine. It was 
the steward's duty to look to supplies, and he would go hunt 
or fish a day or two before his turn came, to add some dainty 
to the ordinary fare. During this winter they had fowl and 
game in abundance, supplied by the Indians and by their own 
exertions. Those feasts were often attended by Indians of all 
ages and both sexes, sometimes twenty or thirty being present. 
The sagamore, or chief, Membertou, the greatest sagamore of 
the land, and other chiefs, when there, were treated as guests 
and equals. Ferland, Canada, part \.,p. 71, says, "A good" 
" and joyous company of gentlemen was united about Pou- " 
" trincourt, among whom were to be remarked his son, " 
" the young Biencourt, Champlain, Lescarbot, Louis Hebert, " 
" and probably Claude de la Tour, as well as his young son " 
" Charles Amador de la Tour. Champlain established the " 
" society de bon temps, whose members served as maftres " 
" d'hdtel, each one his turn, and whose duty it was while they " 
" filled this office, to watch over the wants and the amuse- " 
" ments of the company. The fishing and hunting, which " 
" were extremely abundant, furnished inexhaustible resources " 
" to this public functionary." Although the settlers were thus 
cheered up, and the winter was a fine one, yet four deaths 
from disease occurred among them in February and March, 

1607. History of Nova-Scotia. 35 

1607. The colonists were at work, early in the spring, sow- 
ing their little garden plots. In order to avoid the severe 
fatigue the men had experienced with the hand mills, M. Pou- 
trincourt built a water mill. The millers employed their leisure 
time in catching herrings and pilchards, which were of great 
service for food ; and two hogsheads of herrings and one of 
pilchards were salted and sent to France. He also built two 
barques, and having no pitch, he collected the gum of the fir 
trees, caused bricks to be made, contrived a furnace, also an 
alembic made up of several kettles, and distilled this gum into 
pitch. Through the period which had elapsed since de Monts 
first landed in Acadie, whatever joys or sorrows the colonists 
had felt, it would seem that they were destitute of the society 
of woman, except of such Indian females as they might occa- 
sionally see, as no mention is made of any white woman in the 
accounts left us of their adventures. 

The progress of the colony was at this time abruptly inter- 
rupted. One morning after prayer had been said, and break- 
fast distributed as usual there, the Indian chief, Membertou, 
came to tell them that a vessel was getting up the basin 
towards the fort. Poutrincourt, in his small barque, with 
Champdore and Daniel Hay, went to meet her, and saluted 
her with four discharges of cannon and twelve of his fauconets,. 
which salute was returned. She proved to be a small barque* 
under the charge of a young man of St. Malo, named Cheva- 
lier. On his arrival at the fort, Chevalier delivered letters to 
M. Poutrincourt, which were publicly read. They were to the 
effect, " that for to help to save the charges of the voyage, " 
" the ship, being yet the Jonas, should stay at Campseau port, '" 
" there to fish for cods, by reason that the merchants associ- '" 
" ate with mons. de Monts, knew not that there was any fish- '" 
" ing further than that place ; notwithstanding, if it were '" 
" necessary, he should cause the ship to come to Port Royal. '" 
" Moreover that the society was broken,, because that, con- '" 
" trary to the king's edict, the Hollanders,, conducted by a "" 
" treacherous Frenchman called La Jeunesse, had, the year '" 
" before, taken up the beavers and other furs, of the great '" 
" river of Canada, a thing which did turn to the. great damage '" 

36 History of Nova-Scotia. 1607. 

" of the society, which for that cause could no longer furnish " 
" the charges of the inhabiting in these parts, and therefore " 
" did send nobody to remain after us." It was the cause of 
grief to many of the colonists to leave a place now so promis- 
ing, with gardens and comforts gathering round them. 

About this time, Membertou, who was a very old chief, went, 
in the beginning of June, at the head of four hundred of his 
people, to make war on the Armouchiquois tribe at Chouakoet, 
which was about eight leagues distant from Port Royal, (called 
by the Indians Shawmakotook, now called Saco. 2 Belknap 
Am. B., 149.) Membertou remembered Cartier's visit in 1534, 
being a married man with a family so far back, that is over 70 
years previously, and yet he looked like a man not over fifty. 
He was friendly to the French, and afterwards died a sincere 
convert to the Christian faith. He had been an Autmoin, that 
is, a juggler, prophet or medicine man. He had the talent of 
telling stories, and amused and interested the French. The 
chiefs of the Souriquois (Micmacs) are said by Denys to have 
been great at telling of tales, and laughing. When the pipe 
went round in company, the practised story teller began. The 
bowl of the pipe was a lobster's claw, or else was made of a red 
or green stone. The tube was worked with care, and was 
decorated with porcupine quills. The tobacco was of a small 
sized plant, which they raised themselves. Membertou was 
tall in stature, and had a beard, which the Indians in general 
have not. 

Poutrincourt wished to delay his departure from Acadie 
until his corn at Port Royal was ripe, accordingly he sent 
Chevalier across the bay to Ouigoudi, (now St. John's river), 
where he might buy beaver, and to Sainte Croix. Lescarbot 
went with him, and describes an encampment or town of 
Indians on the river. Many of them belonged to Gaspe, 
whence there was, as they stated, a journey of only six days in 
their canoes, using lakes and rivers, and carrying their canoes 
over the portages or intervening necks of land. These Indians 
had assembled on the St. John, to join Membertou in his war 
against the Armouchiquois. Lescarbot speaks of steel dis- 
covered there among the rocks, by Champdore and himself, 

1607. History of Nova-Scotia. 37 

and molten by Poutrincourt, of which a knife was made, that 
cut like a razor. After paying a visit to the isle of St. Croix, 
where the former settlement had been made, they returned to 
Port Royal. Poutrincourt had himself been to Mines, and 
had got back. In consequence of the unfavorable despatches 
they had received from the company in France, most of the 
settlers embarked at Port Royal for Canseau, in two of their 
small barques on the 30 July. That in which Lescarbot sailed 
put into Laheve. There he found a mine of " marcasite of 
copper." They next entered a small but good port, four leagues 
short of Canseau, where they were received kindly by captain 
Savalet, of St. Jean de Luz. Lescarbot says, " This good, " 
" honest man told us that the same voyage was the forty- " 
" second voyage that he had made into these parts, and " 
" nevertheless, the Newfoundland men do make but one in a " 
" year. He was marvellously pleased with his fishing, and " 
" told us moreover, that he took every day fifty crowns worth " 
" of fish, and that his voyage would be worth a thousand " 
" pounds. He paid wages to sixteen men, and his vessel was " 
" of eighty tons, which could carry 100,000 dry fishes." After 
four days delay, they reached Canseau. Poutrincourt, finding 
his grain ripe, pulled up specimens of it by the root, to carry 
to the mother country, to shew the goodness of the soil and 
climate. Membertou and m's men returned victorious, but 
were grieved at the departure of their French friends, who 
promised to send successors, and left them ten hogsheads of 
meal. August 1 1, 1607, Poutrincourt, with eight men, left Port 
Royal (uninhabited now) in a shallop for Canseau, and after 
visiting captain Savalet's vessel, and being kindly entertained, 
arrived at Canseau about the 26th August. On the 3rd Sep- 
tember the colonists sailed from Canseau in the Jonas, for 
France ; on the 26th they sighted the Land's end in Cornwall, 
and on the 28th they entered Roscoif, in Lower Bretagne. 
Poutrincourt, having arrived at Paris, exhibited his specimens 
of corn to the king ; he also presented him with five wild geese, 
which he had bred from the eggs, and they were sent to Fon- 
tainebleau. [During this year 1607, the English are said to 

38 History of Nova-Scotia. 1608 

have made a settlement at Sagadahock. I Williamson's His- 
tory of Maine, p. 198.] 

1608. De Monts, in March, 1608, sent out several families, 
but whether they went to Port Royal, or to Canada, Lescarbot 
does not say : pere Charlevoix says they went to the Saint 
Lawrence, v. I., p. 88, but he adds that Champdore and others 
had gone to Port Royal, and found the grain growing there 
finely, and that they had been received with friendship by 
Membertou. Lescarbot closes this part of his work by stating 
M. Poutrincourt's determination to settle Port Royal, and to 
take his family there. Lescarbot dates his work in 1609. 
M. de Champlain began his settlement at Quebec in this year, 
1608. M. de Monts had now turned his attention and devoted 
his exertions to Canada. Champlain arrived at Quebec on 
the 3rd July, 1608, and began at once to erect buildings and 
clear land. Champlain says he was himself three years and a 
half in Acadie, part of the time at Ste. Croix, and part at Port 
Royal, -vol. \.,p. 61. 


It is not to be supposed that the Indians who frequented the settlement at Port 
Royal were the ignorant, naked savages some persons may have imagined. The 
climate of the northern parts of America would never have permitted men to dis- 
pense with clothing. There can be little doubt, that when these lands were first 
visited by Europeans, the generality of the aborigines had supplies of clothing, 
which the skins of animals taken in the chase, and those of the seal would furnish 
in plenty. They had acquired the art of dressing these skins, and making them 
pliable and soft. Independent ol the necessities of covering, the natural love of 
ornament must have tended to care in the beauty of their dress. They have ever 
displayed skill in making their wigwams or tents of bark in their canoes of the 
same material, (the bark of the birch tree), so light for carriage, so beautiful, 
framed with delicate pieces of elastic wood inside and securely fastened and made 
water-tight in their bows and arrows their fish spear for salmon and for lob- 
sters, and in the peculiar portable cradle for their infants, carried by the mother 
on her back in their journeys. All these articles were peculiarly and skilfully 
adapted to the necessities of frequent removal from place to place, as game or fish 
became scarce. The shoe they wore (moccasin) displays great judgment and inge- 

History of Nova-Scotia. 39 

y, and when decorated, as is often the case, shows great taste. The snow shoe 
or raquette is an instance of masterly adaptation to use, and has proved not only 
valuable but indispensable to winter travelling in these regions. It is not so certain 
that the basket work and ornamental porcupine quill work were acquired by them 
before their intercourse with white men ; but it is most probable that they had 
made such articles for use and show for centuries before, and that the art of dying 
in many colors was known and practised among them long before the French first 
settled in Acadie. Although they possessed no written alphabet or letters, yet 
the structure of their language is so complex, and it is so musical and refined, as 
to lead to the inference that they had long been a civilized and thinking race of 
people. Around our larger towns and villages the remnants of Indian tribes, 
often half casts, may be found in an indolent, miserable and beggarly condition, 
many of whom are addicted to intemperate drinking habits, and our people are 
apt to judge of the Micmac race by such unfortunate specimens, and in this way a 
very low estimate of the Micmac is adopted. A fair and liberal review of the 
position and conduct of this little nation would lead to more kindly aud favorable 
conclusions. Bad men have in some instances been found among them, but as far 
as our records can serve, it appears that they have usually been honest, frank, 
brave and humane, and they exhibited these qualities as well before as since their 
conversion to the Christian faith. 

Their mode of warfare differed from ours, and in some cases their war resulted 
in cruel and indiscriminate slaughter, without distinction of sex or age ; but on 
actual investigation of the facts, it will not be found that this sanguinary theory 
of severity was usually or generally carried into effect. If their hostilities were 
in some cases cruel, the retaliation by the Europeans was often as bad, if not 
worse. Very much of the mischief occasioned by Indian wars since the settlement 
of these countries by the French and English, has been owing to the influence of 
the Europeans being exerted to stimulate the Indian to destroy their rivals in 
trade and settlement. (Mr. Catlin's work on the Indians of North America is 
deserving of praise, and it shows how little the term " savage", which the French 
applied, is a correct designation.) 

Drake's Book of the Indians, book 2, p. 12, quoting from Mourt's relation, in 
i Massachusetts Historical Collections, VIII, 218, 219., reads thus: 

" As good as his word, Samoset came the next Sunday, and brought with him " 
" five others, tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's skin on him, and " 
" the principal of them had a wild cat's skin, or such like, on one arm. They " 
41 had, most of them, long hosen up to their groins, close made ; and above their " 
" groins to their waist, another leather ; they were altogether like the Irish " 
" trowsers. They are of complexion like our English gipsies ; no hair or very " 
" little on their faces ; on their heads long hair to their shoulders, only cut be- " 
" fore, some trussed up before with a feather broadwise, like a fan ; another a " 
" fox tail hanging out." This was in 1620, at the landing of the pilgrims near 
cape Cod. In the " History of the British Empire in America," p. 79, 80, in the 
description of the Indians of Hudson's bay, is the following : " How far decency " 
" might cause these Indians to cloath themselves does not appear, but it might " 
" be that and the nature of the climate ; for though the boys are permitted to go " 
" almost naked until they are ten years old, or more, the girls wear a frock, " 
" such as will be mentioned hereafter, quite from their infancy. To make their " 
" cloaths of skins, was not only a thing plain and obvious in itself, as well as " 

4O History of Nova-Scotia. 

" suitable ; but, they are under a necessity of so doing, as those parts supplied'* 
" nothing else which would answer the purpose ; and their industry taught them " 
" to make the skins soft and pliable, and to be clear of that stiffness which would " 
" make them in a manner unserviceable. This kind of clothing was in use " 
" amongst all the nations in the earliest times, and they agreed with the Indians " 
" not only in use, but also in the forms they made up the skins in. The Indians " 
" have a large square outer coat, much like a blanket in shape and size, made T 
" either of deer skins, or a parcel of beaver skins sewed together. It hangs >r 
" loose from the shoulders, trailing along the ground, and is tied across the n 
" breast with two strings. The part that is behind the neck and on the shoul- '* 
" ders lay in rolls ; sometimes they set it up hollow like a cope ; at other times " 
" it lies flat like a cope hanging part down each arm. It is painted on the '" 
" leather side of the skin with strokes of red and black, like a border, near " 
" to the edge or outer part of the coat, round the bottom, and some way up " 
" the sides. This outer coat is all chipped or hanging in thongs, those at " 
" the bottom about an inch wide, and three inches long, but those up the " 
" sides and nearer the head, less ; some of which they also paint red. The " 
" best dressed people among the Greeks and Romans, in the earliest times, " 
" were those who wore the skins of beasts which they had taken amongst their " 
" herds, or that they had killed in the chase. They were, a long time, the " 
" Royal mantle of Princes, and the ornament of heroes. The Indians make a " 
" frock of these skins, which they wear under their outer coat. This frock is of " 
" deer or mouse (moose ?) skin, reaching to the knees, with a slit only at the " 
" neck, for the easier getting it on, and a slit a little way up each thigh ; mostly " 
" with sleeves that reach to the wrist, 'and are joined to the coat by a seam three '* 
" inches down the arm. The lower part they paint with two red strokes, and " 
" also clip the bottom to make it hang in small thongs like fringe, some of which '* 
" they also paint red ; and at the part where the arms are sewed on or joined, " 
" they usually ornament with fringes made of beads and brass tags, or with work '* 
" which is of porcupine quills, after the manner of an embroidery, and is what " 
" they call Nimmy Hogging " the woman's dress is like the man's, with only '* 
" this difference, that the frock hath slits made under the arms, and generally " 
" longer than the frock which the men wear ; under the frock, both sexes have '" 
" skins which pass between their legs, and are fastened to a strip of deer's skin, " 
" tied above the hips ; a man when in the tent will strip himself of all his clothes " 
" but this ; the woman never undresses herself farther than her frock. The " 
" stockings are of the same materials as the frocks, shaped according to the leg, " 
" or as a spatterdash, leaving a border where they are sewed up on the side, of" 
" about four fingers in breadth, which they scallop at the edges ; these stockings " 
" reach quite to the thighs, and are made fast to the strip of deer skin round " 
" their waist, gathered below the knee with garters made of porcupine quills " 
" colored and deers' sinews, very neat. These stockings, as well as shoes, they " 
" seldom wear in summer. Their shoes are of deer skin or mouse" (moose ?) 
" skin, stripped of the hair, the sole and upper part the same, without heels, " 
" and gathered round the instep as a purse. The shoes are often worked up the " 
" front with porcupine quills, variously colored," &c. Such was the Indian 
dress, but they have in general found it necessary to wear cloth clothing, since the 
Europeans have settled on their lands. The Micmac usually wears an English 
hat, a frock coat and leggings made up by the squaws. The color is dark blue, 

History of Nova-Scotia. 41 

with some red trimmings as borderings. His finer dress is similar, with bead 
trimmings. He retains his moccasins, and frequently he wears a belt outside his 
frock, and a pouch of skin to hold his money and tobacco. His gun, his squaw, 
his little dog and his bark canoe, are his chief worldly properties. If he be a chief 
or great captain, he will, on ceremonial occasions, when he goes to worship, or to 
wait upon a provincial governor, take pains to be elegantly attired in scarlet or 
blue clothes, made up in an antique pattern of a semi-military cut, derived proba- 
bly from the French style of dress of the i6th and I7th centuries. He is also fond 
of wearing silver medals, the gifts of governors and bishops to himself or his 

While on this subject, I feel compelled to insert some verses anonymously pub- 
lished not long since, on the Indian names of places in Acadie. They appear to 
me as remarkable for good taste as for metrical sweetness and graceful versifica- 
tion : 


The memory of the Red Man, 

How can it pass away, 
While their names of music linger 

On each mount, and stream, and bay ? 
While MUSQUODOBOIT'S waters 

Roll sparkling to the main ; 
While falls the laughing sunbeam 

On CHEGOGIN'S fields of grain. 

While floats our country's banner 

O'er CHEBUCTO'S glorious wave ; 
And the frowning clifls of SCATARIE 

The trembling surges brave ; 
While breezy ASPOTOGON 

Lifts high its summit blue, 
And sparkles on its winding way 

The gentle SISSIBOU. 

While ESCASONI'S fountains 

Pour down their crystal tide ; 
While INGANISH'S mountains 

Lift high their forms of pride ; 
Or while on MABOU'S river 

The boatman plies his oar, 
Or the billows burst in thunder 

On CHICKABEN'S rock-girt shore. 

The memory of the Red Man, 

It lingers like a spell 
On many a storm-swept headland, 

On many a leafy dell ; 

42 History of Nova-Scotia. 

Where TUSKET'S thousand islets 

Like emeralds stud the deep ; 
Where BLOMIDON, a sentry grim, 

His endless watch doth keep. 

It dwells round CATALONE'S blue lake, 

Mid leafy forests hid 
Round fair DISCOUSE, and the rushing tides 

Of the turbid PISIQUID. 
And it lends, CHEBOGUE, a touching grace, 

To thy softly flowing river, 
As we sadly think of the gentle race 

That has passed away forever. 


1608. History of Nova-Scotia. 43 


HITHERTO our chief original authority for the events attending 
on the settlement of Acadie, whether great or small, has been 
the interesting and not unamusing work of Lescarbot, called 
Nova Francia, as contained in an English translation, in the 
2nd volume of Churchill's Collection, London, 1/45, in folio. 
Lescarbot gives a full account of the productions, climate, 
aborigines, &c., and will always have an attraction for those 
who care to know anything of this land. Though evidently 
written by a cheerful, sanguine person ; yet making allowance 
for this, and for the passages in which he reports from the 
observation of others, there is a spirit of truth and a sincerity 
pervading his work. The same praise for simplicity and truth 
is due to the Relation of the Jesuits. I have to rely chiefly on 
the first volume of this work published at Quebec, in 1858, for 
occurrences in Acadie from 1608 to 1613. The descriptions 
it offers of the climate and country of persons and events, 
are marked by high intelligence, good sense, and obvious 

It appears that, at this time, the aborigines of the peninsula 
of Acadie were known to the French as the Souriquois, (in the 
1 8th and iQth centuries called Micmacs,) and their total popu- 
lation about the year 1610 was estimated at from 3000 to 3500 
souls. The Indians of New Brunswick, (as it is now called), 
were named the Etemenquois, or Etchemins ; and their num- 
ber, reckoning as far as Pentagoet, (Penobscot), is set down 
at 2500, including probably the same people that we call the 
Malachites, or Mele^ites. From Pentagoet to Kinnibequi, 

44 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 609. 

(Kennebec), and further south to Chouacouet, (Saco), there 
was an Indian population of 3000, and there was yet another 
tribe called the Montagnets, comprising 1000 souls. In all 
there were about 10,000 or 12,000 Indians scattered among 
those innumerable rivers, lakes, bays, woods and shores, and it 
seems probable that all those of Gasp6, the bay of Chaleur, 
cape Breton, and St. John's island, were included to make up 
the amount of Indian population. 

At the close of 1607, as we have seen, all the followers of 
messieurs de Monts and Poutrincourt had returned to France, 
and all New France, (Canada and Acadie), was for the time 
without a French or other European inhabitant. In 1608 
M. Champlain, appointed by de Monts as his lieutenant, was 
sent on further discoveries in the St. Lawrence, and at that 
time began the settlement of Quebec, a place since so impor- 
tant and celebrated. He built dwellings there and cleared 
land in 1608. \Champlain, v. i.,p. 151.] Poutrincourt (Jean 
de Poutrincourt) having requested of de Monts, while they 
were both in Acadie, to have a grant of Port Royal, obtained 
his consent, upon condition that he should bring out and settle 
several families there. Poutrincourt returning to France in 
1607, petitioned king Henry the fourth to ratify this donation, 
with which request his majesty complied. The king decided 
that he would procure the services of the Jesuits in the conver- 
sion of the Indians in Acadie, and accordingly applied, through 
pere Coton, to the General of the order. The king offered to 
allow 2000 livres (per annum ?) from that time for the expences 
of the missionaries, [i Champlain, p, 130] Pere Pierre Biard, 
a native of Grenoble, was first selected from a number who 
offered to go, and he was sent to Bourdeaux from Lyon, where 
he had been teaching theology. When he got to Bourdeaux, 
about the end of the year, he found that the people were sur- 
prised at his coming, as no news had arrived of the expedition 
sent in the summer to Canada, but rumors of disaster pre- 
vailed, and there was no idea then of sending out vessels. 

1609. An inscription of the date 1609 is said to have been 
found on a stone at the Scotch fort opposite to Goat island, in 
Annapolis basin. We may conclude that M. Poutrincourt had 

i6io. History of Nova-Scotia. 45 

been unable, as yet, to follow out his intention of re-settling 
Port Royal, as we find that he came to Paris in the latter part 
of the year 1609. Tbe king was surprised and vexed to find he 
had not gone out to Port Royal the year before, having been 
under the impression that he would do so immediately on the 
ratification of his grant. Poutrincourt satisfied the king, pro- 
mising to proceed as soon as possible with his settlement, and 
father Coton offered Poutrincourt the assistance of any of the 
members of his order. Poutrincourt said that this had better 
be postponed, until he should go out to Acadie and make 
arrangements at Port Royal ; and that he would send his son 
back to France, who should carry out any missionaries the 
king approved of. [i Champlain, 131.] After this, Poutrin- 
court spent all the winter in making preparations for his voy- 
age. Claude de la Tour is supposed to have come to Acadie 
about 1606 or 1609, and his descendants averred that he held 
a commission of governor and obtained large grants of land 
from Louis 13, but the grants have not been produced. 

1610. About the end of February, 1610, M. Poutrincourt set 
sail, and did not reach Port Royal until the beginning of June, 
perhaps touching at other places on his way, to trade or for 

On the 24 June, 1610, St. John's day, about 24 or 25 of the 
Indians were baptized at Port Royal, by a priest called messire 
Josse Flesche, surnamed the patriarch, (called Josue Fleche 
by Champlain, v. I., p. 131,) all the Indians of the neighbor- 
hood being there assembled. [The chief Membertou, of 100 
years old, is said to have been then baptized. Laet,p, 59.] 
M. Poutrincourt sent his son, M. Biencourt, who was about 
nineteen years old, back to France, to carry the news of the 
baptism of the Indians, and to bring out succors for the colony, 
which was insufficiently provided to face the ensuing winter, 
The means adopted by Biencourt on his arrival in France was a 
partnership he formed with Thomas Robin, called de Coloignes, 
a youth, whose father was in business. It was agreed between 
them that de Coloignes should supply the settlement at Port 
Royal for five years with all necessaries, and should provide 
funds for the barter trade with the Indians, and should have 

46 History of Nova-Scotia. 1610. 

certain specified profits and advantages in return. Coloignes 
and Biencourt came to Paris in August, and the baptism of 
the new Indian converts was made known at court. [Henry 
the 4th was assassinated by Ravaillac 14 May, 1610.] 

Madame la marquise de Guercheville, the wife of the sieur de 
Liencourt, first esquire of his majesty, and governor of Paris, 
actuated by religious zeal for the conversion of the Indians, 
interested herself in forwarding the projected mission of Jesuits 
to Port Royal. Father Pierre Biard, already mentioned, and 
father Enemond Masse, (called Raimond Masse, i Champlain. 
131), (who died at Sylleri in Canada in 1646, i Charlevoix, 416), 
were appointed to go out, and having had a meeting personally 
with messrs. Robin and Biencourt, an arrangement was made 
for their being at Dieppe to embark for Acadie on the 24th of 
October of the same year, 1610: for at that time they were 
told every thing would be ready, wind and tide serving. In 
consequence of this the queen, Marie de Medicis, directed five 
hundred crowns to be paid to the Jesuit missionaries, (Cham- 
plain says the 500 crowns were given by king Louis, having 
been promised by his father), the marchioness de Vermeuil 
presented them with suitable dresses and utensils for perform- 
ing mass, madame de Sourdis furnished them with linen, 
and madame de Guercheville with whatever else they required 
for the voyage, [i Charlevoix, p. 190. Relations des Jesuites, 
v. i., p. 27.] On the missionaries proceeding to the rendezvous 
at Dieppe, at the time appointed, they found not only that the 
vessel was not ready for sea, but that two traders, named du 
Chesne and du Jardin, huguenots, who had made advances tor 
her outfit and cargo, on behalf of Robin, insisted that no 
Jesuits should embark in her, professing at the same time their 
willingness that any other priests might go ; and Robin and 
Biencourt were compelled to act in conformity with their 
views, being dependant on them for part of their funds. The 
queen, on hearing of this obstacle, ordered M. de Cigoigne, 
the governor of Dieppe, to remove it, but in vain. So madame 
de Guercheville, having ascertained that the advances of the 
Dieppe traders did not exceed 4000 livres, set herself to work 
to raise the amount by subscription among the chief princes 

i6io. History of Nova-Scotia. 47 

and lords of the court, and speedily obtained the requisite 
amount. Thus armed with the means, with the approval and 
consent of Robin and Biencourt, she discharged the demands 
of du Chesne and du Jardin, and thus the vessel was enabled 
to sail. At the same time she bargained for an interest in 
the profits of the goods and trade, such share in the profits to 
belong to the Jesuits' mission, in proportion to the sum thus 
advanced on behalf of the undertaking. 

[In 1610 the English began a settlement in Newfoundland, 
at Conception bay, and the same year Samuel Argal visited 
Seal rock, near the mouth of Penobscot bay, in Lat. 43 44' 
North. Sir George Somers also landed at Sagadahock in 
September, 1610, and captain Edmund Harlow visited Mon- 
hegan, and carried off two natives. I Williamsons History of 
Maine, p. 207. The French king is said to have appointed 
the count de Bourbon, governor of Canada, in this year, 1610.] 

48 History of Nova-Scotia. 1611. 


1611. The pecuniary difficulty having been removed, 
court sailed with the two Jesuits on board, on the 26 January, 
1611. On this voyage, which was of four months' duration, 
they met M. Champlain, who was on his way to Quebec, 
among the ice, about the end of April. It was fresh water ice, 
which had been over a hundred leagues to sea from the St. 
Lawrence. In some instances they saw icebergs floating, of 
the height of thirty or forty fathoms, say from 180 to 240 feet 
high, " as big as several castles joined together, or as the " 
" church of Notre Dame of Paris, with part of the isle, houses " 
" and palaces." At length they made the land at Canseau, 
and after following the coast, and stopping at several places, 
they arrived at Port Royal on Whitsunday, the 22 June, 1611. 
The missionaries, by their devout and humble conduct on the 
voyage, obtained the favor and esteem of the captain of the 
vessel, Jean d'Aune, and of the pilot, David de Bruges, both of 
the reformed religion, [i Champlain, 133.] The vessel was 
small, not over 60 tons, and the crew and passengers amounted 
to 36 in number. (Lae't gives a more unfavorable account of 
the conduct of the Jesuits, p. 59.) Poutrincourt had with him 
at Port Royal twenty-three persons, without sufficient means 
to subsist them, and he had been forced to depend on aid from 
the Indians to support them for some weeks. His joy was 
therefore greater at the arrival of succor, on account of its 
being so long delayed. He had now, however, fifty-nine 
mouths at his daily table, besides the chief, Membertou, and 
the chiefs daughter and train. This little vessel was not over- 

i6n. History of Nova-Scotia. 49 

stocked with provisions, being fitted out more in the manner 
ojf a fishing vessel than any other. He therefore deemed it 
necessary to go in this, his own vessel, to the opposite coast for 
further supplies, and father Biard went with him. They went 
to a harbor called La pierre blanche, (the white stone), lying 
twenty-two leagues due West from Port Royal. There they 
found four French vessels, i. one belonging to M. de Monts. 
2. a vessel of Rochelle. 3. a St. Malo vessel, belonging to du 
Pontgrave, commanded by a relative of his, captain Lasalle. 
4. a barque also from St. Malo. Poutrincourt called them one 
by one before him, and made them recognize his son, Bien- 
court, as vice admiral ; and he then requested them each to aid 
him with supplies, promising to repay them in France, to 
which they consented. On this occasion Biard reconciled 
some differences that existed between M. de Poutrincourt and 
the young Pontgrave, who was in refuge in that place among 
the Indians, 

Poutrincourt left Port Royal for France to obtain further 
aid, in July, 1611, about the middle of the month, and got 
home about the middle of August, leaving his son Biencourt 
in command. Twenty-two persons in all, counting the two 
Jesuits, remained at Port Royal at his departure. The mis- 
sionaries were very anxious to learn the Indian language, 
and set about it earnestly. In August, Biencourt heard that 
a vessel from Honfleur was at Port aux Coquilles, twenty- 
one leagues West from Port Royal, and taking father Biard 
and a small party with him, he went thither, and also to Ste. 
Croix, six leagues further. While they were away, Membertou, 
who had been the first Indian convert baptized in Acadie, and 
who had on that occasion received the name of Henry, in 
honor probably of Henry the fourth, became ill of a dysentery, 
and was brought in that condition from St. Mary's bay to Port 
Royal, to seek advice and care. Father Masse nursed him 
tenderly, but after Biard's return his case appeared fatal, and 
the Indian expressed his wish to be buried with his forefathers, 
Biard and Biencourt had a dispute on this subject ; the former 
thinking that if the body of the chief were not interred in the 
Christian burial ground, his tribe might be led to doubt the 

5O History of Nova-Scotia. 1611. 

' reality of his conversion, and that this idea would prove an 
obstacle to their own : while Biencourt, who had promised the 
old man previously to fulfil his desire, said that the Indian 
burial place could be consecrated. Finally, the affair was set- 
tled by Membertou's agreeing that father Biard should bury 
him with the Christians. In October and November Bien- 
court made a trip to the river St. John, and then to Kennebec 
and the isle of Ste. Croix. During the last no one was left 
at Port Royal, except father Enemond Masse, and a young 
man from Paris, named Valentine Pageau. The snow began 
this season on the 26th November, and with the snow came 
short allowance to the colonists. The weekly food for each 
individual consisted of about ten ounces of bread, half a pound 
of lard, three dishfuls of peas or beans, and one dishful of 
prunes. During this time of scarcity, their Indian friends, 
(with the exception of the family of Membertou), did not bur- 
then the fort with their attendance. Sometimes, but rarely, 
the Membertou's called with a present of game, and thus made 
a real festival for the French. On the third Sunday after 
Christmas, father Biard having preached a sermon from the 
text, " Vinum non habent," out of the gospel for the day, and 
made a practical application of it to their distresses, after ser- 
vice, suggested to M. Biencourt to give his people the little 
wine he had left, saying that he had an inward feeling that 
relief was nigh. Biencourt complied with this proposal, and 
in reality a vessel arrived eight days after. 

M. Poutrincourt having returned to France in August, 161 \, 
applied to madame de Guercheville, who advanced a thousand 
crowns for the purchase of a cargo, securing to herself a fur- 
ther interest along with Robin and the Biencourts in the 
returns to be made from the colony. Poutrincourt having 
strictly reserved Port Royal to himself in the articles of agree- 
ment, assuming to have property in the rest of the province ; 
madame de Guercheville made enquiry and found that all the 
province, except Port Royal, belonged to M. de Monts. She 
then procured from de Monts a release of his rights, and from 
Louis 13, a grant of the province to herself, excepting Port 
Royal, which belonged to Poutrincourt. M. de Poutrincourt 

1 6 1 1 . History of Nova-Scotia. 5 1 

put the control of the vessel and cargo in the hands of Simon 
Imbert. Imbert was a servant of M. Poutrincourt, and had 
previously been the keeper of a tavern at Paris, and he now 
wished to place the sea between himself and certain creditors. 
The master of the vessel was called Nicholas L'Abbe, of 
Dieppe, a man of good sense and character. This vessel left 
Dieppe on the 3ist December, 1611, and arrived safe at Port 
Royal on the 23d January, 1612. Her coming was of course 
grateful to the hungry settlers. 

Soon after, dissensions arose between Biencourt and the 
Jesuits. Gilbert du Thet, a member of that order, came out 
passenger in L' Abbess vessel, and in presence of Biencourt 
and Biard expressed his surprise that Imbert, having charge 
of the embarkation, had brought no charter party or manifest, 
nor any statement of the disbursement of the money advanced 
by the marchioness, and alleged the sale of corn by Imbert at 
Dieppe. Imbert, being told of this, accused the Jesuits of 
contrivance with the marchioness to expel the Biencourts from 
their seigneurie and possessions, but was obliged subsequently 
to retract his assertions, and the disputes were finally pacified, 
About this time, father Masse went to St. John's river, to take 
up his abode with Louis Membertou and his family in the 
Indian way of life, in order to extend his knowledge of the 
Micmac language. Masse being at one time sick and in a 
separate cabin, (or wigwam as we call it), Membertou found 
him one day suffering great pain, and said, " Hear me, father : " 
" you are going to die. I foresee it. Write then to Biencourt " 
" and your brother, that you died of sickness, and that we " 
" have not killed you." " I shall take good care not to do so, " 
said father Enemond, " for it may be that after I have writ- " 
" ten the letter you would kill me and carry back the letter " 
" of innocence that you did not kill me." The Indian acknow- 
ledged the propriety of his reply, and laughed, saying. " Well " 
" then, pray to Jesus that you may not die, to the end that I " 
" may not be accused of putting you to death." " So I shall " 
" do," said Enemond ; " have no fear, I shall not die." 

In the latter part of August, in this year, 1612, M. de Bien- 
court went to Mines and Chinictou, (now called Horton and 

52 History of Nova-Scotia. 1612. 

Cumberland), in a small shallop, having in her only eight days' 
provisions. Father Biard accompanied him. At Chinictou he 
saw very fine meadows reaching as far as he could see, (natural 
salt march.) He states the Indians there to be altogether 
sixty or eighty souls, and that they are less of wanderers than 
other savages ; as he conjectures, from their retired situation 
and the abundance of game there ; and he considered the land 
would be very fertile, if cultivated. On their return they were 
twice in great danger from tempests, and afterwards for want 
of food. The winter of 1612- 1613 was passed by the little col- 
ony with scanty store of provision. The Jesuits themselves 
built a shallop, by aid of which, Biard, one Jean Baptiste Char- 
pentier, and a servant of the priests, sailed up the river in quest 
of roots and acorns, and afterwards used her to fish for her- 
rings and a smaller fish caught there. Biencourt's vessels, 
being three good shallops, which he had in the beginning of 
the year, had been all ruined before this. 


We find that at this time piracy was at a great height on the Atlantic. Tho 
famous Peter Easton in 1612 commanded ten pirate ships, and in June of that 
year took one hundred men from the fishing vessels about Newfoundland. 
[i Williamson. History of Maine, p. 210, note.] Captain Richard Whitburn, of 
Exmouth, in Devonshire, in 1579, was employed by Mr. John Cotton, in a ship of 
300 tons burden, to fish on the Great bank lying to the eastward of Newfoundland. 
In 1583 he again went to Newfoundland, in command of a vessel of 220 tons, 
fitted out by Mr. Crook, and was present on the 5 August, 1583, when Sir Hum- 
phrey Gilbert took formal possession of the country. (See ante 1583.) Whitburn 
was also in Newfoundland in 1614 and 1615. In 1611 captain Whitburn went to 
Newfoundland, and there met with " the famous pyrate Peter Easton, who then " 
"' commanded ten sail of stout ships." He applied to captain Whitburn, to " 
*' endeavor the procurement of a pardon for him in England, for his many pyra- " 
** cies. In expectation of this, he hovered for some time on the coast of Bar- " 
" bary ; but his patience being at last tired out, by slow James and his peaceable " 
" court, sailed through the straits of Gibraltar, and was taken into the service of" 
" the duk of Savoy." History of the British empire in Amerva+f. 136. 

1613. History of Nova-Scotia. 53 


1613. The poverty of the colony at Port Royal, exposing it 
to the possible contempt of the uninformed Indians, the want 
of concord between young Biencourt, (the acting governor), 
and the Jesuit missionaries, and possibly her title to Acadie 
recently acquired by the cession of de Monts and the grant of 
Louis 13, apparently contributed to induce the marchioness 
de Guercheville to form the project of a new settlement and 
mission. Gilbert du Thet, the Jesuit, had returned to France, 
and probably concurred in this plan. Poutrincourt, who had 
remained in France in 1612, had got into a misunderstanding 
with the marchioness, [i Charlevoix, 205], and although Cham- 
plain urged her to unite her interests with de Monts in the 
new colony of Quebec, and proposed that she should advance 
3600 livres in that quarter ; her distrust of de Monts, groun- 
ded solely on his being a huguenot, caused her to refuse, 
although Champlain himself guaranteed the uprightness and 
sincerity of his friend. 

The marchioness obtained the sanction and aid of the queen 
mother, Marie de Medicis, for her enterprize, and fitted out a 
vessel of 100 tons at Honfleur. [i Champlain, 137.] She gave 
the command of this expedition to M. de Saussaye, who was to 
govern in Acadie in her name. The master of the ship was 
Charles Flory de Hableville, a brave and judicious man. La 
Saussaye took with him about thirty persons, who were to 
winter in the country. Two Jesuits, Gilbert du Thet and 
pere Quantin (or Quentin), were on board, intended to replace 
the other two, Biard and Masse, if they should have perished, 

54 History of Nova-Scotia. 1613. 

or otherwise to return to France. The whole party, crew and 
passengers, amounted to forty-eight persons. The queen sup- 
plied four tents and some ammunition. The vessel was very 
fully provided with one year's allowance for the settlers, and 
besides this live horses and goats were sent in her. Thus 
liberally furnished, she set sail from Honfleur on the 12 March, 
1613, and made land at cape La heve in Acadie on the 16 May, 
1613. At La heve they said mass, and planted a cross, with 
the arms of the marchioness affixed to it, as a mark of their 
taking possession, and thence they sailed to Port Royal. 

There they found but five persons, viz., Biard and Masse, 
their servant, the apothecary Hebert, and one more ; Biencourt 
and his people being scattered in different directions. To 
Hebert, as representing the absent governor, they presented 
the queen's letter, authorizing the departure of Biard and 
Masse, [i. Champlain, 137], and taking these two Jesuits with 
them, they departed after five days' detention, caused by a 
contrary wind. Sailing with a north-west breeze, they made 
for Pentagoet, intending to go to a place in that vicinity called 
Kadesquit, where the new settlement was proposed ; but when 
they came south east of the isle of Menano, (Grand Manan), 
the weather became so thick that they had to lie to for two 
days and nights, and they drove up and down until clear wea- 
ther showed them the island of Monts deserts, called Pemetiq 
by the Indians, and they made a harbor on the east side of the 
island, which they named port Saint Sauveur. Having found 
a very good site for settlement in Pentagoet, or Penobscot bay, 
in the neighborhood of Mount-desert island, with a secure and 
convenient harbor, where vessels may lie as safe as in a pond, 
and the largest ship may approach the shore within a cables' 
length, they gave up the first design of going to Kadesquit, 
and began their labors here, erecting buildings and tilling 
the ground. It appears, however, that there was a want of 
concord among them. This settlement was in about 44 30' 
N. L., and at or near the mouth of the river Penobscot : 
(Douglas calls it Sagadahock.) All the people of the colony, 
being about 25 or 30 in number, and the crew of the ship, 35 
in number, who had engaged to remain three months with 

1613. History of Nova-Scotia. 55 

them, set to work at buildings and clearing ground. There 
was a gentleman, lieutenant of de la Saussaye, named Lamotte 
le Vilin. 

The English had been about seven years engaged in set- 
tling in Virginia, and they were in the habit at this period of 
coming annually to catch fish, as far north as Pemquit, which 
Is about twenty-five leagues south of Penobscot. A squadron 
of ten or eleven of these Virginian fishing craft, convoyed by an 
armed vessel under the command of captain Samuel Argal, 
came north in 1613. Some of the Indians of the coast, un- 
aware of any hostility existing between the English and 
French, informed Argal that the Normans, (for the Indians 
called the French so then), were near Monts deserts, with a 
vessel. Acting on this information, Argal attacked with mus- 
quetry the French vessel which Lamotte Vilin commanded. 
Champlain says the English had sixty soldiers and fourteen 
pieces of artillery. During the battle, Gilbert du Thet took 
the place of the absent gunner, and was himself mortally 
wounded by the second discharge of the English muskets. 
Captain Flory was wounded in the foot, and three others also 
wounded. After this the French vessel surrendered. Besides 
the wounded, two Frenchmen were drowned, one a youth of 
Dieppe, called le Moine, and another of Beauvois, called 
Neveu ; whose bodies were found nine days after and properly 
Interred. Larnetz and four others escaped, [i Champlain, 
139.] After the capture of the French vessel, the English 
came ashore, and captain Argal requested to see de la Saus- 
saye, stating that the territory they were in belonged to Vir- 
ginia, and that they, the English, had attacked them in con- 
sequence of their unauthorized intrusion there. He desired to 
see the commissions of the French, saying that if they were 
regular he would be favorably disposed towards them, on 
account of the friendship of the two crowns. Argal, it is sta- 
ted, privately opened de la Saussaye's chest, and abstracted 
thence his commission and royal letters. Next day La Saus- 
saye came back, and when required by Argal to show his 
commission, looked for it in his chest, where it was no longer 
to be found. Argal then accused him of being a freebooter 

56 History of Nova-Scotia. 1613. 

and pirate, and then gave up the French ship and settlement 
to pillage by his men. The pilot of the vessel (called by Char- 
levoix, Lamets, and in the narrative of the Jesuits named 
Le Bailleur of Rouen) took refuge in the woods. The English 
surgeon, himself a Catholic, took every care of the wounded 
French, who, at the request of Biard, were carried on shore, 
where du Thet died. Biard and Masse waited on captain 
Argal, on board his ship, and, after long argument and per- 
suasion, induced him to adopt a friendly line of conduct to his 
prisoners. The Jesuits' history describes Argal as " wise " 
" and crafty, but yet a gentleman of noble courage," and he is 
there stated also to have had a " noble heart." The Indians 
generously offered to maintain the French, if they remained, 
through the whole winter. Captain Argal, however, and his 
lieutenant, William Turnel, entered into a discussion with de 
la Saussaye as to the return of the French. It was decided at 
length that part of the French should take a shallop they had 
there, and that the rest, especially the mechanics, should go 
with Argal to Jamestown, Virginia remain there one year 
with free exercise of religion, and, if they would go back to 
France, then be sent home. Fifteen of the settlers remained 
with Argal to go in his ship to Jamestown, and fifteen went off 
in the shallop with the seamen of the French vessel. Among 
the party who went in Argal's ship were de la Motte, captain 
Flory and father Biard, also the two Jesuits who had recently 
come from France. (Q. Du Thet having been killed.) De la 
Saussaye and father Masse went with the party in the shallop. 
Their number was increased by the accession of the pilot, who 
had hid in the woods, and now disguised as an Indian was for- 
tunate enough to find the shallop going off. Thence they 
went to Grand Manan, Long island, cap Fourchu, (Yarmouth), 
and when off port au Mouton they were apprized of two French 
ships of St. Malo, (Malouins), being on the coast ; one at 
Sezambre, (Sambro), the other at Passepec, (Prospect.) One 
of them was of fifty tons, belonging to Pontgrav^, and already 
mentioned ; the other of one hundred tons, commanded by 
captain Vible Bullot. Each of those vessels took half of the 
shallop's party on board to carry them home. During this 

1613. History of Nova-Scotia. 57 

coasting they fished successfully, found a store of salt left by 
Biencourt on Long island, and received food and even bread 
as presents from the Indians they met with. Those who went 
in the small vessel (Pontgrave's) were exposed to much suffer- 
ing by hunger and bad weather. Masse was in the larger 
craft, called the Sauveur, and the pilot Alain Yeon and the 
seamen showed them kindness, and they fared the best. Both 
vessels arrived at St. Malo, at the same time ; where the bishop, 
governor, magistrates, merchants and people generally, gave 
them a kind and generous reception. The other party of fifteen 
French, when they got to Virginia, were treated harshly as 
pirates by the local authorities. Argal in vain urged the 
promises he had given them, until he felt bound in honor to 
produce de la Saussaye's commission and papers, and to state 
how he had got them ; after which they were promised that 
faith should be kept with them. 

The Virginia government decided to send Argal back with 
his three vessels, (his own and the two small prizes,) to destroy 
all the French settlements and forts in Acadie, all which to 46 
degrees north latitude they claimed ; and that he was to find 
means to send back to France the settlers he had brought with 
him into Virginia, and any other in Acadie who should surren- 
der without resistance. Captain Argal therefore sailed north- 
ward with the three vessels, but for some reason he did not 
take with him all the French he had brought to Virginia. In 
his own ship were captain Flory and four others. In that 
commanded by lieutenant Turnel were Biard, the two other 
Jesuits and a boy. He first visited St. Sauveur, where he burned 
the buildings of the French, and pulled down a cross which 
they had erected as a mark of possession of the country, 
putting up one in its place, claiming the land as English. One 
of the English was hanged at St. Sauveur, for mutiny. Argal 
next visited the isle of St. Croix, where he found a quantity of 
salt and removed it. At this place he also burned the build- 
ings, and erased all marks of French dominion, in compliance 
with the orders he had received. Compelling an Indian to act 
as pilot, he then went to Port Royal, which he found deserted, 
no person being in the fort and shoes and different goods 

58 History of Nova-Scotia. 1613. 

being scattered about it, the French of the colony being at 
this time dispersed in the woods. Biard, who himself wrote 
the narrative, says, that a Frenchman at Port Royal represented 
him, Biard, to captain Argal as a Spaniard, and a dangerous 
person who had committed many offences, and procured five 
or six other French to sign a paper to that effect ; and Argal 
was pressed to put him on shore, where he probably would 
have perished ; but he was too generous to follow such coun- 
sels, and those false charges proved unavailing, although they 
made an unfavorable impression on the mind of Turnel. M. 
Biencourt returning to Port Royal from a distance, had a 
conference with captain Argal in a meadow, a few of their 
followers being present. [2 Belknap, Am. Biography, 53. 54.] 
After an ineffectual assertion of rights equally claimed by both, 
Biencourt proposed division of trade ; but it does not appear 
that any arrangement was concluded. A native Indian came 
up while they were engaged in this discussion, and expressed 
his wonder that men who seemed of one race or nation should 
make war on each other. 

Argal destroyed the fort and all monuments and marks of 
French power at Port Royal. He even caused the names of 
De Monts, and other captains, and the fleurs de lys, to be 
effaced with pick and chisel from a massive stone on which 
they had been engraved ; but he is said to have spared the 
mill and the barns up the river. Charlevoix states that before 
this time a sum of upwards of one hundred thousand crowns 
had been expended at Port Royal. A storm befel them on 
their return. Argal got back to Virginia in safety, but one of 
his vessels with six English on board was lost, and the prize 
commanded by Turnel, in which the Jesuits were, was com- 
pelled to seek shelter in the Azores, whence the priests got 
to England and thence across the channel to their homes in 
France. [Ste I, Champlain 145-146.] 

Argal was a kinsman of Sir Thomas Smith, one of the 
founders of the Virginia company, and he had the favor and 
protection of the earl of Warwick, one of the chief rulers in 
king James's court. In 1617, Argal was made deputy gover- 
nor of Virginia under Lord Delaware, but was removed from 

1613. History of Nova-Scotia. 59 

this office in 1619. In 1620 he commanded a ship of war in 
an expedition against the Algerines, and in 1623 was knighted 
by king James. It was under the government of Sir Thomas 
Dale in Virginia, that Argal was sent to Acadie ; although Sir 
William Keith in his history of Virginia, pp. 132-4, makes the 
date of the affair 1618, five years later. 

After this destruction of his settlement, M. de Poutrincourt 
gave up all thoughts of American interests, and re-entered the 
royal service, in which he distinguished himself, and died on 
what is termed the bed of honor, having been killed at St. 
Me'ry sur Seme, which he took for the king. Poutrincourt fell 
in the moment of victory. He is stated to have been a sincere 
Catholic, [i Charlevoix, p. 214, citing Jean de Laet] The 
New York Historical Magazine for February, 1859, PP- 49 5> 
says, " Poutrincourt, the founder of Port Royal, now Anna- " 
" polis in Nova Scotia, on his return to France was ordered " 
" by king Henry the Fourth" (Henry IV was assassinated in 
1610) "to reduce the cities of Mery sur Seine and chateau " 
" Thierry. He was killed at the former place, and the fol- " 
" lowing epitaph is inscribed on his tomb at St. Just in " 
" Champagne, as the marquis of Biencourt informs us :" 

Aeternae memorise herois magni Potrincurtii, qui pacatis 
olim Gallias bellis, in quibus prascipuam militias laudem conse- 
quutus est, factioneque magna Enrici magni virtute repressa, 
opus Christianum instaurandae Francise Novae aggressus, dum 
illic monstra varia debellare conatus, occasione novi tumultus 
Gallici a proposito avocatus, et Mericum oppidum in Tricassi 
agro ad deditionem cogere a principe jussus ; voti compos, 
militari glorias asmulatione multis vulneribus confossus, cata- 
pulta pectori admota nefarie" a Pisandro interficitur, mense 
Decembr, MDCXV. aetatis anno LVIII. 

Ejusdem herois magni epitaphium in Novae Franciae oris 
vulgatum et marmoribus atque arboribus incisum : 

Chara deo soboles, neophyti mei 

Novas Franciae incolse, 


quos ego, 

60 History of Nova-Scotia. 1613. 

Ille ego sum magnus Sagamo vaster 


Super aethera natus 

In quo olim spes vestrae 

Vos si fefellit invidia 


Virtus mea me perdidit, vobis 
gloriam meam alteri dare 

Iterum lugete. H. D. C. 

To the eternal memory of the great hero Poutrincourt, who, 
after the former wars of France were terminated by peace, in 
which he had obtained high military repute, and a great fac- 
tion being put down by the courage of Henry the great, under- 
took the Christian work of establishing New France. While he 
was endeavoring there to overcome different monsters, being 
recalled from his undertaking on occasion of a new insurrection 
in France, and being ordered by his prince to compel the sur- 
render of the town of St. Mery, in the Tricassian district, while 
successful in his attempt, was, through his emulation of mili- 
tary renown, covered with wounds, and slain by Pisander, who 
wickedly moved a catapult and struck him on the breast, in 
the month of December, 1615, in the 58th year of his age. 

Epitaph of the same great hero, published on the coasts of 
New France, and cut into the marble and the trees there : 

Ye progeny dear to God, 

inhabitants of New France, 

worshippers of Christ, 

whom I, 
I am he your great Sachem, 


Born above the sky, 

In whom was once your hope. 

If envy deceived you, 

bemoan me. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 61 

My courage destroyed me. 
My glory is with yon. I could not 

give it to another. 
Again bewail me. H. D. C. 

In 1613, 1614 and 1615 attempts at settlement in Newfound- 
land were made by the English. In 1613, 54 men, 6 women, 
and 3 children, wintered there. 


From " Johannes de Laet> nevus orbis. Lugdun, Batav. aptid Ehevirios, 1633, " 

' c. 14. Cadia, sive Acadia." Extract translated from the Latin of 

the original. 

Cadia, a part of the continent, is of triangular form. The base, which is the 
longest, looks to the South, and between the harbor of Campseau and cape Four- 
chu, (promontorium Furcatum), stretches from East to West. The other two 
sides, after different windings and turnings, gradually approach each other until 
they nearly meet between the upper end of the French bay, (bay of Fundy), on 
the West, and the streights of St. Lunarius, (near bay Verte), on the East : 
vrhich two bays, divided by a small space of land, make this province a peninsula, 
The eastern side we have already mentioned : at the angle of the base (of the 
triangle) lies Camseau, a celebrated harbor, enclosed in a manner by two islands, 
somewhat difficult of access owing to rocks and shoals which the sea breaks over 
(in rough weather.) It is distant from the island of St. Lawrence (cape Briton ) l 
about eight miles ; from the Equator, 45 20. 

From this harbor westwardly to the harbor of Savalette is reckoned six miles ; 
from Savalette to the islands which are numerous along this shore divided by 
narrow channels, four miles ; thence to Green island six or seven. Here is a 
small river which takes its name from Green island. From that to the bay of all 
islands six miles. In all this space the shore is beset with rocks, which extend a 
mile to sea, and the water is agitated, (supra modumfervet.) Fourteen mile* 
from this bay is the harbor of St. Helena, in Latitude 44 40. A small island is 
adjacent, with a narrow channel, that can be passed over at low tide. From this 
to Sesambre island is eight miles, a most extensive bay lying between, which, on 
account of the salubrity of the air, is called by the French Baye Saine, (now Che- 
bucto bay.) From Sesambre (Sambro) to the river of St. Margaret, (St. Marga* 
raff bay), which is distant from the equator 44 25, and discharges itself into the 
sea opposite the martyr's islands, is seven miles. Eight miles from this, cape 
de la Heve makes into the sea, near which lies the port of the same name 44 05 

62 History of Nova-Scotia. 

N. Lat., with safe anchorage. A small island is near, long but narrow, clothed 
with trees, to the East of which the bay runs into the continent, embracing some 
smaller woody islands in its bosom. Next lies the harbor of Rossignol (Liverpool) 
almost shut in by an island. A small river flows into it from the N. W., which 
measures about 25 miles from its source. Hence to port Mouton (portus Ovium) 
in 44 N. Lat. it is reckoned seven miles. It is of a circular form, having a small 
island at the mouth, forming two channels, the northern one of two fathoms, the 
southern three or four. The harbor itself seven or eight deep. Six small islands 
are scattered in it. It receives two small streams. Hence to port Negro, so 
called from cape Negro, is ten miles. Opposite the cape are rocks which have a 
resemblance, when seen at a distance, to a negro's head. 

The shores so far are low, full of dwarf woods and bushes, and the countless 
islands and rocks along the coast are full of all kinds of wild beasts. 

Not far from this lies a sandy bay, a very convenient harbor, and two miles 
West a promontory of sand, which is to be carefully avoided on account of the 
shoals and rocks which extend beyond a mile into the sea, (cape Sable.) Hence 
to the isle of Cormorants, (corvorum marinomm, sea crows), so called from their 
abundance, is one league distance, and a bay of two or three miles extent, called 
" La Baye Courante :" from which to the last promontory of this shore, called 
"forked" (cap Fourchu), is two miles. Here are many islands extending into 
the sea, four or five miles distant from the main land, and many rocks with break- 
ing seas. Some of these islands, on account of the multitude of birds, are called 
" Isles aux Tangueux ;" others are called " Seal islands," from the animal so cal- 
led, in 40 30 North Latitude. 

Chapter 15. Description of the shore of Acadie, which runs northward, and con- 
cerning Port Royal. 

Near cape Fourchu there is a harbor, which takes its name ftom the cape, 
( Yarmouth harbor), in its entrance deep enough for passage of vessels, and a 
good station for shipping, but in its interior dry at low water, except in the chan- 
nel of a small river, which, coming down through excellent meadows, terminates 
here. From this place the shores incline gently towards the north for nine or ten 
miles. In this distance there are no harbors for large vessels, 'but some coves and 
shores with islets, rocks and shoals, as far as Long island, stretching out from the 
Southwest to the North, to the French bay's mouth. Long island is six miles 
long, by near one mile wide. It is covered with wood, and is difficult of approach 
owing to rocks and shoals. The seais much disturbed here, (cestus his admodum 
fervet), especially in the channel dividing Long island from the main land, (petit 
passage,) which is called le passage courant, by the French. Between this island 
and the main land is a bay very safe for shipping, three miles wide at the entrance, 
now called St. Mary's bay. In entering it, on the right hand is the harbor of St. 
Margaret in 44 30 n. latitude, in its entrance only 18 feet deep, within three 
fathoms, surrounded by a smooth and fertile plain looking to the East, (possibly 
Weymouth, otherwise Sissibott is here meant,) on the left side there is a small bay, 
.\ (perhaps Sandy Cove,) near which some affirm that veins of silver were found. 
A little further up is the river Brulay, and there is another stream at the head of 
St. Mary's bay, between which and Port Royal there is but a small space of land. 
Both these rivers are celebrated for iron mines, and their banks are rich in pas- 
tures. The soil is there of a red color, almost of the color of blood. From Long 
island the shore recedes in a northerly direction as far as Port Royal, situate in 45 

History of Nova-Scotia. 

degrees north latitude, a harbor inferior to no other, whether its amplitude or 
excellence be considered. Its entrance measures 80 paces. The harbor itself is 
two miles long and one mile wide. It will hold a thousand vessels, and is exceed- 
ingly safe against all winds. Three rivers flow into it ; one of which, of some 
amplitude is called the 1'Equille, from the plenty of a small kind of fish caught 
there, coming down from the East through a long extent of ground. From the 
mouth itself of the bay, which is a quarter of a mile wide, and which is divided 
into two mouths by an island covered with trees and very agreeable, small vessels 
can go up sixteen miles, where the channel is yet 60 paces wide and 18 feet deep, 
with beech and ash trees on both banks. Another (river) called St. Anthony, 
on the right hand in going up, is smaller and closed by an island. The shores of 
it are covered with thick woods, which hinder intercourse between this and St. 
Mary's bay. ( This is probably Sear river, called also Imbert.) The third (river) 
on the same side, which is inaccessible to vessels, owing to shoals and rocks is 
called ruisseau de la Roche, (or Rock brook, perhaps Moose river.) 

The French settled here in 1605, as we shall state by and by. From Port 

Royal the coast trends more northerly to Cape Poutrincourt n. lat. 45 40, where 
the sea forms a bay of 20 miles extent, much longer than it is wide, which receives 
a small river and some brooks. From cape Poutrincourt to the left of the bay 
last mentioned, a port called port aux mines, (ab aeris metallis dictum,) called so 
on account of copper mines, which are twice a day covered with the tides. And 
here the mainland by a long and narrow path extends between two bays and a 
cape called the cape of the two bays. The further bay called baye de Gennes, 
(Chignecto bay ?) receives the sea through a mouth five miles wide, and has a 
large extent within. Two rivers flow into it, one from the East and another from 
the North, and reaches near the strait of St. Lunarius, the isthmus part of the 

64 History of Nova-Scotia. 


THE materials hitherto accessible for the history of Acadie for 
the period of several years after Argal's expedition in 1613 
are very scanty indeed, leaving almost a perfect blank in the 
narrative of about ten years. We have just seen that Poutrin- 
court died in battle in 1615. His son Biencourt seems to 
have remained in Acadie, and it is said that he was resident at 
Port Royal in 1617, and that a small French colony still sub- 
sisted there, [i Williamson, Maine, 211.} We are told in 
Ferlands Canada, part i.,p. 204, that two associations of mer- 
chants were organized 1619 to bring into use the resources of 
Acadie. One company obtained permission to carry on there 
the shore fishery, (la peche sedentaire), and the other the pri- 
vilege of buying furs and trading with the savages. In order 
to supply the religious wants of the persons in their employ- 
ment, the associates sent to their establishments three Recol- 
lets, who also undertook the care of some old inhabitants of 
Port Royal, who had remained in the country with M. de 
Biencourt. In 1623 one of these fathers, returning from the 
mission at Miscou (on the gulph of St. Lawrence) to their 
chief residence situated on the river St. John, died of hunger 
and fatigue in the midst of the woods, a martyr to his charity 
and zeal. These Recollets belonged to the province of 
Aquitaine. That the English conceived they had some claim 
probably from prior discovery, to the lands of Acadie, is testi- 
fied by the proceedings of Argal under the orders of the 
government of Virginia. The harsh course he pursued, and 
the making war on the French, while the two crowns were in 

1620. History of Nova-Scotia. 65 

amity, without previous notice, were acts unfortunately too 
common in that age. The nations of Europe assumed a title 
to all lands in the new world, of which they could obtain for- 
cible possession. It was thought a sufficient pretext, that the 
native races, whom they termed savages, were not Christians, 
to justify any course of dispossession. The terms in which 
the commissions are granted to adventurers shew, that the doc- 
trine was held that heathens and infidels could be lawfully and 
justly subdued, and their lands occupied without asking their 
consent, and it was not until William Penn professed a different 
sentiment that any doubt seems to have been entertained upon 
this subject. It is also remarkable that all the French of the 
seventeenth century, and great part of the eighteenth, seem 
invariably to apply the term sauvages (savages) to the Indians 
of North America, as well to the converted tribes as to the 
others. The English have generally used the term " Indians" 
in preference. 

In accordance with this English claim, a charter was gran- 
ted to the New England company, dated 3 November, 1620, 
which included all the territory from the 4Oth to the 48th 
degree of north latitude. Sir George Calvert, lord Baltimore* 
procured a grant of that part of Newfoundland that lies be- 
tween the bay of Bulls in the East and cape St. Mary's in the 
South, which was called the province of Avalon, and made a 
settlement at Ferryland. Lord Baltimore made his residence 
there, but afterwards left this for his new possessions in Mary- 
land. [Hist. British Empire in North America, pp. 138, 139.] 

Sir William Alexander was born in 1580^ in Clackmannan- 
shire. He was made gentleman usher to. prince Charles, 
in 1613, viscount Stirling in 1630, and earl of Stirling in> 
1633. He died in 1640, and his grandson succeeded him 1 ,, 
Who in his turn was succeeded by an uncle named Henry.. 
On the 10-20 September, 1641, king James the first of Eng- 
land (James the 6th of Scotland), granted all Nova Scotia 
(including what is now New Brunswick) to Sir William Alex- 
ander. This grant gives the name of Nova Scotia; to the ter- 
ritory, and a copy of it in the original Latin is in the memori- 
als of the English and French commissaries. It was probably- 

66 History of Nova-Scotia. 1623. 

issued under the great seal of Scotland. This grant was con- 
firmed by another patent from Charles the first of England, 
dated 12 July, 1625. In 1635 a grant was made to lord Stirling 
of a district between Pemaquid and St. Croix, and also of Long 
island, opposite to Connecticut (1621.) This last grant was 
made by the Plymouth council. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and 
captain John Mason, who were both active and interested 
in the English colonization, and were anxious to secure 
Acadie from the French, obtained a conveyance from the 
council of the New England company to Sir William Alexan- 
der of the territory included afterwards in his crown patent, 
[i Williamsons, Maine. 562. 223.] (1622.) Sir William 
Alexander sent out a ship with some settlers. Laet 62. 
They wintered at St. John's Newfoundland, and putting to 
sea again in 1623, they coasted along the shores of the 
peninsula of Acadie ; and, according to the French author- 
ities, they returned to England without having succeeded in 
forming any settlement ; but the English commissaries alleged 
in the boundary discussion at Paris in 175 1, that in consequence 
of the grants he received in 1621 and 1625, Sir William Alex- 
ander took possession of the country, made a settlement at Port 
Royal, and built a fort there. They also state that he gave leave 
to Claude de la Tour and his eldest son Charles, to improve lands 
and build within the territory for their own advantage ; in 
consequence whereof they made a settlement and built a strong 
fort upon the river St. John, called fort de la Tour. -Charle- 
voix, says that Sir William Alexander, in the year after his 
first grant, (1622) sent out an officer to Acadie, to select a 
place for settlement ; but that this envoy having left Europe 
too late in the season, was obliged to spend the winter in the 
port of St. John, in Newfoundland. (1623.) From that 
place he went to Acadie, entered port au mouton, which he 
re-named St. Luke's bay, and went to another harbor two 
leagues off, which he called le JoH port, or the black port, 
port noir, now known as port Joli ; and remaining no longer 
there, he returned to Newfoundland and thence to England. 
That after that the earl of Stirling took no steps to turn his 
domains in Acadie to any account The French commissaries 

1624. History of Nova-Scotia. 67 

allege that Sir William Alexander's people did not go beyond 
cape Negro on their coasting voyage. Champlain states in 
1631, that the English had ten or twelve years before taken 
possession of the most noted places, and had even seized 
on Port Royal, where they occupied the place at the time. 
The English commissaries draw the inference that this occu- 
pation occurred in 1621, the date of Sir William Alexander's 
grant, and they add, " It is also remarkable that there remain" 
"at this very day (1753) the ruins of a fort built at that time," 
" at the entrance into the bason, which preserve the name" 
" of the Scotch fort." The whole water from the entrance 
at St. George's channel (Digby gut) up to the fort and 
town of Port Royal, (Annapolis Royal), which is about 
eighteen miles long, is usually called the Bason ; but this 
name has been sometimes given to that portion of it which 
lies between Goat island and the fort, which the French wri- 
ters call 2 leagues (five miles) in length. Haliburton, vol. i., 
/. 45, says that the Scotch settlement was on the West side of 
the Bason, opposite Goat island, on the Granville shore that 
the remains of it were still visible, (1827), and bore the tradi- 
tionary name of the Scotch fort. On the other side it has been 
urged that the French, and the Indians who were attached to 
them, having possession of the country, the colonists sent out 
by Sir William Alexander returned without having made an 
attempt at settlement. [Douglas, v. i., /, 305. I Haliburton, 
41, 42. i Ferland, Canada, 245.] Champlain, v. 2., p. 92, 
speaks of Biencourt as still living in August, 1624, and that 
during eighteen years he had resided in Acadie with the 
Indians. After the death of his father, the young Biencourt 
took the name of Poutrincourt, which became his as the head 
of the family. He continued, however, to be called sometimes 
Biencourt and sometimes Poutrincourt. Ferland says it is 
very probable that Biencourt died in 1623, for a letter written 
from the port of Lomeron, in Acadie, and bearing the date of 
25 July, 1627, informs us that he died four years before. This 
letter was addressed to the king by Charles Amador de la 
Tour, then commandant in Acadie. [Monhegan is said to 
have been settled by the English in 1622, and Saco in 1623. 

68 History of Nova-Scotia. 1625-26. 

i Williamson, Maine, 226.] (1625.) Besides grants of Acadie, 
Sir William Alexander obtained patents for parts of Canada, 
fbr Anticosti, Martha's Vineyard, California, Nantucket, &c. 
About this time (1625) the fort or settlement at Quebec, foun- 
ded in 1608 by Champlain, having received accessions of inha- 
bitants, began to assume the name and character of a town or 
city; and in the same year (1625) Boston, in New England, 
was founded. [Douglas.] (1626.) The order of baronets of 
Nova Scotia was established on the principle that they should 
assist the plantation of the province at their own charges. 
This I infer was founded as an institution connected with the 
kingdom of Scotland. King Charles the first, by his letter of 
19 July, 1625, to the privy council of Scotland, conferred on 
each knight baronet of Nova Scotia, a space of land three 
miles wide and six miles long, in New Scotland. Some of the 
knights had their manors assigned them, I believe, in the 
genial and fertile soil of Anticosti. How far it was consistent 
to make such grants after the whole country had been patent- 
ed to Sir William Alexander, may be questioned ; but it is 
possible that he had surrendered part of his grant of 1621 on 
receiving the grant of confirmation in 1625. The complete 
number of the knights was to be 150. The insignia of the 
order to be the arms of Nova Scotia, Argent, " the ancient " 
" arms of our said ancient kingdom of Scotland," on a blue 
cross, commonly called a saltier azure, to be supported by the 
unicorn on the right side, and a savage man on the left ; and 
for the crest, a laurel branch and a thistle proceeding out of an 
armed hand, and a naked (sword ?) conjoined, with this motto : 
Munit hcec et altera vincit. 25 July, 1626. Charles R. 
" Lieutenants and Barronets and every one of them and their 
"heires male to weare and carrie about their neckes in all 
" time coming ane orange tannie silk ribban, whereon shall 
" being pendant in a scutcheon argent a saltaire azure thereon, 
" ane inescutcheon of the armes of Scotland, with ane Impe- 
" riall crowne above the scutcheon, and encircled with this 
" motto : " Fax mentis honestae gloria." Many of these par- 
ticulars respecting the order are taken from a modern work 
respecting the claims of the pretended earl of Stirling. This 

1627-28. History of Nova-Scotia. 69 

order is attached to certain ancient Scottish families, the 
eldest son taking the rank, but it does not entitle him to the 
designation * sir.' These baronets have held no connection 
with the province. Some years since an application on their 
behalf to the crown for lands in this country was made, with- 
out success, grounded on the ancient gifts of land in their 
patents of creation. 

King James the first died 27 March, 1625, and his son and 
successor, Charles the first, married the princess Henrietta 
Maria, daughter of Henry the fourth, and sister of Louis the 
thirteenth. It was said to have been stipulated in the treaty 
of this marriage, that England should cede Acadie to France. 
[i Williamson, Maine, 231. Douglas.] (1627.) In 162 7 Charles 
the first made war against France. The duke of Bucking- 
ham attempted, with one hundred ships, and seven thousand 
soldiers, to conquer the isle of Rhe, on the coast of France, 
but was defeated. (1628.) In 1628 he sent a fleet to relieve 
Rochelle, in which the protestants were at that time besieged, 
but the blockade was complete both by land and sea, and the 
fleet was unable to accomplish anything for the benefit of the 
town. A second expedition failed the same season, and the 
town surrendered to the French king. (1629.) In April, 1629, 
king Charles made peace with France. This treaty was nego- 
ciated by the intervention of the republic of Venice, and the 
articles were concluded at Suza, in Piedmont. No restitution 
of prizes was to be made on either side, except what might be 
taken two months after signature. By this exception, Charles 
was obliged to restore the provinces of Canada and Acadie, in 
North America, which a party of his subjects had reduced 
several months after the conclusion of the peace ; but some 
disputes arising, these restitutions were not completed until a 
new treaty had been concluded in 1632. [6 Cootes history of 
England, 151. 

(1627.) Under the auspices of cardinal Richelieu a new 
and powerful association was formed, called the company 
of New France. It consisted of one hundred associates, of 
whom Roquemont, Houel, Lataignant, Dablon, Duchesne and 
Castillon, are named in the act, dated Paris, 29 April, 1627, 

7<D History of Nova-Scotia. 1627-28. 

which constituted the company : and which is signed by 
Armand, cardinal de Richelieu, De Roquemont, Houel for him- 
self and for Duchesne and Lataignant, Dablon, Syndic of 
Dieppe, and Castillon. They were to send out and settle 200 
or 300 men, of all trades, in 1628, and within 15 years, say by 
end of December, 1643, to augment the number to 4000 souls. 
They were to be French catholic settlers only, and in each 
place where they formed a settlement, the company were to 
provide and maintain at least three ecclesiastics. Quebec and 
all New France, (in which Acadie is included), Florida, New- 
foundland, &c., were granted to them for simple homage ; all 
mines to belong to the company, who were to have power to 
erect duchies, marquisates, &c., with the king's confirmation. 
The king was to give the company two ships of war. In the 
acts of acceptance of 29 April and 4 May, 1627, and 6 August, 
1628, the persons named are Armand, cardinal de Richelieu, 
grand master, chief and superintendant general of the naviga- 
tion and commerce of France. Claude de Roquemont, esquire, 
sieur de Brison, noble homme master Louis Houel, sieur du 
Petit Pre, counsellor of the king and controller general of salt 
works in Brotiage, noble homme David Duchesne, coun- 
sellor, echevin of the town of Havre de grace, noble homme 
Gabriel de Lataignant, major of the town of Calais, noble 
homme Simon Dablon, syndic of the town of Dieppe, honora- 
rable homme Jacques Castillon, citizen (bourgeois) of Paris. 
The confirmatory patent is dated at the camp before Rochelle, 
6 May, 1628, (i8th year of his reign), by Louis 13, counter- 
signed 'Portier.' Edits, &c., Quebec, 1803, pp. 1-16. This 
company continued to exist until May, 1664, when Louis 14, 
revoked their title and created the West India company. The 
first vessels sent out by the company of New France in 1628 
were captured by the English. 

(1628.) David, Lewis, and Thomas Kirk, (called by the 
French writers Kertk), were born at Dieppe. Their father 
was a Scotchman, and their mother a Frenchwoman. They 
were calvinists, and went to England. They had the repu- 
tation of being bold and skilful navigators. Sir David Kirk 
the eldest brother, with the help of his brothers and some 

1628. History of Nova-Scotia. 71 

relatives he had in England, equipped several vessels at 
a great expense. With these he captured in 1627 about 
eighteen French ships, (wherein were found 135 pieces of 
ordnance, designed for the relief of Port Royal and Quebec), 
under the command of M. de Lockman, and took prisoner 
M. de la Tour, (Claude de la Tour), the father of M. Charles 
Amador de la Tour, and took him, with the prizes, to 
England. Louis and Thomas Kirk accompanied Sir David 
Kirk in this and in subsequent expeditions. His squadron 
was, at first, composed of only three vessels, but was after- 
wards increased to five, and as some writers say to eight- 
een. His ships were well supplied with provisions and ammu- 
nition of war, but were deficient in men. He acted under a 
commission from the king of England. Besides his two 
brothers, another French calvinist, named James Michel, was 
with him. (Michel died in 1629, after the surrender of Que- 
bec. 2 Champlain, 313.) In 1628, Kirk, with his squadron, 
made himself master of Port Royal, entered the river St. Law- 
rence with part of his forces, captured La Tour, senior (Claude), 
who was going to Quebec, in a vessel of the new company, 
commanded by one Norot. [2 Champlain, p. 191.] Kirk then 
seized the settlement of Miscou, pillaged that of cape Torment 
of cattle, and, approaching Quebec, summoned the sieur Cham- 
plain, who commanded there, to surrender the place ; but 
finding him resolved to defend it, he abandoned this first 
attempt. Kirk sent a summons to Champlain, which he 
signed ' David Quer' It is dated from on board the ' la 
Vicaille,' 18 July, 1628. It states that he had a commission 
from the king of Great Britain to take possession of Canada 
and Acadie ; that he had set out with eighteen vessels, and 
had taken Miscou and Tadoussac, in which last he then was, 
and had captured all the pinnaces and shallops at both places ; 
had taken also a vessel of the new company, commanded by 
Norot, in which was M. de la Tour, and had seized all the cat- 
tle at cape Tourmente. [2 Champlain, 190-193.] This letter 
or summons was received at Quebec on the 10 July, 1628 
at which time there was but fifty pounds of gunpowder at 

72 History of Nova-Scotia. 1629. 

1629. Pentagoet and Sainte Croix appear to have been cap- 
tured by the English in 1628 or 1629, as well as Port Royal, 
but they were all restored to France in 1632. In the summer 
of 1629 David, Louis and Thomas Kirk came again to Canada 
to capture Quebec. David remained at Tadoussac. Louis and 
Thomas summoned Quebec, and messieurs Champlain and 
du Port capitulated 19 July, 1629. -The treaty was ratified by 
David Kertk, at Tadoussac, 19 August, 1629. Louis Kertk 
certifies, 21 July, 1629, that he found at Quebec, in the fort 
and settlement, " 4 espoirs (small cannon) de fonte verte et 
" une moyenne avec leur boites. 2 breteuils de fer dexSoo livres 
" chacun, 7 pierriers avec leur boiste, double, 45 balles de fer 
" pour les espois et 6 balles pour les dites breteuils, 40 livres 
" de pouldre a canon, 30 livres de meche, 14 mousquets, un 
" mousquet a croc, 2 grands arquebuzes a rouet de 6 a 7 pieds, 
"2 autres meches de mesme longueur, 10 hallebardes, 12 
" picques, 3 a 6 milliers de plomb, 50 corcelets sans brassarts, 
" avec leur bourguinotes, 2 armes de gendarmes a 1'espreuve 
" du pistolet, deux petarts de fonte verte, une vieille tente de 
"guerre, et plusieurs ustancille, de mesnage et outils des 
" ouvriers, qui esteoint en ce dit lieu de Quebec, ou commandoit 
" le sieur de Champlain en 1'absence de monsieur le cardinal 
" de Richelieu pour le service du roy de France et de Navarre." 
Although the settlers had increased in numbers, the vessels 
which should have brought provisions to Quebec were cap- 
tured by the English, and the consequent want of provisions 
contributed to its surrender. In the same year, 1629, a Scotch 
gentleman, called James Stuart, brought out some vessels and 
built a fort in cape Breton, at the port des baleines, (St. Anne ?) 
Capt. Daniel, of Dieppe, arrived there in August, and captured 
the place, leaving a garrison of 40 men to protect it. 2 Cham- 
plain, 334. He carried off 42 English, whom he left at Fal- 
mouth, and took 18 or 20, with James Stuart, to France. It 
appears by a warrant of king Charles the first, dated 1 7 Nov., 
1629, that Sir William Alexander had settled a colony in 
Nova Scotia, where his son William was then residing. As to 
Kirk, see 2 Champ lain, 334, I Douglas, 306, I Charlevoix, 256, 
266, E. & F. Comm., 115, 256, 454, 570, I Ferland, 227, &c. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 73 


Claude Turgis de Saint Etienne, sieur de la Tour, of the pro- 
vince of Champagne, quitted Paris, taking with him his son 
Charles Amador, then fourteen years old, to settle in Acadie, 
near Poutrincourt, who was then engaged in founding Port 
Royal. Some reverses of fortune are supposed to have led 
him to this course, and indeed a person hostile to the family 
alleged, long after, that Claude had been working as a mason 
in Paris. When the French establishments were destroyed 
by Argal in 1613, Charles de la Tour, the son, attached him- 
self to Biencourt, who, with several other Frenchmen, took 
refuge in the midst of the Souriquois, (Micmacs.) Clothed like 
Indians, those two friends lived like them by hunting and fish- 
ing, while they waited for succor from the mother country. 
With the aid sent them from France, they were enabled to 
maintain themselves in the country, and to preserve several 
posts. Charles de la Tour was at first ensign, then lieutenant 
of Biencourt, who, when dying, bequeathed to him his rights 
in Port Royal, and named him his successor in command. 
(1623.) During the four years following, he lived in oblivion, 
in fort Saint Louis, at cape Sable. The harbor on which it 
vas situated was called port Lomeron, or port Latour. About 
this time, (1627,) the English of Kinibeki, (Kennebec), and 
Chouacouet, (Saco), formed a design of chasing the French 
out of Acadie, in order to deprive them of any participation in 
the fisheries or the fur trade. This project may perhaps have 
been connected with Sir William Alexander's plans of coloni- 
zation. It was, however, simultaneous with the war commen- 

74 History of Nova-Scotia. 1630. 

ced by Charles the first at the isle of Rh6, and the first naval 
achievements of Kirk and his brothers. On this occasion 
Charles de la Tour addressed a letter to king Louis 13, in 
which he asked to be appointed commandant in all the coasts 
of Acadie. He expressed his hope to defend himself, with his 
little band of Frenchmen, and the warriors to be furnished by 
a hundred Souriquois (Micmac) families, who were sincerely 
attached to him. This letter was entrusted to Claude de la 
Tour, who was to plead his son's cause before the king. Un- 
happily, the blow prepared by the English against Acadie 
took effect before the arrival of help from France. ( 1 628.) Kirk 
leaving Europe in 1628 with a considerable fleet, took posses- 
sion of Port Royal in the name of Sir William Alexander, and 
is supposed to have left some Scotch families there.. Hurry- 
ing on to capture Quebec on his own account, he did not stay 
to attempt the reduction of the other posts in Acadie. 

Claude de la Tour who was returning from France on board 
of a vessel belonging to Roquemont, in order to re-join his son 
in Acadie, was taken prisoner by Kirk and carried to England. 
Latour, the father, was a huguenot. Meeting in London with 
friends among those of his own creed, he was seduced from the 
loyalty he owed to his native sovereign. While in England he 
was married to a lady of high station. The dignity of Baronets 
of Nova Scotia was conferred on both the Latours, father and 
son. On the roll of these baronets is found "1629, Nov. 30, 
" Sir Claude St. Etienne, seigneur de la Tour." " 1630, Sir 
" Charles St. Etienne, seigneur de St. Deniscourt." The last 
is termed Seigneur de Denniscourt et Baigneux in Hazard's 
Collection, p. 298. Letters patent from Sir William Alexander 
dated 3Oth April, 1630, a translation of which is in Hazard's 
collection, state that, " out of the respect and amitie which " 
" he beareth unto Sir Claude de Sainct Estienne, knight, lord " 
" of La Tour and of Vuarre, and unto Charles de Sainct " 
" Estienne, esq., lord of Sainct Denicourt, his sonne," " the " 
" said Sir Claude de St. Etienne being present accepting, and " 
" by these presents stipulating for his said sonne Charles " 
" being absent, and for their heyres, and as well for the merit " 
" of their persons, and for their assistance to the better dis- " 

1630. History of Nova-Scotia. 75 

" covery of the said country, and upon other considerations," 
he Sir William Alexander gives to the said knight Latour and 
unto his said son and unto ' their heyres ' &c., " all the country " 
" coasts and islands, from the cape and river of Ingogon, near " 
" unto the cloven cape, (cap Fourchu ?) in the said New Scot- " 
" land, called the coast and country of Accadye, following the " 
" coast and island of the said countrey towards the East unto " 
" the Port de la Tour, formerly named L'Omeroy, and further " 
" beyond the said port following along the said coast unto " 
" Mirliguesche, (Lunenburg ?) near unto and beyond the port " 
" and cape of La neve, drawing forward fifteen leagues, within " 
" the said lands towards the north," with power to build 
towns, forts, &c., " erected and entitled by two baronies, " 
" namely, the Barrony of Sainct Etienne, and the Barrony of" 
"de la Tour, which may be limited and bounded equally" 
" between the said knight de la Tour, and his said sonne if " 
" they shall see cause, upon condition that the said knight de " 
" la Tour, and his said sonne, as he hath promised, and for " 
" his said sonne by these presents doth promise to be good " 
" and faithful vassals of the Sovereign lord the king of Scot- " 
" land, and their heires and successors, and to give unto him " 
" all obedience and assistance to the reducing of the people " 
" of the country, &c." Charlevoix v. 2, p. 92, says that about 
this time the English had got possession of the forts in Acadie, 
except fort Louis at cape Sable only, then commanded by 
Charles de la Tour. 

He says Claude de la Tour, while in London, married a maid 
of honor of the Queen of England, Henrietta Maria. Ferland 
conjectures that the lady may have been a near relation of Sir 
Wm. Alexander. He (Charlevoix) also says that Latour was 
made a Knight of the Garter. As his name is not to be found in 
Rapin, or in Napier's history of these knights, I conclude it to be 
an error originating in his being made a baronet of Nova Scotia. 
He says Latour engaged to deliver to the English king the fort 
which his son held for France in Acadie ; and that with that 
object two men of war were fitted out for him, and that he 
embarked with his new spouse accordingly. That having 
arrived at cape Sable, he landed and went alone to hold an 

76 History of Nova-Scotia. 1630. 

interview with his son. That he made a magnificent state- 
ment of his credit at the court of London, and the advantages 
derivable from it. He told his son that he should be made a 
knight also, and be confirmed in his office as governor of the 
place, under the English king, if he would declare for that side. 
Charles at once told his father, that he was mistaken in 
supposing him capable of giving up the place to the enemies 
of the state. That he would preserve it for the king his mas- 
ter, while he had a breath of life. That he esteemed highly 
the dignities offered him by the English king, but should not 
buy them at the price of treason. That the prince he served 
was able to requite him ; and if not, that fidelity was its own 

best recompense. The father, receiving this answer, so 

different from his expectation, retired on board his vessel, 
whence he wrote next day to his son in the most affectionate 
and earnest language, but with no better success than he had 
in oral application. He next tried the effect of menaces, but 
without avail. This was followed by acts of hostility on the 
part of the English ; but young Latour defended his post with 
such intrepidity and success, that the English commanding 
officer, who had not counted upon meeting any resistance, at 
the end of two days, having lost several of his best soldiers in 
the attack, informed Latour, senior, that he should abandon 
the siege. [Ferland states that the English landed part 
of their forces on two successive days, and had to retire 
with loss. He also varies from the account given by Char- 
levoix, as he states that Claude de la Tour, on the failure 
of the English to reduce the fort, retired to Port Royal with 
one hundred Scotch colonists.] The elder Latour was much 
embarrassed ; he could not venture to return to England, 
much less to France ; and the only course remaining was to 
appeal to his son's clemency. He revealed his feelings to his 
lady, telling her he had reckoned on assuring her happiness in 
the new world ; but fortune had overturned his schemes, he 
did not wish to compel her to live there in a state of misery, 
and that he should give her free permission to return to her 
family. The wife replied, that she had not married him to 
abandon him. That wherever he should take her, and in 

1630. History of Nova-Scotia. 77 

whatever condition he might be placed, she would always be 
his faithful companion ; and that all her happiness would con- 
sist in softening his grief, Latour, senior, charmed and affected 
by her great generosity, made an application to his son to 
permit him to reside in Acadie. The young man replied, that 
he did not wish to expose his father to lose his head on the 
block, by going back to England ; that he would willingly give 
him an asylum, but that he could not allow either him or his 
wife to come into the fort. Finally he gave his word that he 
would not suffer them to want for any thing. The terms 
seemed a little hard, but the father had no alternative : so, with 
the leave of the English commander, Latour senior and his wife 
disembarked with all their effects, two valets and two femmes 
de chambre ; and the men of war both returned to England. 
Latour caused a suitable dwelling house for his father and wife, 
to be erected at some distance from the fort, on a fertile piece of 
land, agreeably situated, and took care of their maintenance. 
M. Denys relates that he found them there in 1635, and that 
they were well off. (i Charlevoix, Nouvelle France 192-195.) 
Ferland's narrative however, makes Claude Latour go off with 
the Scotch colonists to Port Royal, on the failure of the Eng- 
lish to take fort Louis ; and afterwards Charles Latour, on his 
being appointed lieutenant general in Acadie, write to invite 
his father from Port Royal, on which he came back with his 
wife to cape Sable. 

We find by Champlain's account (2 Champlain, 347.) that 
the directors (of the company of New France,) equipped two 
vessels for Cape Breton and to succor those who were settled 
there, and two others which were fitted out at Bordeaux, to go 
and make a settlement in Acadie. M. Tufet fitted out those of 
Bourdeaux in 1630 laden with requisite stores for forming a set- 
tlement on the coast of Acadie, in which he embarked workmen 
and artisans, with three friars of the order viptres Recollets, the 
whole under the conduct of captain Marot of St. Jean de Luz. 
They encountered adverse weather, and the voyage was three 
months long. They got at length to cape Sable. There they 
found the son of La Tour who had some other French volun- 
teers with him. Marot gay,e Charles La Tour a letter from M. 

78 History of Nova-Scotia. 1630. 

Tufet, which enjoined him to remain stedfast in the king's 
service, and not to adhere to the English, or submit to their 
wishes, as many worthless Frenchmen had done, who had 
ruined their honor and reputation in having acted against his 
majesty's service ; that such conduct was not expected from 
him who had until now acted firmly. That in this view, 
provisions, refreshments, arms and men had been sent to 
assist him, and to build a dwelling in such place as he should 
judge most convenient, with other remarks of a similar ten- 
dency. La Tour was glad to see what he could hardly have 
hoped for. He nevertheless had withstood the persuasions 
of his father who was along with the English, as he preferred 
to die before descending to treachery and betraying his king. 
The English were discontented with this as La Tour, the 
father, had assured them his son would join him in doing them 
every service. Charles La Tour and captain Marot were of 
opinion that La Tour, the father, who was at Port Royal with 
the English should be advised of all that had occurred, and be 
urged to leave the English and come back, with the view of 
learning from him the condition of the English and acting 
accordingly. One Lestan was sent with a letter from La Tour 
to his father : on reading which, he set out to go to his son, 
having neither the means nor expectations of making a great 
fortune among the English, in whose opinion he had been 
much reduced. Arriving at cape Sable, he informed them 
that it was the intention of the English to take their fort. He 
also reported that of seventy Scotch who had wintered at Port 
Royal, thirty had died. (This was attributable to the discom- 
forts and want of care in their accommodation.) The La Tours 
father and son, captain Marot, and the Recollets (friars) con- 
sulted on their situation, and decided to form a settlement at 
the river St. John, 14 leagues distant from Port Royal. Tufet's 
smaller vessel was employed to go there, with men and 
materials. Claude La Tour was to take the command at St. 
John, and his son Charles to remain in command at cape Sable. 
The presence of Claude de la Tour is said by Ferland (v. i., 
p. 249), to have been a protection to the Scotch families in 
Port Royal, and that when he left it they were beleaguered in 

1631. History of Nova-Scotia. 79 

their fort by the Indians ; and, receiving no succor, they all 
fell victims to the scurvy, or the savages, except one family, 
which escaped by the assistance of Frenchmen, and eventu- 
ally joined the colony of the commandeur de Razilly. [In 
1635, La Mothe Cadillac saw at Port Royal two men of this 
family, who had become Catholics and married French wives. 
Their mother had retired to Boston, where she was then still 
living, aged 90.] It is said that Claude La Tour had, in 1627, 
obtained fro the French king a grant " of the river St. " 
" John, and five leagues above and five below, and ten leagues " 
" into the country." This is mentioned in Hutchinson's 
Massachusetts, p. 127, on the authority of a list of grants 
given by M. D'Entremont to governor Pownal. 

It appears that Charles Amador de la Tour had been married 
about 1625 or earlier. In the census of Acadie, made in 1686, 
there is mention made of a lady named Jeanne de la Tour, aged 
60, the wife of a gentleman called Martin d'Aprendistigue", of 
70, resident on St. John river. In Ferland, I v., p. 497, note, is 
this: "Jeanne de la Tour, born of the first marriage of" 
" Charles Amador de la Tour, married le sieur Martin " 
" d'Arpentigny and Asprentigny, sieur de Martignon, who, " 
" after the restitution of Acadie to France, obtained posses- " 
" sion of fort Latour, on the river St. John." Assuming the 
accuracy of these authorities, madame de Martignon was born 
in 1626. (1630), 4 September, Charles the first created sir 
William Alexander, viscount Stirling, and lord Alexander, of 
Tullibodie. [Trial of lord Stirling, appendix, xliv.j 

1631. King Louis 13, granted a commission, dated n Feb- 
ruary, 1631, constituting Charles de St. Etienne, sieur de la 
Tour, to command in the quality of the king's lieutenant gen- 
eral, including by name, Acadie, Fort Louis, port Latour and 
dependencies. [Mss. from archives of the marine at Paris. 
Copies of the mss. were obtained from Canada by the Record 
Commissioners of Nova Scotia, and will be referred to herein 
as Paris mssJ\ In April, 1631, the company of New France 
equipped at Bourdeaux a vessel commanded by Laurent Fer- 
chaud, with necssary succors for the fort and settlement of St. 
Louis, at cape Sable. Latour was confirmed in his command 

8o History of Nova-Scotia. 1631. 

there by order of the company, and the vessel brought back, 
the sieur de Krainguille, the lieutenant of Latour, who repor- 
ted that the Scotch were unwilling to quit Port Royal, and had 
brought families and cattle there. Two vessels were sent out 
by them (the company) to carry supplies to the settlement at 
St. Anne's, in cape Breton, and to trade and fish at Miscou 
and Tadoussac ; one commanded by Hubert Anselme, went to 
Miscou ; a second, under captain Daniel, went to St. Anne. 
There the commandant, named Gaude, had basely murdered 
his lieutenant Martel. 2 Champlain, 366, &c. 


Letter from king Charles the first to Sir William Alexander, then Viscount 
Stirling : 

Whereas there is a final agreement made betwixt us and our good brother, the 
French king, and that among other particularities for perfecting thereof, we have 
condescended that Port Royal shall be put into the state it was before the begin- 
ning of the late war, that no partie may have any advantage there during the 
continuance of the same, and without any derogation to any preceding right or 
title, by virtue of any thing done, either then, or to be done, by the doing of that 
which we command at this time ; it is our will and pleasure and we command you 
hereby, that with all possible dilligence, you give order to Sir George Home, 
knight, or any other having charge from you there, to demolish the Fort that was 
builded by your son there, and to remove all the people, goods, ordnance, ammuni- 
tion, cattle and other things, belonging unto that colonie, leaving the bounds 
thereof altogether waste and unpeopled, as it was at the time your son landed 
first to plant there, by virtue of our commission. And this you fail not to do, as 
you will be answerable unto us. 

Greenwich, 10 July, 1631. 

(Champlain, book 2, chapter I.) 

Cape de la ffeve, is a place where there is a bay, where are several islands 
covered with fir trees, and the main land with oaks, elms and birches. It is on 
the shore of Acadie in 44 5' lat. (n.) and 16 5' declination of the magnet, 
distant from Cape Breton (n.e.) 65 leagues. Seven leagues from this, is another 

1631. History of Nova-Scotia. 

called le Port au mouton, where are two small rivers in 44 minutes latitude. 
The land is very stony, covered with underwood and bushes. There is a quantity 
of rabbits and much game on account of the ponds there. Going along the 
coast there is also a harbor very good for vessels, and the head of it a little river 
which runs from a distance inland, which I named the port of cape Negre, on 
account of a rock which at a distance resembles one, which is raised above the 
water near a cape that we passed the same day, four leagues from it and ten to 
port au mouton. This cape is very dangerous on account of the rocks around it. 
The coasts thus far are very low, covered with the same kind of wood as cape dt 
la ffeve, and the islands all full of game. Going further on we passed a night in 
Sable bay where vessels can lie at anchor without any fear of danger. Cape 
Sable, distant two full leagues from Sable bay, is also very dangerous for certain 
rocks and reefs lying out a mile almost to sea. Thence one goes on the isle aux cor- 
morants, a league distant, so called on account of the infinite number there of these 
birds,with whose eggs we filled a cask, (barrique) and from this island making west- 
wardly about six leagues, crossing a bay which runs in two or three leagues to the 
northward, we meet several islands, two or three leagues to sea, which may contain 
some two others three leagues and others less according to my judgment. They 
are mostly very dangerous for large vessels to come close to, on account of the 
great tides and rocks level with the water. These islands are filled with pine 
trees, firs, birches, and aspens. A little further on are four others. In one there 
is so great a quantity of birds called tangue^(x, that they may be easily knocked 
down with a stick. In another there are seals. In two others there is such an 
abundance of birds of different kinds, that without having seen them could not be. 
imagined, such as cormorants, ducks of three kinds, geese, marmettcs, bustards,. 
pcrroquets de mer, snipes, vultures, and other birds of prey, mauves, sea larks of: 
two or three kinds, herons, goillants, curlews, sea gulls, divers, kites, appotls,. 
crows, cranes, and other sorts, which make their nests there. I gave them the 
name of the Seal islands, (isles aux loup marins.) They are in 43 yj (n.)' 
latitude, distant from the main land or cape Sable four or five leagues. Thence 
we go on to a cape which I called the port Fourchu, (Forked harbor) inasmuch as 
its figure is so, being five or six leagues distant from Seal islands. This harbor 
(Yarmouth ?) is very good for vessels in its entrance but further up it is almost 
all dry at low tide with the exception of the course of a small river, all surrounded 
by meadows which renders the place very agreeable. The codfishery is good 
about this harbor. Running ten or twelve leagues northward you find: no harbor 
for vessels, but many coves and fine bays, with land very suitable for culture. 
The woods are fine, but pines and firs are scarce. This shore is very safe, without 
islands, rocks, or sand banks, so that in my opinion vessels may go there in con- 
fidence. (This seems to be the N. E. Shore of St. Mary's bay.) Being a quarter 
of a league from the shore, I was at an island called Long Island, which lies N. 
N. E., and S. S. W., which makes the passage to enter the great French Bay, so 
named by the sieur de Monts (bay of Fundy.) This island is six leagues long and 
is in some places near one league wide, and in others only a quarter of a league. 
It is filled with quantities of woods, such as pines and birches. All its shore is 
bordered with very dangerous rocks, and there is no place suitable for vessels, 
but at the end of the island some little retreats for shallops, and three or four 
rocky islets, where the savages catch plenty of seals. The tides cun strongly 
there, and chiefly at the little passage of the island, which rs very dangerous for 


82 History of Nova-Scotia. 1631. 

vessels that choose to risk its passage. From Long island passage, two leagues 
N. E., there is a cove where vessels may anchor in safety, which is about a quar- 
ter of a league in circuit. The bottom is mud, the land is bordered with high 
rocks. In this place there is a mine of very good silver, according to a report of 
a miner called master Simon, who was with me. Some leagues further on is also 
a little river, named du Boulai, where the sea runs half a league inland, at the 
entrance of which vessels of 100 tons may freely approach. A quarter of a league 
from this there is a good harbor for vessels, where we found an iron mine, which 
the miner judged would produce 50 per cent. Going three leagues further to the 
N. E. there is another very good iron mine, near which is a river environed by 
fine and agreeable meadows. The soil around is red as blood. Some leagues 
further on there is yet another river, which is dry at low tide, except its course, 
which is very small, which goes near Port Royal. At the upper end (fond) of 
this bay, there is a channel which is dry at low water, around which are a number 
of meadows and lands good for cultivation, always filled with a quantity of fine 
trees of all the kinds I have mentioned above. This bay may have from Long 
island to its head (fond] about six leagues. All the shore of the mines is pretty 
high land, separated into capes, which appear round, projecting a little into the 
sea. On the other side of the bay to the South-east, the lands are low and good, 
where there is a very good harbor, and at its entrance a bar (or sand bank) which 
must be passed, which has at low water one fathom and a half, which being pas- 
sed, there is three fathoms with a good bottom. (Weymouth ?) Between the two 
points of the harbor there is an islet of pebbles, covered over at full tide. This 
harbor runs half a league inland. The tide falls there three fathoms, and there is 
abundance of shell fish, such as muscles, coques ef bregaux. The soil is one of the 
best I have seen, and I named the place le port Saincte Marguerite, All this south 
east coast is lower than that of the mines, which are only one league and a half 
from the coast of port Ste. Marguerite, the width of the bay, which is three 
leagues wide at its entrance. I took the height (of the sun} at this place, and 
found it 45 degrees and a half (should it be 44 30' ?) and a little over of (N.) Lati- 
tude, and 17 16 declination of the compass. This bay was named la bait 
Saincte Marie, (St. Mary's bay.) 


.'From Long island passage, sailing to the north east (mettant le cap au nord est) 
Six leagues, there is a cove where vessels can anchor in 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 fathoms of 
water. The bottom is sand. It is but a road. Continuing with the same wind 
two leagues further, you enter one of the finest harbors to be found on these 
coasts, where a great number of vessels could lie in safety. The entrance is 825 
paces wide, and its depth two fathoms. It is two leagues long and one wide. I 
named it Port Royal. Three rivers fall into it, one on the East, (tirant a VEst)^ 
called the siver .de FEsquille, which is a little fish of the size of ' un esplan? which 
are caught there in quantity ; also they catch plenty of herring, and several other 
kinds of fish, .which are there in abundance in their seasons. This river is near a 
quarter ot a league .wide at its entrance, where there is an island (Goat island) 
which is about half a league in circumference, filled with wood like the rest of the 
s.oil, as pines, firs., p.r.u<hes, birches, aspens, and some oaks which are in small 
numbers among the qthej .trees. There are two entrances to the said river, one 

1631. History of Nova-Scotia. 83 

on the North and the other on the South of the island. That on the north is the 
best, where vessels can lie at anchor under shelter of the island in 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9 
fathoms of water ; but care must be taken of some shoals attached to the island 
and the main, which are very dangerous, if the channel be not noticed. I went 
fourteen or fifteen leagues up, as far as the tide rises, and about as far as boats can 
ascend. At this place the stream is sixty paces wide, and is about nine feet deep. 
The soil of this river is full of plenty of oaks, ash trees, and other wood. From 
the entrance of the river as far as this place, there are a number of meadows, but 
they are overflowed in high tides, there being very many small brooks (creeks) 
which cross from place to place, whereby shallops and boats may reach the full 
sea. Within the port there is another island near two leagues distant from the 
first, where there is another small river which goes some distance inland, and 
which I named the river of Saint Anthony. Its entrance is distant from the upper 
end of St. Mary's bay about four leagues across the woods. As to the other 
river, it is only a brook filled with rocks, up which you cannot go for the want of 
depth of water. This place lies in 45 (N.) Latitude, and the declination of the 
needle is 17 2'. [He then describes a cape he calls the "cape of two bays," 
and part of Mines, and mentions Tregate et Misamichy in the gulf of St. Law- 
rence, (Tracadie and Miramichi), speaks of copper and iron mines ; mentions the 
river of St. John, which he named so, because he arrived there on St. John's day. 
The Indians call it Ouygoudy. He describes the harbor, the meadows, woods, 
vines, &c., above the falls, and says it is 65 leagues from St. John river to 

Champlain, vol. I., p. 123. Book I, chapter 8. 

From leaving cape de La fleve until you reach Sesambre, (Sambro), which is an 
island so called by some Mallouins, fifteen leagues distant from La Heve, there 
are to be found on the way a quantity of islands, which we have named " the 
Martyrs," on account of some Frenchmen formerly killed by the Indians. These 
islands are in general cul de sacs and bays, in one of which there is a river called 
Sainte Margueritte, seven leagues distant from Sesambre, which is in 44 25' (N.) 
Latitude, The islands and shores are full of pines, firs, birches, and other infe* 
rior timber, (meschants bois.) The catch of fish there is abundant, and so is the 
quantity of birds. From Sesambre we passed a very safe bay, (Chebucto ?) 
( UKC bate fort Saine), containing seven or eight leagues, where there are no islands 
in the route except at the head of it, where there is a small river, and we came to 
a port eight leagues distant from Sesambre, (steering N. E., \ E.,) good for ves- 
sels from 100 to 120 tons. At its entrance is an island, which, at low water, is 
fordable to the main land. We named this place the port of Saincte Heleine, in 
44 40' (N.) Latitude. [He then mentions "/ baie de toutes isles;" (bay of 
Islands), Green island river ; port Savalette, called after a Basque shipmaster ; 
and Canseau. Mentions abundance of raspberries on the islands between port 
Savalette and Canseau.] 

84 History of Nova-Scotia. 1632. 


1632. By the treaty of Saint Germain en Laye, signed 29, 
March, 1632, Acadie and Cape Breton were restored by Charles 
the first to the French king Louis 13. Commenting on this 
event, Charlevoix (v. i.,p. 273) says, " The establishment we " 
" had then in this island" (Cape Breton) " was of little impor- " 
"tance. Nevertheless this post, the fort of Quebec, sur-" 
"rounded by some inferior dwellings and sheds, two or" 
" three cabins in the island of Montreal perhaps as many at " 
" Tadoussac and other places on the river St. Lawrence, for " 
" the convenience of fishery and trading, the beginning of a " 
" settlement at Three Rivers, and the ruins of Port Royal, " 
" in these consisted New France, and all the fruit of the " 
" discoveries of Verazani, Jacques Cartier, Roberval, and " 
" Champlain, of the great expences of the marquis de la " 
" Roche and M. de Monts, and of the industry of a great " 
" number of Frenchmen, which might have made there a " 
" great establishment, if they had been well conducted." 

In this arrangement of restitution, it is said that an indemnity 
in money was promised to Sir David Kirk, the captor of Quebec 
and Port Royal. Williamson, in his history of Maine, v. i., 
p. 247, says the ministry promised ^5000, and that it was 
never paid. Another authority speaks of 5000 livres to be 
paid by the French king. Isaac de Razili, a knight of Malta, 
commandeur of the isle Bouchard, and commodore of Bretagne, 
was selected to take possession of Acadie from the English. 
[Garneau, v. i., /. 167.] De Razilly entered into an agree- 
ment to proceed to Acadie in a vessel to be furnished by the 

1632. History of Nova-Scotia. 85 

crown. He was to receive 10,000 livres ; and, without further 
charge to the king, to take possession of Port Royal on behalf 
of the company of New France. This agreement is dated 27, 
March, 1632, two days previous to the date of the treaty be- 
tween the two crowns. A commission from the king to him, 
dated 10 May, 1632, authorized him to cause the Scotch and 
other subjects of Great Britain to withdraw from the country. 
The company of New France gave him a grant at Sainte 
Croix of 12 leagues by 20 in extent, comprising the river and 
bay. Cardinal Richelieu had fitted out a squadron of six ves- 
sels of war and four pinnaces, in order to take possession of 
New France, and de Razilly, a man of judgment and energy, 
had charge of conducting it to Quebec. On the news of this 
intended expedition reaching London, the king of England 
was thereby induced to agree to the terms of restitution alrea- 
dy mentioned. The family of de Razilly was allied to that of 
Richelieu, and its members were often employed by the cardi- 
nal-minister. Claude de Razilly, son of Francis, seigneur de 
Razilly, des Eaux mesles et Cuon, en Anjou, was a captain in 
the French royal navy, and became subsequently commandant 
in the isle d'Oleron, chef d' Es cadre, and finally vice admiral, 
Isaac de Razilly, knight commander of St. John of Jerusalem, 
[i Ferland, Canada, p. 261.] He was also a captain in the 
navy, and distinguished himself under the orders of admiral de 
St. Luc, at Rochelle, in 1621. He was made chef d'Escadre 
in Br^tagne in 1629. 

The Recollets, (friars), of the province of Aquitaine, who had 
been driven from Acadie five years before by the English, 
were invited by de Razilly to return to their old mission, 
which they did in 1633. When de Razilly came out to Acadie 
it is to be presumed that he took formal possession of the 
country, but we have no details on this subject. He had, it is 
supposed, under him as lieutenants or commandants, I. Charles 
de Menou, seigneur d ' Aulnay de Charnisay, who was his rela- 
tion ; and, 2. Charles Amador de la Tour, who, having declined 
the temptations of land and rank offered on behalf of Sir Wil- 
liam Alexander, had preserved only his fief of cape Sable. 

We find that about this period the French, no longer assail- 

86 History of Nova-Scotia. 

ed, appear to have suddenly become the assailants. Thus in 

1631 the French sent a vessel to Penobscot, where the people 
of New Plymouth had set up a trading house in 1627; and in 

1632 another French vessel went there and pillaged the tra- 
ding house of effects to the value of $oo. That on another 
occasion they visited the same place, having " a false Scot" as 
he is called, on board, and, after taking arms, left a message 
for the chiefs of the establishment who were absent, " that 
" the visit had been made by gentlemen of the isle of Rhe," and 
in the same year, 1632, a French man of war, sent by the com- 
mander of a French fort at Laheve, called Rossillon, (Razilly), 
went to Penobscot, (Pentagoet), and took possession of the 
trading house and all the goods. Two of the English were 
killed. The French gave bills for the goods, and sent away 
the men. The commander notified the governor of Plymouth 
that he had orders to displace the English as far as Pemaquid. 
The French fortified the place at Penobscot, (Pentagoet), beat 
off an attack, and held it until 1654, (or 1664.) [i Hutchin- 
soris Massachusetts, pp. 28, 29, 30, 46, 128. As the French 
claimed at this time as far as the river Kennebec, as part of 
Acadie, it is probable that de Razilly would not hesitate to 
adopt force in regaining possession ; and if the dates are cor- 
rect, then de Razilly had gone to Laheve to form a settlement 
and erect a fort in 1632, in the first year of his residence. 

In 1634, the company of New France granted (15 January), 
to Claude de Razilly, brother of the commandeur, the fort and 
settlement of Port Royal in Acadie, the isle of Sable, and the 
fort and settlement of Laheve. [Paris mss. & i Ferland, 251.] 
Isaac de Razilly, who commanded in chief, as lieutenant gene- 
ral for the king, fixed his residence at Laheve, established a 
company to carry on the fisheries, brought out settlers, and 
gave them lands in that region. At the time of his death, 
which appears to have occurred in 1636, he is said to 
have already settled forty families of cultivators there. In 
1635, a crew of Connecticut mariners, who had been wrecked 
on the isle of Sable, were treated with great humanity 
by de Razilly, who then resided at Laheve, and who got 
them conveyance to their homes, [i Williamson^ Maine, /. 

1 63 5. History of Nova-Scotia. 87 

263.] It was about this time that captain Girling, with the 
Hope of Ipswich, a ship of some force, and another vessel, 
attacked the French at Penobscot, but without success. 
D'aulnay, who commanded there, having received the wrecked 
Englishmen sent by Razilly from Laheve, said he would keep 
them there, unless Girling departed, and thus induced Girling 
to remove his vessels. The French held Penobscot until 1664. 
[i Williamson, Maine, 263, 264.] Razilly is said to have ap- 
pointed d'Aulnay his commandant in the west of Acadie, and 
Latour in the east, [i Hutchinson, Mass., 128.] Nicolas 
Denys, who was afterwards in 1654 made governor in the gulph 
of St. Lawrence and the islands from cape Canseau to cape 
Rosiers, came here in the suite of the commandeur de Razilly, 
with his brother Denys de Vitr6. Nicolas Denys was a man of 
enterprize. In partnership with de Razilly and a merchant of 
Auray, in Bretagne, he established a shore fishery at port 
Rossignol, now Liverpool, Nova Scotia. 

15 January, 1635. The company of New France made a 
grant to Charles de Saint Etienne, sieur de la Tour, lieutenant 
general for the king on the coasts of Acadie, in New France, 
stating that they had been apprized of his zeal for the catholic, 
apostolic and Roman religion, and for the service of his ma- 
jesty. They accordingly grant to him " the fort and habita- " 
" tion of Latour, situate on the river of St. John, in New " 
" France, between the 45th and 46th degrees of latitude, " 
" with the lands next adjacent thereto in the extent of five " 
" leagues below along the said river, by ten leagues in depth " 
" inland, the whole according to the bounds which shall be " 
" assigned." This grant was in full property, justice and seig- 
neurie, held of Quebec, &c. The tenure is perpetual, in nearly 
the same terms as the grant of Ste. Croix in 1632 to de Razilly. 
It contains a clause against alienation for ten years, unless 
with consent of the company. After that period it may be 
conveyed to any persons capable, and professing the catholic, 
apostolic and Roman faith. It would seem that Charles Latour 
at this time was considered as reconciled to Rome. 

The Jesuits are said to have established a mission at Ste. 
Anne, cape Breton, and another at St. Charles, Miscou, in 

88 History of Nova-Scotia. 1636. 

1634. [i Ferland,p. 267.] De Razilly built a fort at Laheve, 
on a hillock of land of three or four acres, surrounded by two 
rivers and the fond du port de la Hh?e, (head of the harbor.) 

25 January, 1636, a grant was made to of the habi- 
tation called " le vieux logis" the old dwelling, at Pentacouet, 
to the extent of ten leagues in width by ten leagues deep, 
inland. [This grant is mentioned in the arret du conseil 
d'6tat, in 1703, Paris mss., but the grantee is not named ; but 
in an abstract, or mfrnoire, he is said to be Claude de St. 
Etienne, the father of Claude de la Tour. Possibly Claude de 
Razilly was the grantee. As Pentagoet was in the posses- 
sion of d'Aulnay after Isaac de Razilly was dead and the 
English were expelled, one might suppose it had been granted 
to Razilly. It has occurred to me that there might have been 
conflicting claims between d'Aulnay and the Latours as to the 
ownership of Pentagoet, and this would account for their ori- 
ginal quarrel, and for Latour's asking aid from Boston to 
remove d'Aulnay from that place.] 


I. Treaty of St. Germain en Laye, 29 March, 1632, Article 3. De la part de sa 
majeste de la Grande Bretagne, le dit sieur ambassadeur en vertu du pouvoir 
qu'il a, lequel sera insere a la fin de ces presentes, a promis et promet pour et au 
nom de sa dite majeste de rendre et restituer tons les lieux occupees en la Nouvelle 
France, la Cadie, et Canada, par les sujets de sa majeste de la Grande Bretagne, 
ceux faire retirer des dits lieux ; Et pour cet effet, le dit sieur ambassadeur 
delivera, lors de la passation et signature des presentes, aux commissaires du 
roi tres Chretien, en bonne forme, le pouvoir qu'il a de sa majeste de la Grande 
Bretagne pour la restitution des dits lieux ensemble les commandemens de sa dite 
majeste a tous ceux, qui commandent dans le Port Royal, Fort de Quebec, et 
cap Breton, pour etre les dites places et fort rendus et remis es mains de ceux 
qu'il plaira a sa Majeste Chretienne ordonner, &c. Article 3. The said Mr. 
ambassador on the part of his Majesty of Great Britain, by virtue of the power, 
which he has, which shall be inserted at the end of these presents, has promised 
and does promise for and in the name of his said Majesty to give up and restore 
all the places in New France, La Cadie and Canada, occupied by the subjects of 
his Majesty of Great Britain, and to make them withdraw from the said places ; 

History of Nova-Scotia. 89 

and for this purpose, the said Mr. Ambassador shall deliver, on the passing and 
signing of these presents, to the commissaries of the most Christian king, in 
good form, the power which he has from his majesty of Great Britain for the 
restitution of the said places, together with the orders of his said majesty to all 
those who command in Port Royal, the fort of Quebec and cape Breton, for the 
giving up and surrendering of the said places and fort in the hands of those whom 
it shall please his Christian majesty to appoint, &c. 

2. Acadie, Samedi, 27 Mars, 1632. Convention avec le Sieur de Razilly pour 
aller recevoir la restitution des mains des Anglois, et en mettre en possession la 
compagnie de la nouvelle France, acte passe au chateau de St. Germain en Laye. 
Messire Isaac de Razilly, commandeur de 1'ordre de St. Jean, de Jerusalem, charge* 
d'aller recevoir la restitution qui n'a pas encore faite du pays de la nouvelle France, 
dit Canada, nommement le Port Royal, cote de 1' Acadie, usurpe par les Anglois 
et Ecossais depuis le traite de Suze, et ou le Roi veut etablir la compagnie, formee 
par son ordre. Le cardinal fera delivrer dans le 20 du mois d'Avril prochain au 
port de Morbihan, le vaisseau nomme 1'Esperance en dieu, franc, cinglant, pret 
a recevoir sa charge, arme de ses canons, pierriers, poudre et boulets, et le 
somme de dix milles livres comptant, au moyen de quoi, sans qu'il en coute autre 
chose au Roi, le sieur de Razilly mettra en possession du dit Port Royal la dite 
compagnie de la Nouvelle France, equipera avec la dite vaisseau une patache du 
port au moins de cent tonneaux armee a ses frais, et fera aussi a ses frais toute la 
depense, tant de la solde, que victuailles des hommes de 1'equipage des dits vais- 
seaux, sur lesquels il passera trois capucins et le nombre d'hommes que lui et la 
dite compagnie de la Nouvelle France jugeront & propos, avec les victuailles et les 
munitions que la dite compagnie estimera necessaires, a condition qu'il renverra 
cette annee le dit vaisseau de 1'Esperance en Dieu, dans le port de Brest avec les 
autres vaisseaux du Roi. Car ainsi promettant et s'obligeant et renoncant, &c. 

Acadie, Saturday, 27 March, 1632. Agreement with M. de Razilly, to go and 
receive restitution at the hands of the English, and put the company of New 
France in possession of it. Act passed at the castle of St. Germain en Laye. 
Messire Isaac de Razilly, commander of the order of St. John of Jerusalem, 
employed to go and to receive the restitution, 'which has not yet been made of the 
country of New France, called Canada, particularly Port Royal, coast of Acadie, 
usurped by the English and Scotch since the treaty of Suza, and where the king 
wishes to establish the company, formed by his order. The Cardinal shall cause 
to be delivered on the 2Oth of the month of April next, at the port of Morbihan, 
the vessel called the " L'esperance en dieu " (the hope in God,) free and in sailing 
order, ready to receive her cargo, armed with her guns, swivels, powder and shot, 
and the sum of 10,000 livres in ready money ; by means whereof, without its cost- 
ing the king any thing further, the sieur de Razilly shall put the said company of 
New France in possession of Port Royal, shall equip with the said vessel a pin- 
nace of the burthen of at least 100 tons, armed at his own expense, and shall 
defray at his own expense, all the expense as well of the pay as of the provisions 
for the men forming the crews of the said vessel, on which (vessels) he shall carry 
out three capuchins and such a number of men as he and the said company of 
New France shall judge to be proper, with the provisions and ammunition which 
the said company shall esteem necessary : on condition that he shall send back 
this year the said vessel the " L'esperance en dieu " to the port of Brest, with the 
other vessels of the king. For thus promising, binding himself, renouncing, &c. 

go History of Nova-Scotia. 

3. Commission du Sr. de Razilly, 10 Mai, 1632. Sur ce qu'il a ete accorde 
entre les commissaires deputes par Louis XIII. et le sieur Wake, ambassadeur de 
son tres cher et tres ami bon frere et beau frere, cousin et ancien allie le roi de la 
tres grande Bretagne, que les places de Quebec, Port Royal et cap Breton, pris 
par les Anglais et Ecossais sur les sujets de Roi Louis XIII. depuis le traite de 
paix fait entre lui et le roi d'Angleterre le 24. Avril 1629, seroient restitutees, 
commet le Sr. de Razilly, pour faire retirer les Ecossais et autres sujets de la 
Grande Bretagne. Donne a St. Germain en Laye, 1'an 1632, de son regne le 
23. Scelle de cire jaune. Par le Roi, Bouthillier. 

Commission of le Sr. de Razilly, 10 May, 1632. It having been agreed on 
between the commissaries (or commissioners) deputed by Louis 13, and Mr. Wake, 
ambassador of his very dear and very friend, brother and brother-in-law, cousin 
and ancient ally, the king of the very great Britain, that the places of Quebec, 
Port Royal and cape Breton, taken by the English and Scotch from the subjects 
of king Louis 13, since the treaty of peace made between him and the king of 
England the 24th April 1629, shall be restored, commissions le Sr. de Razilly to 
make the Scotch and other subjects of Great Britain withdraw. Given at St. 
Germain en Laye, the year 1632, of his reign the 23d. (Sealed with yellow wax.) 
By the king. Bouthillier. 

4. La Sr. de Razilly qu'en outre de sa commission Mgr. Bouthillier lui on a 
delivre une autre de pareille teneur, le nom en blanc, en cas qui'l ne put aller lui 
meme executer ce qui lui est ordonne. II fera alors remplir le blanc du nom 
d'une personne agreable a sa Majeste et capable. Fait a Paris, le 12 me de Mai 
1632. Signe, le commandeur de Razilly. 

Monseigneur Bouthillier had delivered to M. de Razilly, besides his commission, 
another of like tenor, the name left blank. In case he cannot go himself to exe- 
cute what he is ordered, he will then fill up the blank with the name of a person 
agreeable to his Majesty and capable. Done at Paris, the I2th of May, 1632. 
Signed, " the commander de Razilly. 

5. 22 Aout 1632. Mgr. Bouthillier, conseiller, secretaire d'etat et des com- 
mandements du Roy a remis au chevalier de Razilly pour prendre possession du 
Port Royal en Acadie. i. Une lettre patente du Roi de la Grande Bretagne en 
latin du 4, du mois de Juillet 1631, sous le cachet de 1'Encosse pour la restitution 
du Port Royal en 1'etat qu'il etait lors de la prise d'icelui. 2. Un commande- 
ment du dit Roy a ses sujets etant dans le Port Royal pour la demolition et 
delaissement de la place. 3. Et une lettre du chevalier Alexandre au capitaine 
Andros Forrester commandant au dit Port Royal, tendante a meme fin. 

22d August, 1632. Monseigneur Bouthillier, secretary of state, and of the 
king's commands, has sent tofthe chevalier de Razilly, for taking possession of 
Port Royal, in Acadie. ist. Letters patent of the king of Great Britain, in Latin, 
of 4 July, 1631, under the seal of Scotland, for the restitution of Port Royal, in 
the state it was in at the time of its capture. 2nd. An order of the said king to 
his subjects being in Port Royal, for the demolition and abandonment of the 
place. 3rd. And a letter of the chevalier Alexandre to captain Andros Forrester, 
commander at said Port Royal, tending to the same end. 

6. In the report of the English and French commissaries, p. 707, is a grant 
from the company of New France, dated 19 May, 1632, " to monsieur comman- " 
" deur de Razilly, lieutenant general for the king in New France." By this docu- 
ment the company granted to Razilly " the extent of the lands and countries " 

History of Nova-Scotia. 91 

' following, that is to say, the river and bay Sainte Croix, the islands therein " 
" contained, and the adjacent lands on each side, in New France, to the extent " 
"of twelve leagues in width, taking the middle point of the isle of St. Croix, " 
" where the sieur de Monts wintered, and twenty leagues in depth from the " 
" port aux Coquilles, which is one of the islands of the mouth of the river and " 
" bay of Sainte Croix, each league to be of 4000 livres" (fathoms) " long, to " 
" enjoy the said places by the said sieur Razilly, and his successors having " 
" cause, in all property, justice and seigneurie for ever, as fully and with the same " 
" rights as the king has pleased to grant to the said company of New France." 
The tenure is faith and homage only at the fort of St. Louis, at Quebec, or else- 
where, as the company may appoint, with an ounce of gold, and one year's reser- 
ved rent on each change of ownership. The appeals from any judge appointed by 
the seigneur to be to St. Louis, or elsewhere, &c. 

7. 14 June, 1633, viscount Stirling (sir William Alexander) was created, by 
Charles the first, earl of Stirling, viscount of Canada, &c. 

De Montmagny was appointed governor of Canada in 1636, 

92 History of Nova-Scotia. 1638. 


1638. After the death of the commandeur Isaac de Razilly, 
which is supposed to have occurred in 1636, his property 
devolved on his brother Claude de Razilly, captain in the 
French navy, who subsequently, in 1642, transferred all 
the estates of his late brother, and those held by himself, in 
Acadie, to M. d'Aulnay Charnisay. [i Charlevoix, 196, and 
Paris mss.] In 1637, Charles de la Tour and dAulnay Char- 
nisay were both holders of large interests in Acadie. The 
former held fort Louis at cape Sable, fort Latour on the river 
St. John, &c., while d'Aulnay probably had already bargained 
for Port Royal, Laheve, and St. Croix, with his connection 
Claude de Razilly. Both Latour and d'Aulnay were in some 
measure royal governors. Latour under his commission in 
1631, which does not seem to have been revoked, and d'Aul- 
nay as successor to Isaac de Razilly, who had employed him 
as commandant in Western Acadie, and Latour in the Eastern 
parts. Discords now arose between d'Aulnay and Latour. 
The former seems to have been a connection and dependant 
of the great cardinal Richelieu, who was then in the zenith of 
his power and prosperity, and of whom it was said that after 
his death, (which took place 4 Dec., 1642), the court was as 
submissive to his wishes as it had been during his life : his 
relations and creatures enjoying all the dignities and all the 
favors he had procured for them. Rochefoucault mem. cited 
i. de Larrey, hist. 16. It will be seen that Latour proved the 
least successful in these contests, his adversary not only pos- 
sessing energy and many resources, but being supported by 
such powerful influences in France. 

1638. History of Nova-Scotia. 93 

Their differences having been under the consideration of 
the French government, a royal letter was addressed to M. 
d'Aulnay, dated 10 February, 1638, as follows: "Monsieur" 
" d'Aulnay Charnisay. Wishing that there should be a good " 
" understanding between you and the sieur de la Tour, and " 
" that the limits of the places where you have each to com- " 
" mand may not be a subject of controversy between you, I " 
" have'thought fit to inform you particularly of my intentions " 
" respecting the extent of those places, which is under the " 
" authority which I have given to my cousin the cardinal " 
" duke of Richelieu, over all the lands lately discovered by " 
"means of navigation, of which he is superintendant. You" 
" shall be my lieutenant general on the. coast of Etchemins, " 
" beginning from the middle of the terra firma of the French " 
" bay, (probably Chignecto), " thence towards Virginia, and " 
" governor of Pentagoet, and that the charge of the sieur de " 
" la Tour, my lieutenant general on the coast of Acadie, shall " 
" be from the middle of the French bay to the strait of Can- " 
" seau. So you are not empowered to change any arrange- " 
" ments in the settlement on the river St. John, made by the " 
" said sieur de la Tour, who will direct his economy and his " 
" people according to his judgment : and the said sieur de la " 
" Tour shall not attempt to change any thing in the settle- " 
" ments of Laheve and Port Royal, nor in the ports thereto " 
" belonging. As to the trade of truck or barter, the same " 
" course shall be continued as was in the lifetime of comman- " 
" deur de Razilly. You will redouble your care for the pre- " 
" servation of the places within the bounds of your authority, " 
" and especially to take exact care that no foreigners shall " 
" settle within the countries and coasts of New France, " 
" whereof the kings, my predecessors, have taken possession " 
" in their own names. You shall give me an account, as " 
" soon as possible, of the state of affairs there, and particu- " 
" larly under what pretext, and with what avowed purpose, " 
" and under what commissions, certain foreigners have intro- " 
" duced themselves, and formed settlements on the said " 
" coasts, in order that I may provide for and send you the " 
" necessary orders on this subject by the first vessels that " 

94 History of Nova-Scotia. 1639-40. 

" shall go to your quarters. Wherefore I pray God may have " 
" you, monsieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, in his holy keeping. " 
"Written at St. Germain en Laye, 10 Feb'y., 1638." Signed 
"Louis," and below " Bouthillier." Directed to "monsieur" 
" d'Aulnay Charnisay, commandant of the forts of Laheve, " 
" Port Royal, Pentagoet, and the coasts of the Etchemins, in " 
" New France." The French original of the foregoing letter 
is printed by the English and French commissaries, in their 
memorials, pp. 711, 712. At this period it would appear that 
Latour was permanently settled at the mouth of the river St. 
John. As it was decided in 1630 to form an establishment 
there, to be under command of Latour the elder, while Charles 
was to command still at cape Sable, while Claude was said 
by Denys to be at the latter place in 1635, we may suppose 
the St. John settlement was now deemed the more important 
one, and that Charles de la Tour made it his principal resi- 
dence. It is said that he raised fortifications there on the west 
side of the harbor, near the part of the city now called Carle- 
ton. This was called fort Latour. Latour's government 
then comprised the peninsula of Acadie. Charles de Menou, 
sieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, was settled at Pentagoet, (at a 
place now known as major Biguyduce point, in Castine), 
and his government comprised the shores of New Brunswick 
and Maine, from Chignecto (in Cumberland) to Pemaquid, on 
the Kennebec. [ I Williamson, Maine, 308.] The settlements 
of Port Royal and Laheve, possessed by d'Aulnay, were within 
the government of Latour, while Latour's settlement and fort 
on the St. John came within the limits of d'Aulnay's govern- 

In this year, 1638, earthquakes were felt throughout New 
England from the ist to the 2ist June. In Canada an earth- 
quake was observed nth June. At this time Boston was a 
village of about 20 or 30 houses. I Ferland's Canada, p. 293. 

1639. The alleged charter of novodamtts, in favor of lord 
Stirling, giving the title and estates to his heirs general, (which 
was deemed a forgery by the tribunals), bears date 7 Decem- 
ber, 1639. 

1640. Charles de la Tour visited Quebec in 1640, as is 

1641. History of Nova-Scotia. 95 

ascertained by his then becoming sponsor for a boy called 
Charles Atnador Martin. Abraham Martin, dit rEcossais, 
(called the Scotchman), a pilot of the river St. Lawrence, was 
owner of the plains of Abraham. He had a son, Eustache, 
whose baptism is the earliest on the registry at Quebec in 
1621. Charles Amador Martin was the only son who survived 
Abraham, and became remarkable for his happy disposition 
and for musical talents. He was the second Canadian ordained 
a priest was a member of the seminary of Foreign missions 
at Quebec, and a canon of the cathedral. 

1641. The differences between d'Aulnay and Latour con- 
tinued, and it appears that the former made his cause appear 
the better one at court, where he succeeded in obtaining the 
following order, which is printed in French in the memorials 
of the English and French commissaries, pp. 712, 713 : 

" 13 February, 1641." 
" Monsieur d'Aulnay Charnisay." 

" I send an order to the sieur de la Tour, by an express " 
" letter, to embark and come to me as soon as he receives it, " 
" which if he should fail to obey, I order you to seize his per- " 
" son, and to make a faithful inventory of all that belongs to " 
" him, a copy of which you will send here. For this purpose " 
" you will employ all the means and forces you can, and you " 
" will put the forts that are in his hands in those of persons " 
" faithful and well disposed to my service, who may answer " 
" for the same. This letter having no further object, I pray " 
" God, monsieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, to have you in his holy " 
"keeping. Written at St. Germain en Laye, the I3th Feb-" 
"ruary, 1641. Signed "Louis;" lower down " Bouthillier ; " 
endorsed " To monsieur d'Aulnay Charnisay." On the 23rd 
February, 1641, the king in council revoked the commission 
of governor held by Charles de la Tour, dated 1 1 February, 
1631, on the ground of alleged misconduct ; and 28 Feb. 1641, 
an order was made for Latour to come home to France to 
answer for his proceedings. On the 16 August, 1641, Mathieu 
Capon, commis au greffe de la justice et police du pays d'Aca- 
die, (clerk in the office of secretary of justice and police of 
Acadie), by authority of sieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, informs 

g6 History of Nova-Scotia. 1641-42. 

against Latour, on complaints of inhabitants of Port Royal. 
Returns of the date 22 August, 1641, testify that Eatour had 
refused to embark in the St. Francis, sent out express to bring 
him home. Paris mss. Latour attributed the order for his 
arrest to false reports against him, and retired to his fort at 
St. John, resolved to defend himself there with energy. Having 
been brought up in the country by a huguenot father, and in 
the midst of the aborigines, he sought for and found friends and 
support among the Souriquois, (Micmacs), among the protest- 
ants of Rochelle, and even among the puritans of New England, 
[i Ferland, 342.] Latour is said to have had some partnership 
or interests in trade, by which he was connected with major 
Gibbons, of Boston, and looking for assistance in that direction 
in November, 1641, he sent M. Rochette, (or Rochet), a pro- 
testant of Rochelle, to the town of Boston, to propose to the 
English of that province to unite with him in attacking d'Aul- 
nay in his fort at Pentagoet, his chief trading settlement, where 
he had retired at that time. He also proposed that a free 
trade should be carried on between New England and Acadie, 
but as Rochette did not exhibit such credentials as were 
deemed necessary, the governor and council at Boston decli- 
ned to enter into any treaty, and Rochette retired, [i Hutch., 
128. I Ferlarid, 348.] 

1642. An order passed Feb. 21, 1642, directing d'Aulnay 
to seize Latour's forts, &c. About the same time d'Aulnay 
obtained a transfer in his favor of all the estates of the former 
governor the commandeur Isaac de Razilly, deceased, within 
the province of Acadie, by deeds from Claude de Razilly, the 
brother and heir of Isaac, dated 16 January, 1642, by which 
all his right in the company of New France, and all the pro- 
perty his brother held in Acadie, were conveyed to d'Aulnay, 
the latter binding himself to pay 14,000 livres as the price, 
within seven years. [Paris mss., i Garneau, 167.] D'Aulnay 
was in France this year, as we find in the Paris mss. that 
" Charles de Menou, seigneur d'Aulnay Charnizay, governor " 
" and lieutenant general for the king in all the coasts of" 
" Acadie, &c., being present at Paris, lodging in the house of" 
" M. de Charnizay, his father, 16 rue de Crenelle, in the house " 

1 64 1 -4 2. History of Nova-Scotia. 97 

" which has for a sign the fleur de lys, near the olive tree, " 
makes and constitutes his father " messire Ren de Menou, " 
" chevalier, seigneur de Charnizay, councillor of the king in " 
"his state and private councils," attorney for his property, 
real and personal, &c. &c., before messieurs Platrier and 
Chappelain, notaries, date 8 March, 1642 ; and on the 27 July, 
1642, the said sieur Rene" substitutes M. Louis Adam, advo- 
cate in parliament, as procurator fiscal of the lands of the said 
sieur d'Aulnay. The chevalier Rene" de Charnizay is said to 
have been a powerful protector at court for his son. 

On the 6 October, 1642, there came to Boston a shallop sent 
by Latour, with his lieutenant and fourteen men, and letters full 
of compliments, desiring aid to remove d'Aulnay from Penta- 
goet, and renewing his former proposal for a free trade. They 
returned without any assurance of the aid requested ; but 
some merchants of Boston sent a pinnace after them to trade 
with Latour at the river St. John. On their return they 
brought letters to the governor at Boston, in which full state- 
ments were contained of the controversy between d'Aulnay 
and Latour. On their way they stopped at Pemaquid, and 
found d'Aulnay there on a visit. He also wrote by them to 
the governor at Boston, and sent him a printed copy of an 
arret (judgment) he had obtained from France against Latour, 
and threatened to capture any vessels that should go to Latour. 
[i Hutchinson, Mass., 128] 

98 History of Nova-Scotia. 


1643. Hitherto the only hostilities we have noticed in this 
part of New France had their origin in the jealous rivalry of 
the two nations, whose old contests in Europe were continued 
on a smaller scale in America. We have now to observe two 
distinguished chiefs, of French birth, engage in a relentless, 
cruel and mischievous conflict for power in a land as yet, ex- 
cept in a few isolated spots, an unreclaimed wilderness. While 
in Canada, French courage was displayed in defence against 
the most hostile and dangerous of the savage nations, and occa- 
sionally in resistance to the English, the wilds of Acadie wit- 
nessed the fratricidal disputes of Frenchman with Frenchman. 
The circumstances which gave rise to the quarrel of Latour and 
d'Aulnay, and the causes which embittered their struggle, are 
not sufficiently explained to us by the records that remain, to 
enable us safely to measure out to each of these combatants 
his just allotment of praise or of censure. The loyalty of 
Charles Latour in 1630, when he resisted the persuasions of a 
beloved father and the alluring temptations of power and rank, 
remaining so truly faithful to his nation and its sovereign, give 
us a high opinion of his original qualities of heart and intel- 
lect His perseverance in adhering to the country in the most 
discouraging period after Argal's raids and Kirk's invasion 
living among the native Indians, and afterwards succeeding in 
founding forts and settlements, his services under Razilly 
after 1632, and indeed all the facts to the time of the discord in 
1638 convey impressions in his favor. Then we find him sud- 
denly condemned to arrest and spoliation on some charges made 

1643- History of Nova-Scotia. 99 

against him, which we may conclude had small foundation, as 
no specific offence is once mentioned. The presumption seems 
strong that the influence of d' Aulnay at court turned the scale 
against Latour, and not the weight of his offences. The losses 
and sufferings which Latour afterwards underwent also incline 
our sympathies in his favor. 

[Louis 13 died 14 May, 1643 J Louis 14 born in 1638, being 
then 4 years and 8 months old.] But to return to the narra- 
tive of events in the province. 

1643. Early in the spring of 1643, d' Aulnay, with two ships 
and four small craft, and with five hundred men, attacked and 
blockaded Latour's fort and settlement at the river St. John. 
Latour and his garrison were thus reduced to a very difficult 
position. To aggravate their distress, a ship, laden with suc- 
cors, which they had expected, and for want of which they 
were then suffering, arrived off the harbor. She had 140 
emigrants on board, among whom were two friars. Her mas- 
ter and crew belonged to Rochelle. Latour perceived that 
she could not pass the blockading squadron. He therefore 
resolved to leave the garrison himself, and entrust the defence 
of the place to his companions. Accordingly, he and his wife, 
in the night of June 12, 1643, escaped to the ship and pro- 
ceeded in her to Boston, [i Hutch^ 129.] They took a pilot 
out of a Boston vessel they met on the passage. On entering 
Boston harbor they saw a boat, in which were the lady and 
family of Mr. Gibbons, who were going by water to his farm. 
One of the Frenchmen who had been entertained at her 
house, recognized the lady ; and a boat having been manned, 
with the intention of inviting her to come on board of the 
French vessel, she became alarmed and fled to Governor's 
island. The Frenchmen followed her thither, and at the island 
they found the governor Winthrop and his family, who were 
all greatly surprised, and so was the whole English colony 
when they heard the news. The town of Boston was so 
alarmed, that they all immediately armed themselves, and 
three shallops, filled with armed men, were sent to guard the 
governor home. Had Latour been an enemy, he might not 
only have secured the governor's person, but also have taken 

ioo History of Nova-Scotia. 1643. 

possession of the castle, which was opposite to the island, 
there not being a single man there at the time to defend it. 

Latour had so far cleared up his conduct at the French 
court, that he had obtained a permission in writing, under the 
hands of the vice admiral of France, the great prior, &c., by 
which this ship was allowed to bring him out supplies. In 
this document he was called the king's lieutenant general in 
Acadie. He also produced letters from the agent of the com- 
pany in France, advising him to look to himself, and to guard 
against the designs of d' Aulnay. 

Governor Winthrop called together such of the magistrates 
and deputies as were near Boston, and laid before them the 
request of Latour. The colony had entered into an agreement 
with the neighboring English provinces, which put it out of 
their power to grant aid as a government, unless with the 
advice of the other governments : but as they conceived they 
were not bound to hinder any individuals who were willing 
to be hired to aid Latour, from fulfilling such engagement. 
Latour was very thankful for this decision : but some of the 
English being displeased at this concession, the governor 
called a second meeting, where, on a more full debate, the first 
opinion was adhered to, and a permission given to Latour to 
trade, and to hire such vessels and men as he stood in need of. 
The remonstrants stated " that they should expose their " 
" trade to the ravages of d' Aulnay, and perhaps the whole " 
" colony to the resentment of the French king, who would " 
" not be imposed upon by the distinction of permitting and " 
" commanding force to assist Latour ; that they had no suf- " 
" ficient evidence of the justice of his cause, and in causa " 
" dubia bellum non est suscipiendum. That Latour was a " 
" papist, attended by priests, friars, &c., and that they were in " 
" the case of Jehoshaphat, who joined with Ahab, an idolater, " 
" which act was expressly condemned in scripture." Latour's 
wife is said to have been considered by the Boston authorities, 
as justly esteemed, for her sourtd Protestant sentiments and 
excellent virtues, while his character was attacked by some as 
doubtful and hypocritical. [ I Williamson, Maine, 311]. Latour 
was accused of acts of violence, which he rebutted, and shewed 

1643* History of Nova-Scotia. 101 

by living witnesses that he had done many acts of kindness to 
Englishmen, who had been thrown on his compassion by dis- 
asters at sea. The rulers of Massachusetts at this time viewed 
d'Aulnay as an ambitious and dangerous neighbor. This con- 
sideration, and the risk of losing the debts which Latour owed 
to business men in Boston, had weight in producing the deci- 
sion. Mr. Endicott wrote to governor Winthrop, " igth of" 
" the 4th month," which date corresponds to the 30 June, (new 
style), 1643, dissuading him from giving aid to Latour, he says, 
" His father and himself, as I am informed, have shed the " 
" blood of some English already, and taken away a pinnace " 
" and goods from Mr. Allerton," wishes enquiry about this 
before Latour should be let go, complains of soldiers being let 
come on shore and being trained, &c. \Hutchinsoris Collec- 
tions, 173.] Thomas Gorges, the deputy governor of Maine, 
wrote on this occasion to governor Winthrop, from his resi- 
dence at Kittery point, as follows : 

Piscataqua, 28 June, 1643. 

Right worthy sir. I understand by Mr. Parker you have 
written me by Mr. Shurt, which, as yet, I have not received. 
It cannot be unknown to you the fears we are in, since 
Latour' s promise of aid from you. For my part I thought fit 
to certify so much unto you, for I suppose not only these parts 
which are naked, but all North East, will find d'Aulnay a 
scourge. He hath long waited, with the expense of near ^800 
a month, for an opportunity of taking supplies from his foe ; 
and should all his hopes be frustrated through your aid, you 
may conceive where he will seek for satisfaction. If a tho- 
rough work could be made, and he be utterly extirpated, I 
should like it well : otherwise it cannot be thought but that a 
soldier and a gentleman will seek to revenge himself ; having 
500 men, two ships, a galley and pinnaces, well provided. 
Besides you may please conceive in what manner he now 
besieges Latour. His ships lie on the South west part of the 
island, at the entrance of St. John's river, within which is only 
an entrance for ships, and on the North-east lie his pinnaces. 
It cannot be conceived but he will fortify the island, which 

IO2 History of Nova-Scotia. ^4 3. 

will debar the entrance of any of your ships, and force 
them back, shewing the will, having not the power, to hurt 
him. I suppose I shall sail for England in this ship. I am 
not yet certain, which makes me forbear to enlarge this time, 
or to desire your commands thither. Thus in haste I rest, 
your honoring friend and servant, 


Winthrop, in his memoirs, states that Latour saluted the 
castle in going past, and the salute was not returned, as no one 
was there to do it. That it had been abandoned by order of 
the last general court, and part of the ramparts had fallen. 
That Latour might have carried off the cannon from it, and 
having many men with him, have put Boston to a ransom, and 
carried off, without resistance, the two vessels that were in the 
harbor, if he had been actuated by hostile feelings. Latour, 
while at Boston, lodged with major Gibbons. Ferland informs 
us (v. i., p. 348 & s.) that Charles de la Tour was a catholic, 
although almost all the persons in his employment were pro- 
testants. That many of the more zealous preachers in Bos- 
ton, &c., condemned in their sermons the negotiations held 
with him. Winthrop, in his reply to Gorges, reasons at some 
length to justify the course he took in this business. Both 
letters are in Hutchinson's Collection, p. 115 to 132 ; and the 
substance of the debates at Boston on the same subject is in 
Winthrop's memoirs, in which various occurrences in Jewish 
history are quoted and discussed as bearing on this affair. 

Latour, having official permission, on the 30 June, 1643, 
chartered of Edward Gibbons and Thomas Hawkins, at ^320 
for each of the two succeeding months, the ships Seabridge, 
Philip & Mary, Increase, and Greyhound, furnished with fifty 
men and thirty-eight pieces of ordnance. He also enlisted 
ninety-two soldiers, at the charge of forty pounds per month, 
whom he put on board ; the whole being armed, victualled and 
paid at his own expense. Gibbons was gay, young and weal- 
thy. He was a magistrate in 1650. To secure the ship- 
owners and purveyors, Latour mortgaged to them his fort at 
St. John, his cannon, and all his other property, real and per- 

1 643. History of Nova-Scotia. 103 

sonal, in Acadie. All being prepared, the squadron, pre- 
ceded by Latour's own ship, the Clement, sailed from Boston 
14 July, 1643, and on arriving at St. John commenced their 
attack upon d'Aulnay's vessels immediately. D'Aulnay took 
to flight, and was chased as far as Pentagoet, where he ran his 
two ships and a small vessel aground. An engagement also 
occurred at a mill of d'Aulnay's, not far from the fort at Pen- 
tagoet, in which thirty New Englandmen took part with 
Latour's own people, and three Frenchmen were killed on 
each side. After this the commander of the Massachusetts 
auxiliaries declined any further operations. Within the time 
limited by the charter party, the hired vessels from Boston got 
home to their own port, without the loss of a man ; and they 
brought with them their share of the booty of furs, taken in a 

vessel of d'Aulnay's captured by the combined forces. 

Hutchinson, who is the chief authority for the events of Acadie 
in 1643, makes Pentagoet (now Penobscot) the place to which 
d'Aulnay fled from St. John harbor ; but Winthrop, whom 
Ferland follows on this point as being a contemporaneous 
writer, fixes the place to which he fled and the mill where the 
combat took place, at Port Royal, which is most probably the 
true place. Ferland says that d'Aulnay had removed the 
thirty or forty families which had been at Laheve to Port 
Royal, and that they were the beginning of the French Aca- 
dian race. D'Aulnay, after this disaster, went to France, 

announcing his intention to come back the next year with 
such forces as should command respect. 

One cannot help admiring the activity and capacity display- 
ed by Charles de la Tour in this instance. Hemmed in by 
superior forces, he sees and seizes on a mode of extrication 
which calls into play his eloquence, reasoning and persuasion. 
Preserving a calm and dignified attitude, in a foreign town, 
amid conflicting sentiments and interests, he over-rules the 
scruples, distrust and caution of the English of Boston, and 
obtains powerful reinforcement there ; and having so far suc- 
ceeded, his rapid movements, as the soldier and the man of 
business, enable him to turn his force to account without dan- 
gerous delays. But a month had elapsed from his arrival in 

IO4 History of Nova-Scotia. 1644. 

Boston with but one vessel, until he leaves it with an arma- 
ment of five, and a valuable land force besides. His removing 
his lady from the beleaguered fort, where her presence would 
probably have been of no avail to the defenders, if not a hin- 
drance, and where she would have been exposed to many dan- 
gers, and transferring her to Boston, where she could exercise 
an influence most favorable to his projects, is also deserving of 
great commendation. 

1644. D'Aulnay returned from France to Acadie in the 
spring of 1644, and intimated to the governor at Boston that 
he had received orders from the king of France to live in 
peace and cultivate a good understanding with the English ; 
that he would willingly obey his sovereign in this respect, as 
far as the interest of the public service would permit, and that 
he would soon send persons to him appointed to regulate mat- 
ters between them, [i Ferland, 352.] Latour also about this 
time paid another visit to Boston. Endicot was then gover- 
nor, and lived at Salem. All that Latour obtained was a letter 
of remonstrance from the authorities there to d' Aulnay, com- 
plaining of his having captured Penobscot, (Pentagoet), and 
taken men and goods (English) at the isle of Sable, and inti- 
mating their intention to protect the trade they had with M. 
de la Tour, [i Hutch., Mass., 131.] 

In the summer of this year, 1644, messrs. Vines, of Saco, 
Shurt, of Pemaquid, and Warneston (called Warnerton, Waver- 
ton and Wanneston, also in different authors), going from Saco 
to collect debts from Latour ; and putting into Penobscot on 
their way, were for some days detained as prisoners, but relea- 
sed for the sake of Mr. Shurt, who was well known to d' Aul- 
nay. Latour afterwards prevailed on Thomas Warneston, who 
had been an assistant to the governor of Portsmouth, in New 
Hampshire, [i Belknap, N. H., 52], to attempt, with about 
twenty of Latour's men, to take Penobscot. [i Hutch., 131, 
132.] They first went to a farm house of d'Aulnay's, about six 
miles from the fort. They burned the house and killed the 
cattle. It ended, however, in the assailants being defeated. 
Warneston was killed, one of his companions wounded, and a 
French resident killed. This led to menaces on the part of 

1 644. History of Nova-Scotia. 105 

d'Aulnay to capture all vessels of the English colony found 
east of Penobscot, but on a remonstrance from the governor 
at Boston, he withdrew his threats. 

Meantime madame de la Tour had gone to Europe to obtain 
relief and resources for her husband's garrison and settlement 
at St. John, and had sailed from London in an English vessel 
which had been chartered to carry her and her supplies direct 
to St. John, and had left Europe early in the spring. Instead, 
however, of fulfilling his contract, the master, named Bayley, 
had made a six months voyage, going up the St. Lawrence, in 
order to trade with the Indians, in spite of the remonstrances 
of his fair passenger. In the course of this devious wander- 
ing, while off cape Sable, they were met by the vessels of 
d'Aulnay, and only escaped capture by concealing madame 
Latour and her people, whom they hid in the hold of the ship. 
They at length arrived at Boston in September, 1644. Latour 
himself had only left that place for St. John a few days before. 
The lady commenced a suit at law against the master of the 
ship, Bayley, for taking her to Boston, instead of St. John, as 
agreed upon. At the same time she sued Berkley on the 
charter party, the deviation having been made for his own tra- 
ding purposes. The trials lasted four days, and the jury gave 
her two thousand pounds damages. With the proceeds she 
chartered three London ships in Boston, and went with them 
to St. John, carrying thither the provisions and merchandize 
she had collected. October 4, 1644, d'Aulnay sent a commis- 
sioner, monsieur Marie, with ten men, to Boston, with creden- 
tials, a commission under the great seal of France, and copies 
of some late proceedings against Latour, who was therein pro- 
scribed as a rebel and traitor, having fled out of France against 
special order, [i Williamson, M., 316.] Though M. Marie 
wore the dress of a layman, he was suspected to be a friar. 
He appeared well informed, and spoke Latin with great facil- 
ity. In fact he was supposed to be one of the capuchins settled 
near M. d'Aulnay, at Pentagoet. Winthrop was no longer 
governor, but in his place Endicott had been appointed. To 
him M. Marie exhibited his papers, among which is said to 
have been an order to arrest hoth Latour and his wife. The 

io6 History of Nova-Scotia. 

magistrates of Boston interceded for madame Latour, but 
Marie charged her with being the first cause of her husband's 

On the 8th of October an agreement was concluded with 
M. Marie, the Latin original of which is in Hutchinson's Col- 
lections, p. 146, and the English version in I H. Mass., 132, 


1645. Latour being on a cruise in the bay of Fundy, and 
having left but fifty men in his fort at St. John, d'Aulnay 
learned the state of the garrison, and proceeded thither early 
in the spring of 1645. Meeting off the coast with a New 
England vessel, laden with supplies for Latour, he made a 
prize of her, turning the crew ashore on a desolate island, 
without fireworks, gun or compass. There they sheltered 
themselves in a wigwam, amidst deep snow, and they were 
even without their usual clothes, a part of which were carried 
off by the captors. In this act d'Aulnay had no regard to the 
treaty made on his behalf by M. Marie, which legalized all 
trade between the French and English. D'Aulnay arriving at 
St. John, moored his ship near the fort, and fired at it with 
some effect. Madame LaTour defended it with valor. Twenty 
of d'Aulnay's men were killed and thirteen wounded in this 
siege, and his ship was so much shattered and disabled that 
he was forced to warp her off, under the shelter of a bluff, to 
save her from sinking. On his return he took off the New 
Englanders from the island where they had been suffering for 
ten days, and sent them home in an old shallop, ill provided. 
On this occurrence, remonstrances passed between d'Aulnay 
and the authorities at Boston. D'Aulnay declined to ratify 
the treaty made with his emissary M. Marie. He promised, 
however, in haughty language, to abstain from actual hostili- 
ties against the New England people until the next spring, 
and demanded their excuse for helping his enemy Latour, and 
other hostile acts, [i Hutch., Mass., 134.] 

During this year d'Aulnay again visited France, and ob- 
tained a letter from the queen regent, dated 27 September, 
1645, acknowledging his zeal in opposing Latour in his " bad 
designs" and intelligence with foreigners, to the injury of the 

1645. History of Nova-Scotia. 107 

king's authority in Acadie, and stating that the king had 
ordered a vessel to be equipped for d'Aulnay, to take him out ; 

and a letter of king Louis 14 (then about 7 years old) to 

the same effect ; in the last of which Latour is said to 

have intended to deliver up the fort he commanded to some 
foreigners. Probably the mortgage on the fort, &c., to his 
Boston creditors was here alluded to. 

When the commissioners of the united colonies of New 
England met at Boston in September, 1645, they ratified the 
treaty made 8 October, 1644, with M. Marie, and they sent 
captain Bridges to d'Aulnay to request him to confirm it by 
his own signature. He used the messenger courteously, but 
refused to sign, alleging subsequent differences as his excuse. 
On this result being known, the general court resolved to send 
the deputy governor Mr. Dudley, major Denison, and captain 
Hawthorne, with full powers to treat and determine, and wrote 
to d'Aulnay informing him of this resolution, and proposing 
Pentagoet as the place of conference. D'Aulnay replied in 
pacific language, but stated that he would instead of this send 
two or three of his people to Boston in August next, (1646), 
with full powers to negotiate. 


The agreement between John Endicott, governor of Massachusetts, in New 
England, and the rest of the magistrates there, and monsieur Marie, commissioner 
of monsieur d'Aulnay, knt., governor and lieutenant general of his majesty the 
king of France,, in Acadie, a province of New France, made and ratified at Boston, 
in the Massachusetts aforesaid, October 8, 1644. The lord governor, and all the 
rest of the magistrates, do promise to the said mr. Marie, that they and all the 
rest of the English within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, In New England, 
shall observe and keep firm peace with monsieur d'Aulnay, governor, &c, and 
all the French under his command in Acadie, &c. ; and likewise the said M. 
Marie doth promise, in the behalf of mons. d'Aulnay, that he and all his people 
shall also keep firm peace with the governor and magistrates aforesaid, and with 
all the inhabitants of the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts aforesaid ; and that it 

io8 History of Nova-Scotia. 

shall be lawful for all men, both the French and the English, to trade with each 
other, so that if any occasion of offence shall happen, neither part shall attempt 
anything against the others in hostile manner, until the wrong be first declared 
and complained of, and due satisfaction not given. Provided always the governor 
and magistrates aforesaid be not bound to restrain their merchants from trading 
with their ships with any persons, whether French or others, wheresoever they 
dwell. Provided also that a full ratification and conclusion of this agreement be 
referred to the next meeting of the commissioners of the united colonies of New 
England, for the continuation or abrogation, and in the meantime to remain firm 
and inviolable, [ffutchinson, Mass., 132, 133.] This treaty was ratified afterwards 
by the commissioners of the united colonies, at Boston, 3 Sept,, O. S., 1645. 


In 1645 the rights of the " Compagnie de la Nouvelle France" respecting the 
fur trade, were defined, agreeably to a bargain they made with the " depute des 
" habitans de la Nouvelle France." by arret of the king, dated 6 March, 1645. 
Edits, &c., Quebec, 1803. 

1646. History of Nova-Scotia. 109 


1646. In August, 1646, messieurs Marie and Louis, together 
with d'Aulnay's secretary, came in a small pinnace to Boston 
to discuss grievances with the governor and council of Massa- 
chusetts. They were received by major Gibbons with a guard 
of musketeers ; and after several days, during which they 
dined in public, and were escorted with great ceremony, an 
amnesty was agreed on. One captain Cromwell had taken in 
the West Indies a sedan chair, made for the viceroy of Mexico, 
(Ferland says for the use of the viceroy's sister), which he gave 
to Mr. Winthrop. This was accepted by the commissioners, 
and transmitted as a present to d'Aulnay, who had set up 
claims for damages against the colony. The treaty was re- 
newed, and all things amicably settled between d'Aulnay and 
the people at Boston, [i Hutch., Mass., 134, 135,] D'Aul- 
nay, by assuming a high tone, gained his real object, which 
was to deprive Latour of aid from the Bostonians. William- 
son says that M. Marie declined to grant permission to 
madame Latour to go to St. John during this treaty, but this 
refusal seems to belong to the former negotiations in 1664. 
Marie at this time was, as previously, thought to be a friar. 
He and Louis spent one Sunday in Boston. The governor 
informed them, that on this day every one was expected either 
to attend the public worship or to remain quiet at home. He 
invited them to pass the day at his house ; and it was obser- 
ved that they spent the time from morning to evening in 
walking in his garden, or turning over the pages of Latin 
books. [Winthrop's New England, quoted by Ferland.] The 

no History of Nova-Scotia. 1647. 

latter says that Marie and Louis lodged with major Gibbons, 
whom he calls the friend of Frenchmen. He also hints that 
Louis might have been suspected of being a friar on better 
grounds than Marie had been. About this time an event 
occurred which appeared to destroy all Latour's prospects, 
and which drove him from his home an exile and a wanderer. 
This was the capture of St. John by d'Aulnay. There are 
difficulties in assigning its true date. Ferland places it in 
April, 1645, while Williamson mentions April, 1647, which is 
perhaps more accurate. D'Aulnay, having ascertained from 
some party, that Latour had quitted his fort at St. John with 
part of his men, either trading or seeking supplies, came with 
his vessels and forces and besieged it again. Madame de la 
Tour was in the fort ; and though surprized, and having but a 
small number of soldiers, she resolved to defend herself to the 
last extremity ; which she did with so much courage during 
three days, that she compelled the besiegers to draw off their 
forces ; but on the fourth day, which was Easter Sunday, she 
was betrayed by a Swiss, who stood sentry, whom d'Aulnay 
had found means to corrupt. She still did not give up ; but 
when she learned that the enemy was scaling the wall, she 
came forward to defend it, at the head of her little garrison. 
D'Aulnay, imagining that the garrison must be stronger than 
he at first supposed, and fearing the disgrace of a repulse, pro- 
posed to the lady that she should capitulate ; and she agreed 
on it, to save the lives of the handful of brave men who had 
supported her so courageously. D'Aulnay, however, as soon 
as he entered the fort, was ashamed at his having made terms 
with a woman, who had nothing but her own courage and so 
few men to oppose him. He complained that he had been 
deceived, and thought himself freed from observing the capitu- 
lation. He caused madame Latour's people to be hung, ex- 
cept one man, to whom he granted his life, on condition of his 
being executioner of the rest, and even compelled the lady to 
be present at this execution, with a rope round her neck. 
(This account is from Charlevoix, who quotes Denys as his 
authority, and remarks that the date is not given. I have not 
seen Denys' work.) The amount of plunder on this occasion 

1647* History of Nova-Scotia. in 

in guns, stores, goods and plate, was estimated at ; 10,000. 
[i. Htitch., 153.] Madame de la Tour is said to have 
died of grief within three weeks after her surrender, leaving a 
young child, that was sent to France under the care of &femme 
de chambre, [Williamson, Maine, v. I, pp. 320, 321,] The 
mental and physical energies displayed by this lady on repeat- 
ed occasions ; while they so often carried her beyond the usual 
boundaries, which nature and custom seemed to have prescri- 
bed for the fair sex, do not seem in her character to indicate 
anything unfeminine. She was not like the fabled Amazons, 
fascinated by the savage joys of combat, or like Joan of Arc, 
or the maid of Saragossa, infatuated by fanaticism or ven- 
geance. The love of her husband, and a desire to protect him 
and her family, and even the humbler soldiers and settlers who 
followed their fortunes, inspired her with resolution and heroic 
fortitude ; and the same feelings must have rendered the des- 
truction of her home and downfal of her hopes doubly bitter. 
Latour, on this disaster happening, was no longer in a con- 
dition to resist his adversary. So he retired to Boston, and 
thence went in the summer to Newfoundland, where sir David 
Kirk was governor, in hopes of receiving assistance, but did 
not succeed, although received kindly and courteously. Re- 
visiting Boston, he obtained a vessel and cargo of about ^500 
value, for a trading voyage on the shores of Acadie. He was 
accused of acting ungratefully and unfairly upon this voyage, 
in sending away the English part of the crew, and in not 
accounting for the goods. [i Hutch., M, 135.] Major 
Gibbons is said to have lost ^2500, a debt due him by Latour 
at this time. Williamson says that Latour sailed about the 
middle of winter for the peninsula of Acadie ; that his vessel 
was manned by Englishmen and Frenchmen, and the master 
was neither ; that the goods were for the Indian trade ; that 
near cape Sable, Latour conspired with the master and five of 
the French to drive the Englishmen ashore, and went off with 
the vessel and cargo ; that the English were fifteen days wan- 
dering on the coast and suffering greatly, but were eventually 
relieved by the Micmacs, who fed and took care of them, and 
lent them a shallop, in which they got back to Boston in the 

H2 History of Nova-Scotia. 1648. 

spring of 1648. These changes had probably but slight foun- 
dation in fact, originating probably in the tales told by a few 
refractory sailors to justify their desertion of duty, and listened 
to by those who are ready to attribute evil to the victims of 
misfortune or poverty. 

(1648.) Latour, giving up the idea of trading, made sail for 
Quebec, where he arrived on the evening of the 8th August. 
Here he was received with honor salutes being fired on his 
arrival and on his landing. He was lodged in the fort, and 
the governor the first day gave him precedence of himself, 
which he then accepted, but afterwards declined. We are 
without any information respecting Latour from this time 
until the year 1651, except that he is said to have gone to 
Hudson's bay 

The character of Charles de la Tour has been rudely han- 
dled by several of the New England writers. It appears that 
Claude de la Tour was a huguenot, and that his son Charles 
had been brought up in that creed, but had become a catholic 
about 1632, being then about thirty-eight or forty years of age. 
His first wife, who displayed so much courage and firmness of 
character, apparently lived and died a protestant. His appli- 
cations to the Bostonians for assistance, his trading with New 
England, and his connection with the huguenots (French pro- 
testants) as settlers, soldiers and servants in his establishment, 
exposed him to suspicion and distrust with the French govern- 
ment, which was managed by cardinal Richelieu, and after 
1642 by cardinal Mazarin ; and without doubt these transac- 
tions were represented to his prejudice at the French court 
by his adversary d'Aulnay. At the same time his position as 
a French governor must have restricted him in fulfilling the 
wishes of his friends in Boston, who possibly looked for more 
support to English claims and protestant interests in Acadie, 
than a French gentleman, professing the catholic religion, and 
responsible to the French crown, could consistently grant. 
The liberal and enlightened views that induced Latour to pro- 
mote commerce and settlement, as well as his natural ambition 
to hold a footing in a land, with which he was so closely con- 
nected from its first occupation, (he having been brought to 

1650. History of Nova-Scotia. 113 

Port Royal by his father at the age of fourteen), and the neces- 
sity he felt of obtaining support from merchants and capital- 
ists, all conspired to draw him into connection with the Eng- 
lish of Boston and the huguenots of Rochelle. All his pro- 
ceedings of this kind were metamorphosed by his jealous and 
hostile rival into treason, or at least disaffection to the French 
crown ; while at Boston some persons distrusted him, and 
charged him with hypocrisy and injustice. 

As to his change of creed, it should be considered that the 
example of the great king Henry the fourth was calculated to 
have a great effect, in that age, to induce Frenchmen to attach 
themselves to the faith of the great majority of the nation. 
The character of Charles de la Tour stands in the most distin- 
guished rank in the affair of 1630, when he evinced his entire 
loyalty and good faith in refusing to surrender his command to 
the English, although urged by his father. While the great 
calamities that befel him, especially the loss of his first wife, 
command our sympathy, his perseverance, activity and talents, 
are remarkable in every part of his career. His misfortunes 
were severe, and in the subsequent events of his life he had! 
fresh pecuniary difficulties, unavoidable in the great attempts, 
at settlement he was engaged in. The over-cautious conduct, 
of the Massachusetts in forming a treaty 8 October, 1644 withi 
d'Aulnay, proved the cause of Latour's ruin, as it cut off his, 
only prospect of aid in his greatest distress. As to the charge: 
of sending the Englishmen ashore, and carrying off. the goods. 
in the small vessel, it seems more like the malice that would; 
pursue the unfortunate, than a well grounded accusation. 

1650. Monsieur d'Aulnay died in 1650, [Ejtglish & French 
Commissaries, p. 118], having enjoyed the advantages of his 
success for a brief period. He is said to have been twice 
married, and to have left children by both wives. He is stated 
to have left seven children, whom his widow took home to 
France. His sons were all slain in the, service of the king of 
France, the last being a major of the regiment of la Fert6, kil- 
led at the siege of Luxembourg ; and his inheritance devolved 
on his daughters. He is said to have spent seventeen years in 
Acadie, to have built five fortresses,, churches, two seminaries, 

H4 History of Nova-Scotia. 1650. 

established a mission, and cleared lands, and to have expended 
800,000 livres. Ferland says, " D'Aulnay stopped the pro- " 
"gress of colonization in Acadie by the conduct'he pursued. " 
" He appears to have been of a hard and haughty character, " 
" while Latour knew how to make friends for himself among " 
" the Indians of Acadie, the French of Quebec, and the Eng- " 
" lish of Boston." M. Denys says " M. Razilly only wished " 
" to make known the goodness of the country, and to cause " 
" it to be peopled. D'Aulnay, on the contrary, was afraid of" 
" its being inhabited, and so he brought out no settlers. He " 
" carried off all the inhabitants of Laheve to Port Royal, " 
" holding them in the condition of slaves, and not allowing " 
" them to make any profit. His conduct was always to ill- " 
" treat those whom he thought capable of causing the coun- " 
" try to be peopled." 

Some overtures for a commercial treaty having been made 
by the English of Massachusetts to the French of Canada, in 
the years 1647, 1648 and 1649. indirectly : le pere Dreuillettes 
was sent to negotiate. He had been settled as a missionary 
near the Kennebec in 1646, and made two journeys to Boston 
to treat in favor of the Canibas and Abenaquis. [i Maine 
Historical Society s Collections, p. 327.) He left Quebec I Sep- 
tember, 1650, in company with Noel Ne"gamabat, chief of the 
Christian Algonquins of Sillery, and Jean Gue*rin, attached to 
the service of the missionaries. By the river Chaudiere the 
envoys reached the sources of the Kinibequi, which river 
they descended as far as Narantsouak, (Norridgewock), the 
first town of the Abenaquis. Fifteen leagues further they 
came to Koussinoc, (Takonnock), a settlement of English tra- 
ders. The colony of Plymouth had taken possession of the 
Kinibequi and the neighboring lands, and had authorized a 
company of merchants to trade there with the Indians. The 
chief clerk of this settlement was Mr. John Winslow, a man of 
consideration in New England personally, and for the services 
of his family. Winslow shewed great good will to the Jesuit 
ambassador, and conducted him to Boston, where he was 
received kindly, and lodged with major general Gibbons. His 
character of envoy from the governor of New France was res- 

1650. History of Nova-Scotia. 

pected, although a severe law existed in Massachusetts (passed 
in 1647) against the Jesuit order, who were to be banished if 
found there, and on return from banishment, to suffer death. 
Dreuillettes was conducted by Winslow and Gibbons to Rox- 
bury, where Governor Dudley resided. Major Gibbons was a 
man of importance in Boston. Although engaged in com- 
merce, he was usually entrusted with the management of 
military affairs. He held the office of major general of the 
colony from 1649 to 1654, the year of his death. Pere Dreu- 
illettes says of him, " He gave me the key of a room in his " 
*' house, where I could with perfect freedom pray and per- " 
" form the duties of my religion, and begged me not to take " 
*' another lodging while I remained at Boston." Dreuillettes 
presented his credentials to the governor, he was afterwards 
entertained at dinner by the council, and had a formal audience 
on the 13 December, 1650. He found that the 'united colo- 
nies of New England' alone could enter into the arrangements 
intended. Dreuillettes spent a night in friendly converse with 
Eliot, the protestant apostle of the Indians ; and spending the 
winter among the Abenaquis, returned to Quebec 4 June, 

1651. Dreuillettes was again sent to New England in 1651 
along with M. Jean Paul Godefroy, to negociate ; but the sen- 
timents of the New English were then unfavorable. The object 
of Canada was a league against the Iroquois, who obstructed 
trade and murdered the Sakokies (Souriquois or Micmacs ?) 
and Abenaquis, allies and friends of England, [i Ferland, 
39i 392.] 


I. In the month of February, 1647-8, letters patent of the king of France, 
Louis XIV., (then about 9 years old,) issued in favor of his " dear and well " 
"beloved Charles de Menou, chevalieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, instituted and" 
" established by the late king of most happy memory, our most honored lord " 
*' and father, (whom God absolve), governor and our lieutenant general in the " 
" country and coast of 1'Acadie, in New France," who had for fourteen years 
been employed in the conversion of the Indians, the establishing of the Royal 

n6 History of Nova-Scotia. 

authority there, built a seminary, " carried out capuchins to teach Indian chil- " 
" dren, driven sectarian foreigners from the fort of Pentagoet, of which they had " 
" taken possession, to the prejudice of the rights and authority of our crown, " 
" and by our express command, recovered by force of arms and replaced under " 
" our obedience the fort of the river St. John, which Charles de St. Etienne, " 
K sieur de la Tour had occupied, and by open rebellion was striving to retain " 
** against our will, and in contempt of the decrees of our council, by the help and " 
" favor of foreign sectaries, with whom he was allied for that purpose," going 
on to notice that d'Aulnay had formed a French colony in the country, had built 
four forts there, and put soldiers in them, and sixty pieces of cannon, &c., that 
he had thus been at great expense, and had to raise loans from private persons ; 
and it proceeds, by advice of the queen-mother and regent, to appoint d'Aulnay 
Charnisay.governor and lieutenant general of the king in all Acadie from the Saint 
Lawrence to Virginia, with exclusive privileges of the fur trade in these countries, 
and mines and minerals to him and his heirs. [This patent is given in full, in the 
original French, in the memorials of the E. & F. Commissaries, pp. 573, 576, 
copy received from M. Nelson, nephew and executor of Sir Thomas Temple, by 
Francis Nicholson. 
2. M. d'Aillebout was appointed governor of Canada in 1647. 

1651. History of Nova-Scotia. 117 


1651. In the beginning of the year 1651, Latour had appa- 
rently surmounted the chief difficulties that had oppressed 
him. He obtained an acquittal of the charges that had been 
preferred against him, from the French government, on the 
16 February, (1650?) and on the 25th Feb'y., 1651, he receiv- 
ed a new commission of governor and lieutenant general of 
Acadie, by the king's letters patent, with larger powers and 
privileges than he held before. We have seen that d'Aulnay 
died in 1650, and it would seem that Claude de la Tour, the 
father of Charles, died also in 1650 or 1651. Ferland states 
that Charles went to France on the death of d'Aulnay, and it 
is also said that Charles was the heir of his father Claude. 
We have nothing certain, however, on which to rest a conjec- 
ture as to the means whereby Charles Latour retrieved his 
shattered fortunes. In June, 1651, (1650?) the French king 
issued a commission to sieur de la Fosse, to act as governor 
and lieutenant general in Acadie, " on account of the death " 
" of the said sieur d'Aulnay, and of the sieur de Charnisay, " 
" his father, until the children of the said sieur d'Aulnay ** 
" shall be of age." 

On the 23 September, 1651, a transaction passed between 
Latour and the widow of d'Aulnay, by which she restored to 
him the fort of the river St. John. 

1652. Madame d'Aulnay, the widow, having claims incon- 
sistent with the pretensions of Latour to jurisdiction and pro- 
perty in Acadie, entered into a compact with the duke of 
Vendome, who now held the office of superintendant of navi- 

1. 1 8 History of Nova-Scotia. 1653, 

gation and commerce of France. The duke and the widow 
were to be partners and co-seigneurs of Acadie. One Eman- 
uel le Borgne, a merchant of Rochelle, shipped goods of the 
value of 65,090 livres for the colony on the duke's account. 
D'Aulnay, by an account adjusted 9 Nov., 1650, owed this le 
Borgne 260,000 livres. 

1653. In this year, 1653, an event occurred that was suited 
to terminate discords and to reconcile conflicting interests in 
this country. This was the marriage of Charles, de la Tour 
with the widow of M. d'Aulnay. The marriage contract is 
dated 24 February, 1653. 

May 4, the sieur de la Tour, as governor and lieutenant 
general of Acadie, makes a commission, appointing his major, 
le sieur d'Antremont, to command in his absence. June 13, he 
grants leave to his said major to withdraw whither he saw fit. 
August 1 6, he commissions the said d'Antremont to interrogate 
the accomplices of the carrying off the pinnace called the St. 
Gabriel. [Pans mss.] 

The company of New France in this year granted to Nicolas 
Denis all the lands and islands situated from cape de Canceaux 
to cape des Rosters. This was confirmed to him by the king's 
letters patent of 30 January, 1654, and afterwards 9 November, 
1667, by a re-grant from the compagnie des Indes occidentales, 
established by edict in May, 1664. England had, in 1651, 
entered into a war with Holland. This led to jealousies be- 
tween the English of New England and the Dutch of Manha- 
does, (now New York.) Rumors of Indian hostility grew up, 
and also jealousy of the French of Acadie, so that in 1653 the 
general court (general assembly) of Massachusetts prohibited! 
the transportation of provisions, either to the French or Dutch,, 
under penalty of forfeiting both vessel and cargo. Latour 
remonstrated, and the prohibition was so far relaxed in his 
favor, that a small vessel was permitted to be freighted with 
flour, and other provisions, for his relief, [i Williamson,, 
Maine, 359* 360. I Hutch.,. Mass., 

History of Nova-Scotia. 1 1 9 



Latour's new patent is dated 25 Feb'y., 1651. It is printed in the original 
French in the memorials of E. & F.^Commissaries, pp. 576, 579. It recites that 
he had been appointed and established governor of Acadie by Louis 13, and had 
for forty-two years there ' devoted and usefully employed all his cares, as well ' 
' for the conversion of the savages of the said country to the faith and Christian ' 
' religion, as in the establishment of our authority in the whole extent of the said ' 
' country ; having constructed two forts, and contributed to the extent of his ' 
' power to the instruction of the children of these savages, and by his courage ' 
' and valor driven the foreign sectaries from said forts of which they had taken ' 
' possession to the prejudice of the rights and authority of our crown ; which he ' 
' would have continued to do, if he had not been hindered by Charles de Menou, ' 
' sieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, who favored his enemies in the accusations and pre- ' 
' tences which they had not been able to verify, and of which the said de Saint ' 
' Etienne has been absolved on the I5th of February last.' The commission pro- 
ceeds to confirm him in his government over Acadie, with power to appoint offi- 
cers, to make laws and ordinances, make peace and war. It confirms to him 
all lands before granted to him. Gives him powers over mines and minerals, 
reserving only to the crown the tenth denier of gold, silver and copper only. 
Grants to Latour the exclusive right to trade for furs with the Indians in Acadie, 
and the right to confiscate to his own use all vessels, merchandize, &c. of those 
who infringe this privilege, and to arrest such offenders, &c. This commission is 
much like that given de Monts. 


18 February, 1652. M. Cesar, the duke of Vendome, grand master and super- 
tendant of the navigation and commerce of France, entered into a contract of 
association with dame Jeane Motin, widow of Charles de Menou, seigneur d'Aul- 
nay. The duke and the widow were to be co-seigneurs of the lands and countries 
of Acadie, &c., she acting also as tutrice of the minor children of the defunct sieur 
d'Aulnay. The king confirmed this agreement by a document dated December, 
1652, in which it is stated "that certain individuals, among whom are Charles" 
" de Turgis de Saint Etienne de la Tour, Simon and Nicholas Denis, brothers, " 
" and Maillet, have usurped upon our dear and well beloved dame Jeanne Motin, * 
" widow of Charles Menou, who when living was seigneur d'Aulnay, (to whom " 
" and his children, by our letters patent of the month of February, in the year " 
" 1647, we gave the perpetual government and the property of the whole extent" 
" of the countries, coasts of Acadie, and islands adjacent of New France, in " 
" North America,") different forts and considerable places in the said country. It 
states that she, the widow, feared losing the whole, and had recourse to the duke 
on account of his rank, &c. That she has agreed, in consideration of the expence 
the duke must incur in recovering her forts, &c. ; that he and his heirs and assigns 
shall be co-seigneurs of Acadie, with her and her children. The king confirms this 
arrangement, and accepts the duke and his heirs as co-seigneurs of Acadie accor- 

I2O History of Nova-Scotia. 

In connection with this agreement of copartnership, we find an invoice of 
goods, stated at 65,090 Hvres, shipped for Acadie, at Rochelle, by LeBorgne, 
25 March, 1654, on board of the Chateaufort, Paul Bertran, master, on account 
and by order of his highness M. the duke of Vendome. There is also a commis- 
sion from the widow d'Aulnay, dated 21 April, 1653, empowering Jean Lorent dje 
la Pradelle to examine the state of her stores. The amount due Emmanuel 
LeBorgne, merchant of Rochelle, by M. d'Aulnay, was settled 9 November, 1650, 
at 260,000 livres ; and an account adjusted between him and the widow d'Aulnay 
30 August, 1653, states the balance at 239,412 livres. The transaction of 9 Nov., 
1650, was confirmed by an arret (judgment) of the parliament of Paris, 27 July, 
1658. LeBorgne alleged that d'Aulnay had built (?) the fort of St. John. In 
1 700, the then duke of Vendome claimed to be joint seigneur and owner of Acadie. 
in right of the late duke Cesar. It does not appear that the duke had paid any- 
thing under his agreement, and his claims were dismissed by the arrtt du cwtseil 
of 1703. 


Marriage contract between LaTour and madame d'Aulnay, 1653. A copy of 
the marriage settlement in French was published in the 3rd volume of the Tran- 
sactions of the Literary Society at Quebec, from a paper communicated by A. W. 
Cochran, esq., 7 December, 1831. The original Mr. Cochran stated to be in the 
possession of Benoni Dentremont, of Pubnico, N. S., and sent to Canada to be 
decyphered and translated. Mr. Cochran was son of the Rev. Wm. Cochran, of 
Windsor college, in Nova Scotia, was born in N. S., but settled in Canada, 
ARTICLES OF MARRIAGE agreed on between monsieur Charles de St. Etienne, seig- 
where he attained distinction. Subjoined is an English version of the document, 
neur de la Tour, knight of the king's orders, and his lieutenant general in Acadie, 
a country of New France, of the one part, and the lady Jeane Motin, widow of 
the late monsieur Charles de Menou, knight, seigneur d'Aulnay, in his lifetime 
also lieutenant general for the king, in all the said country of Acadie, of the other 
part : Firstly, tbe said seigneur chevalier de la Tour shall take for his wife and 
lawful spouse, madame d'Aulnay, with all her rights and effects, which rights the 
said seigneur, the future husband, consents shall be separated from their future 
community, among messieurs, the minor children of the said lady his future wife, 
the seminary, and the said lady, as was the case before the intended marriage, 
until the entire payment of the debts created in the lifetime of the said late seig- 
neur d'Aulnay, and since his decease until the present hour, as also of those which 
he shall agree to create hereafter for the benefit and advantage of the society 
among the said seigneurs minors, the seminary, and the said lady, after which 
payment and the last sou of all the debts, she shall take her part of the property 
of the association at zpro rata of that which shall belong to her, and which she 
shall have thereto contributed of her rights and pretensions, which shall then 
come into their said tuture community. A general inventory and division with 
the associates shall be made, without disturbance, however, of any funds, but 
for the making clear the rights and claims of the said associates ; after which a 
manager shall be appointed by consent of parties, to administer the effects of the 
said society, who shall have care of and be bound annually to render an account 
of the rents and profits thereof. Monsieur de la Tour now declares that he will 

1 65 3. History of Nova-Scotia. 121 

not receive, or interfere with anything of the said rights and property of the said 
madame d'Aulnay, his future wife, until the full payment of the general debts of 
the society. Also the said seigneur de la Tour shall not be charged with any of 
the said loans and obligations of the company, nor even shall the benefit and 
advantages which he gives the said lady, his future spouse, in view of their mar- 
riage (be so charged) which he wishes to belong to her, and be preserved free and 
acquitted from all troubles and obligations. The said seigneur de la Tour givei 
to the said dame d'Aulnay, his future wife, in consideration of the love he bears 
her, the sum of 30,000 livres tournois, whereof 20,000 livres shall remain the pro- 
perty of the said lady and her relations of her own side and line, to receive and 
take the same on the fort and habitation of the river St. John, its appurtenances 
and dependencies, and tbe remaining 10,000 livres shall enter into the said future 
community. The said seigneur de la Tour has endowed, and does endow the 
said lady, his future spouse, for her lifetime only, with the property of the said 
fort and habitation of the river St. John, in all its extent, all as the said seigneur 
the future husband possesses it, without reserving or diminishing anything, with 
all the rights of trading, fruits, revenues, emoluments thence proceeding, as well 
within the said river as from the islands and shores adjacent, which the said seig- 
neur promises to improve. With respect to messieurs, the minor children of the 
first marriage of the said seigneur de la Tour, he will leave them for their sub- 
sistence cape Sable, with all its appurtenances, and also all and singular the 
property which may come to and belong to him by succession in old France. 
[This is the only notice of his having had sons by his first marriage.] In case 
of the decease of the said seigneur, the future husband, before that of the said lady, 
his future wife, the said seigneur de la Tour, the future husband, declares that 
it is his will and intention that all and singular the goods, moveables, arms, pro- 
visions, and all merchandizes of trade and furs which shall be found at the time 
of his death, in his stores and other places, whether in New or Old France, 
are to belong and do belong to the said lady, his future wife, as being the property 
of their community, cares and labors, whereunto he now makes a pure and simple 
donation thereof, all the debts of their said future community being previously 
paid, without prejudice to the article above contained of her dower. And to 
change a clause which was necessary for the security of the said lady for the afore- 
said articles, the said seigneur de la Tour has desired to provide for such security 
in manner hereinafter contained, that is to say, that in case of contravention, and 
that any obstacle should arise on the part of the children or heirs of the said seig- 
neur the future husband, to the said lady his future wife, in the receipt of the said 
rents and profits, duties, and other revenues and emoluments to her hereinbefore 
accorded by donation for her dower, the said seigneur de la Tour, persevering and 
absolutely wishing that the said lady should really enjoy the effects of these mar- 
riage articles, and in punishment of those who contravene the same, declares from 
this time forward that he gives her, to her and her relations, the property, purely 
and fully, of the fort, habitation and river of Saint John, in all its extent and privi- 
lege, according to his grants ; and he desires, as far as in him lies, that the said 
lady should avail herself thereof by all judicial modes. 

If it should happen that on the part of any strangers, hindrance should occur to 
the said lady, his future wife, in the execution and enjoyment of the aforesaid arti- 
cles, the said seigneur, the future husband, to take away all umbrage and occasion 
for misunderstanding, wishes that the children or heirs should unite in suit with 

122 History of Nova-Scotia. 

the said lady to obtain the enjoyment thereof for her. after being by her called 
upon so to do ; which, if they resist and refuse, he deprives them as above of the 
said inheritance, capital and revenue of the river St. John, and cedes the whole to 
the said lady and her relations. 

Touching the wages and salaries of the officers, soldiers, sailors, servants and 
domestics actually in the service, their yearly payment and satisfaction shall be 
provided for ; wherefore the said lady, in case of the death of her said future hus- 
band, promises and obliges herself to pay the salaries and wages of the then cur- 
rent year, without binding her further, and this is to be done out of the merchan- 
dizes and furs which are to be found in the stores at the day of the decease of the 
said seigneur, her future husband. 

The said seigneur de la Tour, the future husband, promises and obliges himself 
to support and preserve, to the extent of his power, messieurs the minor children 
of the said lady, in the possession of all and singular their rights and grants, in 
conformity with the titles and patents which they have thereof, which shall be 
exhibited and copies given to the said seigneur de la Tour, as the said seigneur de 
la Tour shall do with his own title deeds, (giving copies thereof,) to the said dame 
d'Aulnay, his future wife, for the security oi the above conditions. As for mes- 
sieurs, the minor infants, as well on one side as on the other, it has been agreed, 
that those of monsieur de la Tour shall be fed and maintained at the expense of 
the future community, during their minority ; and in case of the decease of the said 
seigneur de la Tour, the said lady promises that (she enjoying peaceably and 
tranquilly her said dower, donation and other rights) to assist, according to her 
power and in the best way possible for her, the said minor children of her future 
husband during their minority : and those of the said lady, the future spouse, 
shall also be fed and maintained during their minority, whether in this country of 
New France or in Old France, at the expense and out of the revenue and funds 
of the society subsisting between the seminary, the said lady their mother, and 
the said seigneurs minors ; the whole gratuitously, without the said dame d'Aul- 
nay, their mother, making or causing to be made any demand on them for the v 
same. Whereunto the very reverend father Leonard de Chartres, vice prefect 
and custos of the mission, joined with the very reverend fathers and brothers, mis- 
sionaries, all together undertaking for the very reverend father of the province of 
Paris, has consented and does consent for the interest of the said seminary, in 
consideration and for the respect he entertains for the memory of the late mon- 
sieur d'Aulnay, as also for the love and particular good will he cherishes towards 
his minor children. 

It shall be lawful for the said dame d'Aulnay to retain near her and with her 
such and such number of her children as she pleases, on condition that they are 
fed and maintained during their stay at the expense of the future community, of 
the said seigneur de la Tour and the said lady. 

Any children that shall be born ot the said marriage shall divide equally with 
those of the first marriage of the said seigneur de la Tour, as well the river St. 
John, and cape Sable, as the other property which may belong to the said seig- 
neur de la Tour, whether in New or Old France, by succession, donation, or 
otherwise, and respectively on the part of the said lady, the future spouse, accord- 
ing to the custom and vicomte of Paris. 

The said seigneur de la Tour and the said dame d'Aulnay, his future spouse, to 
attain the ends and principal design of their intended marriage, which is the peace 

1 65 3. History of Nova-Scotia. 123 

and tranquillity of the country, and concord and union between the two families, 
wish and desire as much as lies with them, that in the future their children should 
contract a new alliance of marriage together. 

Done and passed at the fort of Port Royal, the twenty-fourth day of Febru- 
ary, one thousand, six hundred and fifty-three, in presence of the par- 
ties and witnesses, who have signed the minute of these presents. 





et custode de la mission. 
FRERE JEAN DESNOUSE, St. Fransoise Marie. 
J. JACQUELIN, Prevost de St. Martin. 

124 History of Nova-Scotia. 1654. 


1654. We have seen that Emmanuel le Borgne, a merchant 
of Rochelle, was a creditor of M. d'Aulnay in 1650 to the 
extent of 260,000 livres (the livre or franc is worth lod. sterling,) 
and he had obtained some judgment in his favor for this 
demand in France. Armed with this authority, he came out 
to Acadie to take possession of all the estates of the deceased 
d'Aulnay. He had also connected himself with the duke of 
Vendome, having shipped in the name of his highness, for 
Acadie, goods to the value of 65,090 livres in March, 1654. 
The exact date of his coming out to take possession does not 
appear. He is said to have assumed the character of seigneur 
or lord of Acadie, most likely as possessed under his judgment 
of the deceased d' Aulnay's patents, and he undertook in ear- 
nest to drive both Latour and Denys out of the country by 
forcible means. [2 Charlevoix, 198.] 

Nicolas Denys, sieur de Fronsac, had come to America, 
with the commandeur Isaac de Razilly, in 1632. So had his 
brother Denys de Vitr6, (probably the Simon Denis named in 
the Royal patent of 1632.) On the death of Razilli, (1636), 
Nicolas Denys was appointed governor in the whole extent of 
the great bay of St. Lawrence, and the isles adjacent, from 
cape Canseau to cape Rosiers, by the nomination of the com- 
pany of New France. He then formed two settlements, the 
one at Chedabouctou, (now Guysborough), and the other at St. 
Pierre. (St. Peter's), in the island of cape Ere" ton. [i FerlancL, 
495-1 The strait of Fronsac (now gut of Canseau), was called 
after him. LeBorgne began with an attempt to dislodge 

1 6 54. History of Nova-Scotia. 125 

M. Denys. Having ascertained that the latter had arrived 
[2 Charlevoix, 198 to 204] at the isle Royale (cape Breton) with 
authority to settle inhabitants there, LeBorgne sent on sixty 
men, with orders to seize and carry him off. The commander 
of this detachment, in disembarking, learned that M. Denys, 
after having put all his people on shore to go to work at clear- 
ing land, was gone to visit the port of Ste. Anne. He thought 
this a favorable occasion for destroying the new settlement 
without risking anything. He surprised the workmen, who 
were unprepared for hostilities made them all prisoners, and 
took possession of the vessel which had brought them thither, 
the cargo of which was estimated at 50,000 livres. He then 
sent twenty-five men, well armed, on the road which M. Denys 
must take in returning from Ste. Anne, and commanded them 
to prepare an ambush for him on the way. Denys, who had 
no apprehensions, found himself most unexpectedly surroun- 
ded, and was carried as a prisoner to Port Royal, where he 
was shut up like a criminal in a dungeon, with his feet in 
irons. The mischief did not end here. The party of Le 
Borgne's men who carried off M. Denys, in passing by Laheve, 
(which had been settled again after d'Aulnay removed the 
inhabitants from it to Port Royal), set fire to all the buildings 
there by LeBorgne's orders, not even sparing the chapel ; and 
the destruction of property at that place was estimated at 
100,000 francs. Some time after, Denys recovered his personal 
liberty, and went to France, to carry his complaints to the 
king and the company of New France. They were favorably 
heard, and he obtained from the company a new commission, 
which was confirmed by letters patent from the king, re-esta- 
blishing him in all his rights. Fortified with his new autho- 
rity, Denys embarked for Acadie, and on his arrival at cape 
Brecon, the person in command at fort St. Pierre, who had 
been placed there on the expulsion of Denys, surrendered the 
fort to him. LeBorgne was informed of this, at the time when 
he was making preparations to surprise M. de la Tour in the 
river St. John, under pretext of carrying him provisions, of 
which he knew that Latour was absolutely destitute. He 
thought it best to postpone this design to another time, altho' 

126 History of Nova-Scotia. 1654. 

he was already on his way, and so he returned to Port Royal. 
His project now was to carry off all the papers of the person 
sent to notify him of the commission of M. Denys, and of the 
king's commands, in order that he might go and fall upon 
Denys, whom he hoped to find unprepared and without appre- 
hension of an attack. 

But LeBorgne had not yet got back to Port Royal, when 
the English appeared in sight of fort Latour, on the river St. 
John, and summoned M. de la Tour to surrender it into their 
hands. [2 Charlevoix, p. 200.] The apprehensions felt in 
Massachusetts respecting their Dutch, Indian and French 
neighbors, were communicated in 1653 to Oliver Cromwell, 
the lord protector of England. He, in consequence, put three 
or four ships in requisition for an expedition against the Dutch 
colony of Manhadoes, (or Manhattan, now New York), and 
he called on the province of Massachusetts for aid in this 
enterprize. Great delays took place in the sending out these 
vessels, so that they did not arrive at Boston until June, 1654. 
On the 9 June the general court passed resolutions for enlist- 
ing five hundred men, to be commanded by major Robert 
Sedgewick, of Charlestown, a man of popular manners and 
military talents, who had once been a member of the artillery 
company of London, and captain John Leverett, of Boston. 
However, before these forces were ready to embark, news arri- 
ved on the 23 June that articles of peace had been signed on 
the 5 April, and that consequently all hostilities between the 
English and Dutch colonies must cease, [i Hutch, Mass., 182. 
I Williamson, Maine, 360.] 

The restoration of Acadie to France in 1632 had not been 
agreeable to the republicans in old or in new England. Ac- 
cordingly, although it was a period of profound peace between 
England, ruled by Oliver, and France governed by cardinal 
Mazarin : the former gave secret, informal orders to the cap- 
tains of the ships he sent out, that when they had reduced the 
Dutch colony they should attack and conquer Nova Scotia. 
So on hearing of the Dutch treaty, it was determined in Bos- 
ton to go on against Acadie. The English ships appear 

to have met with no great resistance in this affair. Latour was 

1 65 4. History of Nova-Scotia. 127 

destitute of provisions, and wholly unprepared to contend with 
such a force, and the other settlements were still less capable 
of offering any opposition. Port Royal capitulated in August. 
The places taken possession of, at this time, by the English, 
are said to have been Pentagoet, St. John, Port Royal, Laheve, 
cape Sable, and cape Fourchu. 

LeBorgne, having possession of Port Royal, when the Eng- 
lish summoned it, replied haughtily at first. [2 Charlevoix, 
2OO.] The English then landed three hundred men to attack 
him. He sent against them his sergeant and part of his men. 
An engagement ensued, in which the French fought well ; 
but on the sergeant being killed, all his men took to flight and 
re-entered the fort in disorder. LeBorgne then found himself 
much embarrassed. He had still with him one hundred and 
fifty men, inclusive of the inhabitants ; but he had not one 
who was capable of commanding. He possessed neither 
knowledge nor experience in war himself. Thus, with a good 
garrison, and provisions and military stores in plenty, in a 
place which the enemy was not in a condition to take by force, 
he deemed it expedient to capitulate. The English promised 
him much, and in the end mocked him, not thinking them- 
selves, as they said, bound to keep to their word with people 
who had exhibited so little courage. [The French were requi- 
red to give up Nova Scotia, as " being anciently a part of the " 
" English dominion to which the French had no just title." 
Crowne's statement, E. & F. Comrs.. p. 580.] The forty or 
fifty families who had houses and lands at Port Royal, having 
nothing to hope for in France, preferred to remain in the 
country, in confidence that it would soon be restored to 
France, [i Ferland, 496.] Pentagoet soon had the same fate 
as St. John and Port Royal. Thus the English were again 
masters of Acadie for the third time. 

Some time after, the son of LeBorgne returned to Acadie, 
with a trader of Rochelle, named Guilbaut, who was associated 
in business with him. He entered the harbor of Laheve, and 
there constructed a fort of timber, (pieux, pickets or staves, 
probably a blockhouse.) As soon as they were apprized of 
this, the English came to Laheve to dislodge the French. At 

ia8 History of Nova-Scotia. 1654. 

their approach, LeBorgne, as little of a warrior as his father, 
took refuge in the woods with some of his men, but Gilbaut 
nevertheless defended his position vigorously. Many English 
were killed in the first attacks, their commander fell also, and 
thus the survivors were induced to draw off. They were pre- 
paring again to return to the charge, when Guilbaut, who had 
no interest in Laheve but that of his goods, proposed an 
accommodation, which they accepted. Guilbaut proposed to 
surrender the fort, on condition that all that belonged to him 
and his men should be given them, which was fulfilled. He 
contended that his partner should be included in the benefit 
of the terms of the surrender ; but the English, not having 
found LeBorgne in his fort, were stubborn in excluding him 
from the capitulation. As hunger soon drove him out of his 
retreat, he was constrained to put himself in the hands of the 
victors, who carried him off prisoner to Boston, (always called 
Baston in the old French books and mss.) There he was de- 
tained a good while, but was subsequently released on terms. 
His release seems to have happened in 1658. M. Denys. 
after he was freed from the persecution of LeBorgne, senior, 
had settled himself quietly in a fort that he had built at Che- 
dabouctou, on the eastern shore of the Acadian peninsula. 
[2 Charlevoix, 202.] One la Giraudiere, upon a false state- 
ment, had obtained from the company of New France a grant 
of the port of Canseau, (called Camceaux in Charlevoix), and 
arrived at that harbor, where he was informed that a vessel 
laden with provisions for M. Denys was expected immediately. 
This vessel having got there, la Giraudiere exhibited his 
commission to the captain who commanded it, and forbade 
him to deliver anything to M. Denys. He also sent to sum- 
mon Denys to surrender Chedabouctou to him, with all the 
latter possessed as far as cape St. Louis, as being comprised 
within his new grant. M. Denys replied to him that the com- 
pany had been imposed on, and that it was not probable that 
they would give away to another that which they had already 
sold to him. La Giraudiere answered that he was furnished 
with a patent in due form, and that if he did not yield up the 
fort willingly, he possessed means to compel him. At the 

1654* History of Nova-Scotia. 129 

same time one hundred and twenty men, who were with sieur 
Denys, knowing that his vessel had been seized, and seeing 
that they were thereby on the eve of a failure of provisions, 
asked him for their discharge. He told them, he did not pre- 
tend to retain them by force ; but he induced them, by his 
good manners, to finish the works they had begun ; and when 
he saw he was in a condition not to fear la Giraudiere, he had 
these men carried to the island of cape Breton, except twelve 
of their number, who would not leave him. As soon as 
la Giraudiere was informed of their departure, he set himself 
to the task of taking Chedabouctou, but he was much surprized 
to find the governor well intrenched with cannon and swivels. 
Still he repeated his summons to surrender the place, and told 
him he would not act wisely in risking his life, in defence of a 
post that he could not hope to preserve. M. Denys made 
answer that his risk in attacking it would be greater, and that 
the justice of his cause would combat in his favor. La Girau- 
diere, who had now been joined by his brother named de Bay, 
remained three days in sight of the fort, doing nothing but 
going around it to discover some weak point, by which he 
might safely attack it, and failing in this he withdrew. Some 
time after de Bay went alone to Chedabouctou, and requested 
to speak with the governor. He told him that his brother was 
master of fort St. Pierre, in the isle Royale (cape Breton), and 
proposed terras of accommodation, which, after some argument, 
were adopted. [2 Charlevoix, 204.] The conditions were that 
the fort of St. Pierre should be delivered by M. la Giraudiere 
to M. Denys, who, in his part, should give up Chedabouctou 
and proceed to France, where their interests and mutual pre- 
tences should be referred to the decision of the company. M. 
Denys accepted this proposal, and the company declared that 
they had been imposed on, and consequently revoked and 
annulled their grant to la Giraudiere, and re-established M. 
Denys in all his rights. But he received no compensation for 
all the injury this transaction had caused him, amounting to 
15,000 ecus. To crown his misfortunes, after he had returned 
to his fort St. Pierre, designing to repair his losses by the fur 
trade, at a period when, by the arrival of a great number of 

130 History of Nova-Scotia. 

Indians, he saw himself an the point of making- great profits, 
a conflagration completed the ruin of his interests. After this 
calamity he was no longer able to undertake anything of im- 
portance ; by which the country lost, in a great measure, the 
advantages of a commander of the greatest capacity and appli- 
cation to business ; although we find him publishing his voy- 
ages in 1672, and still holding his extensive government and 
grants in 1677 and 1685. M. Denys retired to Miramichi, where 
his son was established in 1690. {Paris mss.~] See the grant 
of Miramichi, 1687, confirmed in 1690, post, by which Denys 
seems to have been still living. One cannot avoid reflecting 
at this era, upon the singular changes and reverses of fortune 
that attend on the b'est concerted "efforts of man. Here we 
see three individuals, each possessing remarkable qualities as 
eminent leaders of men, viz., d'Aulnay, Latour and Denys. 
They had all three been officers of Razilly on his taking pos- 
session of Acadie in 1632. D'Aulnay, after a brief career of 
ambition, characterized by a haughty, fierce and vindictive dis- 
position, had been cut off suddenly, and his widow had trans- 
ferred herself and his possessions to his rival. Denys had 
been victimized by the rapacity and injustice of men wholly his 
inferiors in ability and character; and Latour, after a short period 
of prosperity, was suddenly checked in his career by the English 
invasion of 1654. Both Latour and Denys, however, lived 
for years after, probably in affluence and comfort, though 
deprived, in a great degree, of the power of advancing their 
own fortunes or promoting the settlement of the coun- 
try, the objects for which they had both assiduously labored. 
Latour appears to have died about 1666, the year before the 
treaty of Breda, while Denys survived him many years. La- 
tour, who had shewn on former occasions great vigor in resist- 
ing military attacks, was now compelled to bend to the storm, 
and, by his prudence, retained his property and much of his 
influence during the twelve ensuing years while the English 
held the control of the country. 

1654- History of Nova-Scotia. 131 



Lae't, p. 37, published in 1633, describes cape Breton. Speaking of the Indians 
there, he says, " Their chiefs wear a cloak of wild beasts' skin over their shoul- " 
" ders and breast. They have black dogs, whom they train up for hunting with " 
" great care. The Portuguese brought a colony here formerly, but, tiring of the " 
" inclemency of the winter's sky, the cold and the frequent storms, they soon " 
" abandoned the design." He mentions ' English harbor' (now Louisbourg), 
" so called because they are used to resort thither frequently to fish," Newport 
and Cibo, " where such abundance of crabs and lobsters is found as almost " 
" passes belief." Ninganis on the N. shore, where the Portuguese had settled and 
deserted it. The name of cape Breton is by some supposed to have been deri- 
red from cap Breton, a town in thp election of Landes, in Gascony, near Bay- 


The zd commission of M. Nicolas Denys is printed in the E. & F. Comm'es., 
p. 719, 723. It mentions that Denys had been made governor in the bay of St, 
Lawrence, and isles adjacent, by the company of New France, from cape Canseau 
to cape Rosiers, and had acted there for nine or ten years, built two forts, &c. ;. 
that he was hindered by d'Aulnay, who, by force, had seized forts and ruined the 
settlers, &c., seized goods. It then makes Denys the king's governor and lieu- 
tenant general " in all the country, territory, coasts and confines of the great "' 
" bay of St. Lawrence, beginning from cape Canseau unto cape Rosiers, the " 
" islands of Newfoundland, islands of cape Breton, of St. John, and other islands " 
"adjacent. &c.," gives him powers similar to Latour's commission of 1651. The 
widow and heirs of d'Aulnay are to indemnify him, and he has power to form a 
company for the shore fishery on the shores of his government and on the coasts 
of Acadie. 


Capitulation of Port Royal, 16 August, 1654. This is printed in E. &F. Com- 
missaries, p. 723, 726. 

Result of all the articles presented by M. de la Verdure,* as well in quality of 
captain commandant in Port Royal for the king, as that of surrogate tutor (sub- 
roge tuteur) of the minor children of the defunct monsieur d'Aulnay to Mr. 
Robert Sedgewick, general of the squadron, and commander-in-chief on all the 
coasts of New England in America, under the authority of his highness Oliver, 
protector of the republic of England, Scotland and Ireland, and by virtue of a 
commission from his said Highness, dated 8th February, 1653, and again with 

* See the name of LaVerdure to the marriage articles of 1653. See also post 
M. de Barillon's letters of 21 Oct., 1702, and 29 Nov., 1703. In 1723, by a 
deed, it appears there was a Fra^ois le Claire, dit LaVerdure and Magdalen 
Corporon his wife, living at the cape at Annapolis Royal. See also census of 

132 History of Nova-Scotia. 1654. 

the commission of the general council of the Navy, dated Qth February, in the 
same year, 1653, old style of England ; all which articles ought to be promptly 
and faithfully observed, without any reserved explanation. 


I. The first article was settled that LaVerdure, with the soldiers and domes- 
tics, should leave the fort with their arms, drums beating, flags displayed, fusil 
on shoulder, ball in mouth, &c. ; also have their baggage and passage provided 
to France, &c. 2. The property of the minor children (of d'Aulnay) was to be 
left in charge of LaVerdure for their use. 3. Liberty to inhabitants to remain 
unmolested or to go back to France. Liberty of conscience allowed the rev. 
Capuchins, missionaries, to remain in their new house, or take passage to France, 
&c. 4. LeBorgne's vessel, the Chateaufort, and his goods, to be inventoried and 
left to the generosity of the English general. It was concluded on board the 
admiral ship the Augustin, anchored in the river, and before the fort of Port 
Royal ; " and for greater security of the contents of the above articles, the said " 
" sieur de la Verdure has left for hostage M. Jacques Bourgeois, his brother-in- " 
" law, and liejitenant of the place, bearer of his procuration for the present " 
' treaty, and the sieur Emanuel le Borgne, the son, until the completion of the " 
" present agreement, which was begun at the first sitting held yesterday and con- " 
"eluded to day, i6th August, 1654, stile of France," (thus signed), 





(And below is written), 

" Since this present treaty, the same has been read over to the reverend " 
" fathers, Leonard de Chartres, vice prefect and custos of the mission, for the " 
"interest of the mission ; Mre. Guillaume Troum, sindic of the inhabitants and" 
" for their interest, and the sieur le Borgne, for his own interest ; all of whom " 
" have agreed to and approved of the said treaty. Done and passed, the day " 
" and year above," (and they have signed thus), 


pour 1'interet de la mission. 


" During the usurpation in England, Cromwell, in the year 1654, sent Sir David 
" Kirk, (see 1647, ante), who seized the settlement of Lord Baltimore, and drove 
" out the people who would not submit to their new taskmasters ; however, Kirk 
" afterwards entered into treaty with Lord Baltimore for the purchase of his plan- 
' tation, but without success, notwithstanding which, Sir David lived there upon 
" his lands for several years, gave his name to a Sound on the Western shore, and 
" his children and grand children dwelt there after him, the latter being reduced 
"to the mean condition of the most ordinary inhabitants." History of the British 
Empire in N. America, p. 139. 

1 65 5. History of Nova-Scotia. 133 


1655. Mr. Edward Winslow, who had been several years 
governor of Plymouth colony in New England, was sent to 
England as agent for Massachusetts. Cromwell appointed 
him one of his commissioners to accompany an expedition he 
sent to Hispaniola. He died at sea on board of a vessel of the 
fleet, May 8, 1655. [i Hutch., 137.] The commander of the 
ships was admiral Penn, and general Venables was head of 
the land forces. They failed to take Hispaniola, but succeeded 
in conquering Jamaica, which island the English have retained 
ever since. Mr. Leverett, who had been employed in the ex- 
pedition against Port Royal, was appointed agent in England 
instead of Winslow. The commission to captain John Lever- 
ett was dated Boston, 23 November, 1655, and the fourth 
clause in his instructions is thus : " 4. If a peace be conclu- " 
" ded betwixt England and France, and the French forts in " 
" these parts included therein, and that you find a propensitie " 
" in his Highness to gratifie New England with the same, " 
" that you improve your best interest and opportunitie for " 
" the obtayning thereof, provided they be free from charges " 
" and other ingagements." (The highness here referred to 
was Oliver Cromwell, then lord Protector.) The treaty of 
Westminster was this year concluded between England and 
France, and it was published 23 October, o. s., (2 November, 
new style.) The restitution of Acadie, which the French de- 
sired, was not then effected ; but it was postponed, and did 
not take place until after the treaty of Breda, twelve years 
later. By the 25th article of the treaty of Westminster, the 

134 History of Nova-Scotia. 

claim of France to Pentagoet, St. John, Port Royal, and 
Laheve, was referred to a proposed commission, but nothing 
was done in consequence. In 1662, the question was revived 
by M. Estrades, the French ambassador, and commissaries 
were appointed, but nothing further was effected. 

Peace being thus restored between the two governments of 
England and France, and the former remaining in peaceable 
possession of the whole or at least the greater part of Acadie, 
Latour, wearied by the frequent changes of fortune he had ex- 
perienced, and the fatigues and exertions he had undergone, 
appears to have been glad to acquiesce in any arrangement 
that would permit him to enjoy domestic tranquillity, espe- 
cially as he was no longer young, being about the age of sixty. 
We find, accordingly, that a grant was made by Oliver Crom- 
well, the lord protector, in favor of Latour, Sir Thomas 
Temple and William Crowne, conveying to them Acadie, from 
Merliguesche to the bounds of New England. (Crowne is said 
to have been a writer of plays.) 

1657. In this year colonel Sir Thomas Temple arrived in 
New England, and took charge of Acadie, as governor. 
Temple received a commission as governor of Nova Scotia 
from Cromwell, and a similar commission from king Charles 
the second. Le Borgne was appointed governor of Acadie 
by the king of France ; he was also sent to England to 
negotiate for a restoration of the places in the province 
which had been seized by the English in 1654. He also 
obtained an extensive grant of land in this country. 2Oth 
November, 1657. By a grant of this date, the company 
of New France conveyed to le Borgne the property in the 
lands situated in Acadie, from the entrance of the river of 
the isle Verte to New England, except what had been granted 
to the sieur de la Tour. (10 December, 1657, a commission 
from the king of France issued, appointing le Borgne governor 
and lieutenant general in Acadie from Canseau to New Eng- 

In this year, 1657, viscount d'Argenson was appointed gov- 
ernor of Canada. 

1658. This year LeBorgne sent two captains and fifty men 

1 659. History of Nova-Scotia. 135 

in February, to Acadie ; and going out himself, he was made 
prisoner, at Laheve, by the English, and was sent with other 
prisoners to London. Joseph de Menou, aged 22 years, prays 
for a grant to himself as hereditary governor in Acadie, and 
to confirm his titles, he being the eldest son of d'Aulnay. 
22 March, 1658, an arret was issued, forbidding any of the inha- 
bitants of New France to leave it without permission or pass- 
port, or to carry off furs or goods which should be lodged in 
the public stores at Quebec. [Paris mss.] 

1659. At this time the English had possession of the coast 
of Acadie, from cape Canso to New England. The French 
retained yet all the shore of the gulph of St. Lawrence, and 
the island of cape Breton, in which M. Denys was in com- 
mand of the chief settlement. In the second volume 
of the Jesuits' ' relations,' is the following passage : " Aca- " 
" die is that part of New France which faces the sea, and " 
" which extends from New England as far as Gaspe, in pro- " 
" perty, until it meets the entrance of the great river St. " 
4( Lawrence," (This description of Acadie is opposed to the 
claims of Sir Thomas Temple, in 1668, and those of the 
French commissaries in 1751, who alike wished to restrict the 
limits of Acadie to a portion of the peninsula only.) " This " 
" extent of country, which extends three hundred leagues " 
" fully, bears one name, and has but one language. The " 
" English have usurped all the East coast, from Canseau as " 
" far as New England. They have left the French the coasts " 
" on the North, the principal names of which Miscou, Rigi- " 
" bouctou, and cape Breton. The district of Miscou is the " 
" most populous, the best disposed, and where there is the " 
" most Christians. It comprehends the savages of Gaspe, " 
" those of Miramichi, and those of Nepigiguit. Rigibouctou " 
" is a fine river, important for the trade it has with the sava- " 
" ges of St. John river. Cape Breton is one of the finest" 
" islands one meets in coming from France. It is well " 
" enough peopled with savages for its size. Monsieur Denys " 
" commands the principal settlement which the French have " 
" in these quarters. This is the country our fathers have cul- " 
" vated since 1629, and where now labor Andr6 Richard," 

136 History of Nova-Scotia. 1660-61-63. 

" father Martin Lionne, and father Jacques Fremin." [Denys 
wrote " Description geographique et historique des c6tes de 
rAmerique Septentrionale, par le S. Denys, Paris, 1672. 2 
tomes en 12."] 

1660. In a letter dated Villy, 13 October, 1660, from the 
sieur de la Verdure to the Demoiselle de Charnisay, he gives 
the particulars of the furs carried away on account of Emanuel 
le Borgne, which he estimates at 387,000 livres value. 

1 66 1. Baron 1'Avengour was appointed governor of Canada. 
At this period the materials for our history prove to be very 

scanty and fragmentary, and all we can do is to arrange under 
the order of dates the few disconnected matters having any 
reference to the province. 

1663. January 19. The company of New France, assem- 
bled with that of Miscou, grant to the sieur Doublet, capitaine 
de navire, (captain of a ship), the isles of Madelaine, St, John, 
Birds island and Brion, in full property, subject to an annual 
rent to the company of fifty livres. \_E. & F. Com., 726.] The 
St. John here mentioned may have been Prince Edward 
island, or possibly one of the groupe of the Magdalens. 

On the 26th and 28th January, 1663, corresponding with 
the 5th and 7th February, new style, earthquakes occurred in 
New England, New York, Canada, and in Acadie. At Que- 
bec a great earthquake was felt, and over an extent of three 
hundred leagues from East to West, and one hundred and 
fifty leagues from North to South. The sea and rivers were 
perceptibly agitated. The isle aux Coudres was enlarged by 
its effects. No lives were lost. Earthquakes occurred in 
North America in 1638, 1658, 1663, 1727 and 1755. [2 Char- 
levoix, 125, 134. Rel. of Jesuits, v. 2. I Ferland, 487.] 

In February, 1663, the company of New France surrendered 
and abandoned all their rights and property in New France to 
the king, [i v. Edits, Quebec, i8o3,/. 19.] On the 21 March, 
1663, the king of France, by an edict, revoked all grants made 
by the company of New France of lands which had not been 
cleared and should remain uncleared for six months after that 

date. Edicts. &c., I v,, p. 24. M. de Mesey was appointed 

governor of Canada in 1663. In April, 1663, the king created 

1664. History of Nova-Scotia. 137 

the superior council (conseil superieur) of Quebec, to consist of 
the governor, the bishop, five members chosen by them, and a 
procureur royal (king's attorney general.) [2 Edits, p. 21.] 
This council was to be a supreme court for the country, and 
as far as possible to be conformable to the parliament of Paris. 
The part of Nova Scotia, or Acadie, extending from the Ken- 
nebec to the Ste. Croix, was granted in 1663 or 1664, by king 
Charles the second to his brother the duke of York. It ob- 
tained the name of " the duke's territory," and after his ascen- 
ding the throne as James the second, it was called " the king's 
territory." It was also sometimes called ' the province of 
Sagadahock,' and became an appendage of Massachusetts. 
\History of the British Empire in America, pp. 1 72, 171.] The 
patent of king Charles 2, is dated 12 March, 1664, in which he 
grants to his brother James, the province of New York ; also 
the territory between the Ste. Croix and the Kennebec, &c. 

1664. On the ist February, 1664, an agreement of partner- 
ship, signed at Rouen, in triplicate, was entered into between 
Francois Gon, sieur de Guime, Claude de Landemare and Fran- 
^ois Doublet. (Doublet had, as we have seen, obtained a 
grant of the Magdalen islands, &c., in 1663.) The St. Francis, 
of 150 tons, and the St. Michel, of 300 tons, both then at 
Honfleur, were to be employed on joint account in the fish- 
eries at the Magdalen islands. Gon was to have one quarter 
of the islands in Doublet's grant, the remaining three-fourths 
to belong to Landemare and Doublet. The vessels were to 
take in three hundred hogsheads of salt at Rochelle. The 
first green codfish caught was to be brought back to France 
in the St. Francis, to Honfleur, by the 15 July, and the vessel 
to be sent back for more green fish. The dry fish was to be 

sent to Bilboa, in Spain, for sale.- The sum of 2500 livres 

was to be advanced to the officers and men of the vessels, at 
27 livres, 2 sous, per cent. To insure a blessing, one hundred 

codfish were to be sold for the use of the poor. M. Denys 

is mentioned in this document as being then in New France. 

Louis 14, by an edict of May, 1664, established "la com- 
pagnie des Indes Occidentales," (the company of the West 
Indies.) [i Edits, Quebec, i8o3,/. 29.] An edict of the same 

138 History of Nova-Scotia. 1664. 

monarch, in December, 1674, suppressed this last company, 
and re-united its possessions to the crown of France. [2 Char- 
levoix, 149. E. & F. Comes., 703.] 


Patent from Oliver Cromwell to Latour, Temple and Crowne, of Acadie, in 1656, 
printed in the E. & F. Commissaries, pp. 727 to 732, in French. It is dated 
Westminster, 9 August, 1656. Cromwell grants to Charles de St. Etienne, sieur 
de la Tour, Thomas Temple and William Crowne, " the country and territory " 
" called Acadie, and part of the country called New France, from Merliguesche " 
" on the Eastern coast, as far as the port and cape of Laheve, following the sea " 
" coast as far as cape Sable, and thence to a certain port called port Latour, at " 
" present named port 1'Esmeron, and thence following the coasts and islands " 
" as far as cape Fourchu, and thence to the cape and river Ste. Marie, following " 
" the sea coasts as far as Port Royal, and thence following the coasts to the " 
" head of the Bay, and thence along the Bay to fort St. John, and thence follow- " 
" ing all the coast as far as Pentagoet, and the river Saint George in Mescou- " 
" rus, situate on the borders of New England, on the West coast, and within the " 
" lands along the said coasts to one hundred leagues in depth, and further on to " 
" the first habitation made by the Flemings or French, or by the English of New " 
" England, and all and singular the lands, islands, seas and rivers, lakes, forts " 
" and fortresses, woods and underwoods, and all places of fishery, and privi- " 
" leges of all kinds there and within 13 leagues to sea, are granted. New Eng- " 
" land grants are reserved. The grantees, their heirs and assigns for ever, to " 
" have the land, &c. Rent reserved of 20 beaver skins and 20 mouse (sourit) " 
" skins, (moose ?) payable annually on 29 September. All others forbidden to " 
" trade there. The grantees may confiscate all vessels and goods found there " 
" without their permission. They may appoint governors of forts, &c., and a " 
" governor of the country, on death vacancy, subject to the Protector's approval. " 
" No one is to reside in the country but Protestants." 


On the 18 September, 1656, Cromwell made an order dated at Whitehall, ad- 
dressed to captain John Leverett, to deliver to colonel Thomas Temple, on his 
arrival in Acadie, commonly called Nova Scotia, possession of the forts of St. 
John and Pentagoet, with the magazines, powder, vessels, ammunition, &c. Tem- 
ple is to be governor of these forts. 


The king of France wrote to M. de Bourdeaux, his ambassador in London, 
30 January, 1658, [Parts mss.,] stating that the company of New France had 

1664. History of Nova-Scotia. 139 

sent M. le Borgne to England, to solicit the restitution of the forts of the river 
" St. John, Port Royal, and Pentacoit, in the province of Acadie, dependent on " 
" New France," taken by force by the English in 1654, and recommends the 
claim to the ambassador's support. 31 January, the company write to M. de 
Bourdeaux. 7 October, 1658, the king writes to him again on the subject. 


In a letter from Mr. John Leverett to Governor Endecott, dated London, 27 
April, 1658 : 

" These are to accompany a letter from his Highness and councell to you, im- 
" powering of you to examine the accounts kept by Mr. Tho. Lake, and presented 
" by me, of disbursements and receipts for the carrying on his Highness service 
" at the forts taken from the French in America, a hint whereof I gave you by my 
"last of the i6th current. In the letter you are required to call Col. Temple, or 
" give him notice thereof : by whose occasion, it is as I suppose, that I meet with 
"this trouble ; and if he have 'nothing of desygne but the gayning of time upon 
" the state for his payment according to his engagements (the which some of his 
" instruments hath confessed to me was aymed at by him), I know not why he 
" should found his accommodation upon my real prejudize at present, though I 
" know the Lord can turne it to advantage." 


A letter on the affairs of New England, 1663 or 1664 : t 

Sir, I have been divers times with Col. Temple, at his lodgings, whom I 
found to be a reall cordial gentleman, for poor N. E. who hath not wanted for 
foes, for I will tell you, sir, what not only I, but a ten or a dozen besides myself 
can testify, which I doubt not is writ by other hands to N. E. Sir, the first day 
that Col. Temple came to the Exchange after he had been at Court, he went off 
to the Sunne to Dummer, (i) and I think most of N. E. was there, amongst the 
rest was Mr. Mavericke ; Col. Temple was then pleased to tell us what he had 
said to the king in the behalf of N. E., which was very much, and speake merrylie, 
as you know his manner is, and said for all those affidavies or oaths that are given 
in against the country, yet I will hold 6 to 4 N. E. hath their liberty contrary to 
expectation. Mr. Mavericke thought to have found him far otherwise, and of his 
judgment : Mr. Mavericke said before all the company that N. E. were all rebels, 
and he would prove them so, and that he had given in to the council so, but I 
think he will be shamed of it. 

To-morrow morning N. E. business is to be heard at the council table, and we 
intend to be there. Sir, you need not fear but N. E. will enjoy their libertys as 
ever, and concerning the Quakers, I tell you what Col. Temple saith, that in the 
letters that he delivered of the country to the council in presence of the king, 
they writ they should observe his Majesty's commands in all things, and that 
they had given the Quakers liberty, the king hearing this clapt his hand on his 
breast, said that he intended not soe, but that they should not hurry them, while 
further orders. 


t Maine Historical Society's Collections, vol r., p. 301. 

(i) Jeremiah Dummer, agent for Massachusetts, and Samuel Mavericke, after- 
wards one of the Commissioners to New England. 

140 History of Nova-Scotia. 1667. 


1667. The treaty of Breda was concluded between the king 
of England, Charles the second, and the king of France, Louis 
the fourteenth, on the 21-31 July, 1667. The tenth article of 
this treaty is as follows : " 10. The before named lord, the " 
" king of Great Britain, shall restore and give up unto the " 
" above named lord, the most Christian king, or to those who " 
" shall have charge and authority on his part, sealed in good " 
" form with the great seal of France, the country called " 
" Acadie, situated in North America, which the most Chris- " 
" tian king has formerly enjoyed ; and to execute this resti- " 
" tution, the above named king of Great Britain, immediately " 
" after the ratification of the present treaty, shall furnish to " 
" the above named most Christian king all the acts and " 
" authorities, expedited duly and in good form, necessary to " 
"that effect, or shall cause them to be furnished to those of" 
"his ministers or officers who shall be delegated by him." 
(M. de Courcelles was appointed governor of Canada in 1666.) 
Charles de la Tour is supposed to have died before the treaty 
of Breda. His youngest surviving child appears to have been 
born in 1665, (census of 1686.) He is said to have come to 
Acadie with Claude de la Tour, his father in 1606, being then 
fourteen years old. Jeanne, his daughter by his first marriage, 
was born about 1626. In 1627 he was in command of port 
Lomeron. In 1646 his fort at St. John was taken by d'Aul- 
nay. In 1651, after dAulnay's death, he was made governor. 
In 1653 he married the widow d'Aulnay. In 1654 he had to 
yield to the English. In 1656 he was named first grantee in 

1667. History of Nova-Scotia. 141 

Cromwell's patent, along with Temple and Crowne. He was 
born about 1592, and he was about 60 years of age at the time 
of his marriage with madame d' Aulnay, and about 74 at the 
time of his decease. It was about the date of the treaty of 
Breda, 1667, that mons. Jean Vincent de St. Castine, a French 
baron de St. Castine, settled near Pentagouet, at the peninsula 
now called Castine. He was born in Oleron, near the Pyrenees. 
He had been a colonel in the king's body guards ; he after- 
wards commanded the regiment de Carignan Salieres, and 
went with them in 1665 to Quebec. At the disbanding of the 
corps, at the peace, he went to live among the Indians. He 
married an Indian wife (or wives), and carried on an extensive 
and lucrative trade with the natives. He finally returned to 
France, in 1708, leaving young Castine, his half breed son, 
behind. In 1722, the young baron went to France to obtain 
his father's inheritance, but was again in Acadie in 1731. The 
elder Castine was son in law of Madockawando, chief sachem 
of the Eastern Indians. [i Williamson, Maine, 471, 472. 
Rameau, pp. 26, 27. Collections of Maine Historical Society, 
v. 3,/. 124.] 

The company of New France, in 1653, granted to Nicolas 
Denys, esquire, all the lands and islands situated from cap de 
Canceaux to cap des Rosiers. This was confirmed by royal 
patent 30 January, 1654. Denys being in Paris 9 November, 
1667, requests a grant of confirmation from the new company, 
La Compagnie des Indes Occidentals. They therefore re- 
grant to him the same territories in full property and seig- 
neurie, on condition of his sending thither fifty emigrants 
annually (male and female) for ten years. 17 December, 1667. 
The new company, "Des Indes Occidentals" grant to Le 
Borgne the lands from the entry of the isle Verte to the river 
des Mines, with ten leagues in depth, from the sea coast, 
annulling the former grant he held as too extensive. 

31 December, 1667, king Charles the second wrote a letter 
to Sir Thomas Temple to surrender the country of Acadie, 
which was delivered to him on the 20 October, 1668, at Bos- 
ton, by monsieur Morillon du Bourg, deputed by the most 

142 History of Nova-Scotia. 1668. 

Christian king, under the great seal of France, to receive the 

17 February, 1667-8, king Charles the 2d makes a formal 
cession by letters patent of this date, of all Acadie, naming 
expressly " the forts and habitations of Pentagoet, St. John, " 
" Port Royal and Cape Sable," to the king of France. {Mem- 
orials of E. & F. Commissaries, p. 580, 587.] 

9 October, 1668, the sieur de Morillon du Bourg transferred 
all his authority to the Sr. de Belleisle ; and 10 October, 1668, 
gave him a deed of all his interest in certain grants in Acadie. 
20 October, 1668, Morillon du Bourg delivered king Charles' 
letters to Sir Thomas Temple, at Boston. Sir Thomas Tem- 
ple's reply of the date 6-16 November, 1668, objects that 
some of the places named in the order are in Nova Scotia but 
not in Acadie, and that no mention is made of Nova Scotia in 
the treaty. 2. That St. Christophers has not been, delivered 
which, by the treaty, was to precede the restitution of Acadie. 
3. That monsieur LeBorgne had invaded Nova Scotia in a 
hostile manner, and had been left commander-in-chief in Port 
Royal by the sieur du Bourg, contrary to the articles of the 
treaty. He declines acting under the king's order " until his " 
" majesty's pleasure be further known, both as to the bounds " 
" and limits of Acadie and Nova Scotia, there being no pla- " 
" ces mentioned in my order, but la Heve and cape Sable, " 
' that belong to Acadie ; and the rest of the places mention- " 
" ed, viz. : Pentagoet, St. John's and Port Royal, are in Nova " 
" Scotia, bordering upon New England, containing the whole " 
" country under my command : together with the irregular " 
" invading of the said country before mentioned in hostile " 
" manner, &c." On the 10 November, 1668, Temple received 
a letter from the king Charles the 2nd, dated the ist August, 
commanding him not to deliver up the country until his fur- 
ther pleasure was known. This he shewed to M. du Bourg, 
and on the 19-29 November, 1668, sent to him a written 
notice accordingly of same date. 

On the 24 November, 1668, Sir Thomas Temple wrote to 
the lords of the council, giving them an account of these 
things, from which are the following extracts : " I thought " 

1 668. History of Nova-Scotia. 143 

" fit also to let your lordships know that those ports and " 
" places named in my first order were a part of one of the " 
" colonies of New England, viz. : Pentagoet, belonging to " 
" New Plymouth, which has given the magistrates here great " 
" cause of fear and apprehensions of so potent a neighbor " 
" which may be of dangerous consequence to his majesty's " 
" service and subjects, the Carribbee islands having most of" 
" their provisions from these parts, and that mons. de Bourg " 
" informs me that the most Christian king intended to plant " 
' a colony at Pentagoet, and make a passage by land to Oue- " 
" bee, his greatest town in Canada, being but three days " 

"journey distant." "that Acadia is but a small" 

" part of Nova Scotia," " a country that might " 

" be of infinite advantage to his majesty and his subjects, " 
" were it improved, abounding in good harbors, rivers, good " 
" land, mines, excellent timber of all sorts, especially for ship- " 

" ping, and the seas abounding with cod fish." " The " 

" only revenue at present (it being unpeopled) is made by " 
"furs and elk* skins, to the value of ^900 per annum, of" 
" which Mr. Elliot receives ;6oo." He mentions his plans 
for a fishery, his expenses in defending the country from 
attacks of French neighbors, the colony being ^5000 in debt 
to merchants, having received no aid from the English king, 
his own old age and poverty, refers to papers enclosed, and 
prays for relief. He says that " Nova Scotia is the first " 
"colony which England has possessed in all America, of" 
" which the limits have been fixed, being bounded on the " 
" North by the great river of Canada, and on the West by " 
" New England, it contains the two great provinces of Alex- " 
" andria and Caledonia, established and confirmed by divers " 
" acts of the parliament of Scotland, and annexed to that " 
" crown, the records whereof are kept in the castle of Edin- " 
" burgh to this day." [Memorials of the English and French 
Commissaries, pp. 588 to 691.] 

From Sir Thomas Temple's letter of December, 1668, to 
the earl of Arlington, [Memorials of E. & F. Commissaries, 

* Moose. 

144 History of Nova-Scotia. 1668. 

pp. 595 to 599.] "His majesty's letter of the ist August, by 
" the ketch Portsmouth, I received of captain John Wyburn, 
"here in Boston, the loth of November, 1668. Port Royal, 
" whither I have sent his majesty's ketch and two vessels of 
" my own, with men, ammunitions and provisions, though with 
" great charge and difficulty, being the depth of winter, and 
" the coast very rude ; but I make no doubt, by God's bles- 
" sing, to reduce the place, and put things into the same pos- 
" ture they were before monsieur du Bourg, the French king's 
" deputy, came, of which I never heard anything, nor of his 
" majesty's orders, till he delivered them unto me. He acted 
" with great subtilty, coming all along the coasts of Acadie 
" and Nova Scotia, leaving a governor at Port Royal ; and 
" here menacing me with no less thon the loss of my head, if 
" I refused to deliver up all the country ; which not prevail- 
" ing, he is gone for St. Christophers, as he informed me. At 
" his departure, he intreated me to convey this inclosed letter 
" to the French ambassador in England, which, in civility, I 
" could not well deny, nor know how better to perform, than, 
" with your pardon, by your lordship's hand. He was a per- 
" son of singular address, and much versed in business of this 
" nature ; and the threat he mentioned was behind my back, 
" to some gentlemen. I sent to him to demand caution that 
"le Borgne, he left governor in Port Royal, should return 
" peaceably. He much feared that I would have used means 
" to have detained him here, and sent a letter to le Borgne, a 
" copy of which I have here inclosed. I used him, for his 
" majesty's honor, with great respect and courtesy ; and so did 
" the magistrates here, with which he was much satisfied ; and 
" seemed to be most astonished at the flourishing growth of 
" this city, and the strength of it, especially in so short a time. 
" His answer for le Borgne being left at Port Royal, was that 
" le Borgne had a particular commission from the French king, 
" which I found to be true." 

From Morillon du Bourg's letter to the French West India 
company, dated Baston, 9 November, 1668. {Memorials of 
E. & F. Commissaries, p. 599.] " I have followed all the coast 
" of Acadie, with M. de Belleisle, to see the places marked in 

1669. History of Nova-Scotia. 145 

" my instructions, but as there was no probability of settling 
" myself there until I should have previously conferred with 
41 M. le chevalier Temple, I have come to Boston to deliver to 
" him the letter of his Britannic majesty, and the articles of the 
" treaty of Breda, which he received very well, and whereto he 
*' says he is willing to conform : meanwhile he makes a very 
** great difference between Acadie and Nova Scotia, which he 
" says is his own property, and which he makes to consist 
" from Mirliguesche as far as Pentagoet, and stretching from 
" the coast of cape Breton as far as the river of Quebec. 
" Thus, gentlemen, one is misunderstood, and you see thereby 
" that Pentagoet, SL John, Port Royal, cape Sable and la Heve, 
" specified in the orders, are not in Acadie, but in Nova 
" Scotia." ." Besides, M. le chevalier Temple says that M. le 
*' Belleisle ought not to have remained at Port Royal, (which 
" he did, not wishing to go further with me), until our inter- 
** view shall previously have taken place. He also complains 
*' of some violence committed by him " {Belleisle) " a short 
"time since on some of his" (Temple's) "people." "And" 
*' then returning to the general treaty, he maintains that we 
" ought to have given up the islands of Saint Christopher's, 
y< Antigua and Montserrat." 

1669. Charles 2, wrote to Colonel Temple, under date 
of 8th March, 1668-9, referring to his former letters of 31 
December, 1667, and to that of I August, 1668, and direct* 
him now to obey the former directions, and to give up posses- 
sion. In this order Acadie is named, and the same forts as- 
in the first order. In a final order, dated 6 August, 1669, the 
king refers to the scruples already made by Temple, and' 
directs most positively the unconditional delivery of Acadie,, 
and by name of the several forts of Pentagoet, St. John, Port 
Royal, Laheve and cape Sable. The two letters are in the 
E. & F, Com'es,, pp. 743 & 601. Temple was said to have- 
derived 80,000 livres rent, in the shape of duties on the fish- 
eries, &c., paid by the English trading to Acadie, &c. [2 
Ckarlevoix, N. F., 205.} 

On the 6 July, 1670, at Boston, in New England, Hubert 
d'Andigny, chevalier de Grand-fontaine, delivered to Sir Tho- 

146 History of Nova-Scotia. 1670. 

mas Temple the order from king Charles the second, date 

6 August, 1669, and at the same time exhibited to him a com- 
mission from the French king, dated 22 July, 1669, under the 
great seal of France, empowering Grand-fontaine to receive pos- 
session of Acadie. (Charlevoix says the commission, by vir- 
tue of which Grand-fontaine took possession of Pentagoet, was 
dated 6 March, 1670, and that it marks the bounds of his 
government from the Quinibequi to the river St. Lawrence, 
and taken possession by Razilly in 1630, v. 2, p. 205.) Tem- 
ple (he is said to have been sick at the time, Hist. B. Empire 
in America, p. 74) accordingly executed a written order, dated 

7 July, 1670, addressed to " captain Richard Walker, my " 
" deputy governor of the said parts, actually upon the place. " 
In this order Temple styles himself " Sir Thomas Temple, " 
" knight baronet, lieutenant for his majesty of Great Britain, " 
" of the countries of Nova Scotia and Acadie," and he directs 
Walker, and all officers under his (Temple's) command, to 
.deliver Acadie and the forts of Pentagoet, St. John, Port Royal, 
Laheve and cape Sable, to M. Grand-fontaine. He restores 
the country in terms, and alleges bodily sickness for transfer- 
ring to his deputy the actual delivery, and mentions that 
Grand-fontaine is to remain commandant for his most Christian 
majesty. (See original in E. & F. Commissaries, pp. 604-606,) 
See also 2 Charlevoix, pp. 204-205. 


The acts setting out the surrender of the forts are given also in the E. & F. 
Commissaries, pp. 606 to 613, and are at this day very curious. 


The first is the surrender of the fort of Pentagoet. The date is 5 August, 
1670. It is signed by the chevalier de Grand-fontaine, Jean Maillard, Richard 
Walker, Isaac Garner, and by Marshal, secretary. In this instrument, Walker, 
the deputy governor, is said to be accompanied by Isaac Garden, gentleman, and 
Jean Maillard is called the king's scriviner (ecrivain du Roi) in the ship of hi* 
majesty called the St. Sebastian, commanded by M. de la Clocheterie. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 147 

** First at the entering in of the said fort upon the left hand, we found* a court " 
** of guard of about fifteen paces long and ten broad, having upon the right hand " 
" a house of the like length and breadth, built with hewen stone, and covered " 
*' with shingles, and .above them there is a chapel .of about six paces long and " 
"* four paces broad, covered with shingles, and built with terras, upon which " 
*' there is a small turret, wherein there is a little bell weighing about eighteen " 
" pounds." " More, upon the left hand as we entered into the court, there is a " 
<( magazine" (storehouse) " having two stories, built with stone, and covered " 
" with shingles, being in length about thirty-six paces long and ten in breadth, " 
*' which magazine is very old and wanted much reparation, under which " 
" there is a little cellar, wherein there is a well. And upon the other side " 
" of the said court, being on the right hand, as we enter into the said court, " 
*' there is a house of the same length and breadth as the magazine is, being " 
"' half covered with shingles, and the rest uncovered, and wanted much repara- " 
*' tion ; these we have exactly viewed and taken notice of." The cannon on the 
ramparts are stated as 3 guns, 6 pounders, 2 four-pounders and culverins, 2 three- 
pounders, and on a little platform adjoining the sea, outside of the fort, 2 eight- 
pounders, 'in all twelve iron guns, weighing 21,122 Ibs. ; and also in the fort 
two murtherers (pierriers) without chambers, weighing 1200 Ibs. The wheels 
and carriages are specified, some as new, others old. 200 iron bullets, from 3 to 
8 Ibs. " Lastly, about 30 or 40 paces from the said fort there is a small out- " 
*' house," being about 20 paces in length and 8 in breadth, built with planks !> 
*' and half covered with shingles, which do" {does) ** not serve for any use but " 
" to house cattle." " More, about 50 paces from the said outhouse, there is a " 
*' square garden, inclosed with rails, (pieux), in which .garden there are 50 or 60 " 
** trees, bearing fruit." It is stated at the end that particulars are given, in order 
that the value may be made good to Sir Thomas Temple, his heirs or assigns, &c. 

The next is tfee precis verbal of the surrender of fort Gemiskk, on the St. John 
river, 27 August, 1670. The parties who signed this were Pierre de Joibert, 
ecuyer, seigneur de Soulanges et Marson, lieutenant of M. le chevalier de 
Grand-fontaine, commandant for the king in the county of Acadie, deputy gover- 
nor captain Richard Walker, and Isaac Garner, gentleman. The fort of Gemisick 
is stated to be 25 leagues up the river St. John, to be forty paces long by 30 wide. 
enclosed all round by new stakes (perches) of 1 8 feet high, connected by two 
cross pieces fastened with two nails (deux clous de fiche) to each stake. The 
gate is new, of three thicknesses of plank. Pickets of nine feet high are leant 
inside against the stakes. Three platforms and three angles of the fort are made 
of new plank. There are four iron guns mounted, weighing respectively 427, 
427, 625, 300, Ibs., and a 5th iron gun, not yet mounted, of 350 Ibs. weight. A 
house 20 paces by 10, two chimnies and two sheds, a forge, a ton of coals, a 
table with drawers, and two wooden chairs. There is also a store house, in 
which is a large closet for goods. 

*" Trouve dans la cour un corps de garde," (French copy), found in the court a 
guard house. 

148 History of Nova-Scotia. 


The surrender of Port Royal was made on the 2nd September, 1670, by Walker 
and Garner, to M. de Soulanges, by an announcement to that effect made pub- 
licly and aloud, in presence of all the inhabitants assembled for that purpose. 
This is certified by de Soulanges, under the same date. He also states that 
Walker had sent an order to the sieur de Rinedon, commandant of fort Latour, 
(on the river St John, in St. John's harbour or port Latour ?) to deliver it up also, 
This document gives no particulars of the state of either fort. 

Williamson, in his history of Maine, vol. i., pp. 363, 428, speaks of a pnrchas* 
made by Temple of Latoor's title, and a regular conveyance made. He says 
Temple was humane, generous and disinterested He also mentions a promise 
made him by the crown, of 16,200, as an indemnification for the loss of his grant 
and property, and for money he had expended in fortifications and otherwise in 
Acadie. We will find some particulars of his death in 1674. It would seem that 
Grand-fontaine, on assuming the command of Acadie, took up his residence at 

1671. History of Nova-Scotia. 149 


1671. The chevalier de Grand-fontaine, governor of Acadie, 
in writing to the minister at Paris, in 1671, states That the 
vessel called 1'Oranger had arrived, having on board sixty 
passengers, among whom were four girls and one woman. He 
transmits a list of the things he is in need of to M. Terron ; 
also of the articles in store. He says he is going to send his 
ensign to the river St John, to establish the old fort that is at 
the mouth, to guard it until the cannon be brought there from 
the fort 25 leagues inland, (Jemseg.) On the margin of his 
despatch is written, " This ensign will also attempt the road " 
" to Quebec, will pass over to Port Royal, and tell those who " 
" are there what they ought to do to live in peace, until " 
" messrs. de Courcelles and Talon have sent them some one '* 
" to command them," (Courcelles was governor of Canada, and 
Talon intendant at the time,) "he, Grand-fontaine, having" 
" forbidden the inhabitants to acknowledge the person called '* 
41 Ic Borgne, unless as a simple inhabitant, considering the " 
" complaints against him, also against a cordelier, performing " 
" the functions of cure, having caused a negro to he hung " 
" without any formalities, killed an Indian, and banished " 
" three inhabitants." He says he has bought a ketch from 
colonel Temple, to carry the inhabitants and provisions to Port 
Royal, and to put a stop to the fur trade which the English 
are carrying on there. He says that he must send to seek a 
carpenter in New England, to construct some little vessel ; 
it being necessary to send one there ; also that little funds are 
wanted to meet this kind of expenses. He complains of the 

150 History of Nova-Scotia. 1671. 

conduct of sieur de Marson, his lieutenant, whom he had sent 
to Boston on the subject of a vessel arrested, and of the trade, 
with the letters of M. Talon. Marson returned, and did not 
report to Grand-fontaine, who put him imder arrest in conse- 
quence. That he had sent to M. Talon to facilitate the com- 
munication with Acadie ; and while awaiting his reply, would 
have new colonists sent to the great rapid of Kediscuit, by 
which the intended road should pass. (There is a place called 
Keduskig, on the map published by the E. & F. Commissaries 
with their reports, about fifty miles up the Penobscot.) For 
wani of a person fit to command at fort Latour, he has not 
been able to begin the shore fishery, (peche sedentaire), or 
that of seals. He asks for some half-pay officers, (officiers 
reformes), or persons capable of taking command, and that the 
colonists to be sent should be seafaring men. He requests 
some little salary for the storekeeper, with whom he is pleased. 
He proposes that those sent out should leave in March, to 
give them time to make clearings for their dwellings during 
the summer. Sends a list of all the inhabitants of Acadie, 
which will be much greater next year, all his soldiers wishing 
to settle there ; and he remarks that the air is very good. He 
sends a. description of the river and fort of Pentagoet, and con- 
ceives it to be necessary to occupy the river St. George, which 
bounds the English settlements. He recommends that the 
king should get the duke of York to restore Quenebeguy and 
Pamcouet, (Kennebec and Pemaquid), the inhabitants of which 
do not wish to recognize Boston, and would only demand the 
liberty of religion, and that his majesty would profit by the 
fishery and coasting trade, which would prove of great utility. 
[Paris mss.] 

M. Rameau, the author of a work entitled " La France 
aux Colonies, Paris, 1859," visited Nova Scotia in 1860 to 
seek information personally on the spot respecting the 
ancient French settlements. I had the pleasure of conversing 
with him at Halifax at that time, and subsequently, of peru- 
sing his excellent book. At pages 124 to 127 he gives the 
particulars of a census of the inhabitants of Port Royal, &c., 
in 1671, drawn up by Laurent Molin, religieux cordelier. 

1671. History of Nvva-Scotm. 151 

There appeared to be at that time at Port Royal, 361 souls. 
At Poboncom, near the Tousquet isles, ) 

(now called Pubnico), J ' 

At cape Negro, 7 

At riviere aux Rochelois, 3 

Total, 378 

(At page 129 he calls the total 394. He also mentions a pre- 
vious undated census of Port Royal, returning 92 souls.) The 

largest family is that of Francis Gauterot, numbering 13. 

Among the people at Port Royal were a surgeon, a weaver, 
four coopers, a farrier, two armourers, a mason, and a maker 
of edge tools. The number of families there was 66. The 
surnames were Aucoin, Babin, Belon, Bellineau (Belliveau ?), 
Baiols, Blanchard, Boure, Boudrot, Bertrand, Bourgeois, Brot, 
Brun, Commeaux, Connie", Corperon, D'aigre, Doucet, Dupeux, 
DeForet, Gaudet, Gauterot, Grang6, Guillebaut, Girouard, 
Gougeon, Hebert, Knessy, Labathe, Landry, LeBland, Lanoue, 
Martin, Melanson, Morin, Pelerin, Petitpas, Poirie, Pitre, 
Richard, Rimbaut, Robichaut, Scavoye, Sire, Terriau, Thibau- 
deau, Trahan, Vincent At Poboncom there was Phillippe 
Mius, ecuyer, sieur de Landremont, or de Dantremont, aged 
62 ; his wife, Madeleine Elie ; sons Abraham, 13, Philip ir, 
another 17, and two daughters. At cape Negro lived Armand 

Lalloue, ecuyer, sieur de , aged 58 ; his wife, Elizabeth 

Nicolas ; children, Jacques 24 ; Armand 14 ; Arnault 12, and 
two girls. At riviere aux Rochelois lived Guillaume Poulet, 
wife, and one child. 

The number of horned cattle in Port Royal 

settlement, 580 

sheep, 406 

" arpents, (acres), cultivated 

land, do., 364 1-2 

At Pobomcoup the sieur Dantremont had 20 horned cattle, 
25 sheep, and 6 arpents of cultivated land. At cape Negro, 
M. Lalloue had one arpent of land under cultivation. At 
riviere aux Rochelois were two arpents of cultivated land. 
The oldest person mentioned is Jean Gaudet, 96 years. Mat- 

152 History of Nova-Scotia. 1672-73. 

thew Martin, the same person, I suppose, who afterwards 
obtained a grant of Cobequid from the governor and intendant 
of New France, (Denonville and Champigny), date 28 March, 
1689. See post. It is said that he was the first white person 
born in the colony, and that this circumstance was recited in 
his grant. See under dates 1686, 1689 and 1731, post. In 
the census of 1671 he is mentioned as being 35 years old, 
unmarried, and a weaver, owner of four horned cattle and 
three sheep. In the census of 1686 he is called 47 years old, 
owner of one gun and eight arpents of land. Disputes about 
his will arose in 1731. 

M. Rameau proves that this small population was of an old 
date in the country, by the intermarriages which had taken 
place among them before 1671, specifying that Michael Bou- 
drot and Fran9ois Girouard had each married a daughter of 
the Aucoins, twenty-five or thirty years previously. There 
appears no mention in this census of LeBorgne, or his family, 
or of any of the Latours, or of any governor, nobleman or 
priest, except the cordelier friar, as resident in the settlement 
of Port Royal, at this time. 

1672-3. Some time in 1672 or 1673, six years after the 
treaty of Breda, a number of French families emigrated from 
St. Malo, in Old France, to the river Miramichi, and commen- 
ced a settlement at baie des Vents. [Cooney, N. B., 30-33. 
Gesner, N. B., 43-44.] At this time, the French, who had 
taken possession of the country, appear to have kept up but 
two forts, viz., that of Pentagoet, where the chevalier Grand- 
fontaine, the governor or commandant, resided, and that of 
the river St. John, where his lieutenant M. de Marson held 
command. It is also stated that M. Talon, intendant of 
Canada, who had requested leave to return to France, was 
directed by a letter of M. Colbert, dated 4 June, 1672, to take 
Acadie in his way, as he had proposed. He had orders to 
negociate with Sir Thomas Temple, who had desired leave to 
retire into French territory, and to assure him that the French 
king would give him letters of naturalization, and other favors. 
From some cause, which is not explained, this proposal led to 
no result. [2 Ckarlevoix, p. 255.] 

1 6 74. History of Nova-Scotia. 153 

On the 5 May, 1673, an order, signed by king Louis 14, and 
by his minister Colbert, issued, dated at Peronne, [Paris ntss.,] 
which recites that Grand-fontaine wished to return to France, 
to have leisure for his private business, and directs the ap- 
pointment of the sieur de Chambly to command in Acadie in 
his stead. 

1674. The compagnie des Indes Occidentals ; established by 
edict of May, 1664, w ^h exclusive privileges of trade for forty 
years, was revoked by edict of December, 1674, which remit- 
ted the territories, &c., to the Crown, and gave free trade to 
all his majesty's subjects. Canada, Acadie, Newfoundland, 
Virginia, Florida, and the African coasts, were included. 
[Edits, &c., Quebec, i8o3,/. 63, &s.] 

In this year, 1674, Sir Thomas Temple died. In a letter 
from Mr. J. Collins to governor Leverett, of Massachusetts, 
dated London, April 10, 1674, is the following passage. [Htitch. 
Mass. Collections, p. 445.] " Since my last, it has pleased " 
" God to remove by death Mr. Lodor, Mr. Yenning, and " 
" some other ministers of the presbiterian perswasion, holy " 
" men, and much lamented ; as alsoe lately Sir Thomas Tern- " 
" pie, whom melancholy and griefe hath killed by his hard " 
" usage from Mr. Elliott, but especially the occasion given of" 
" scandall, by his lodging at his old Mrs., her house, Mrs. " 
" Martin, which having heard the echo of again from New " 
" England, from the letters that some too uncharitably wrote " 
" did sit deep upon his spirit, and hastened his end. He " 
" sent for me, and I was with him severall houres, before he " 
" dyed a week, and he layed open his soul ; it was a mere " 
"accident : yea, great necessity, I judge afterward, that cast" 
" him at that wretches house." Sir Thomas Temple is said to 
have appointed Mr. John Nelson his heir to this province, 
[Hist, of B. Empire in America, p. 174], and it there stated 
that the government promised him , 16,200 sterling, as an 
indemnity for his losses in respect of Nova Scotia, which was 
never paid. 

The chevalier Grand-fontaine was succeeded in his command 
at Pentagoet, which seems to have been at this time the 
French headquarters in Acadie, by M. de Chambly, probably 

154 History of Nova-Scotia. 1676. 

in 1673. In the following year, 1674, an Englishman gained 
access to the fort in disguise, and remained there for four 
days. Having thus obtained the information he wished, he 
withdrew, and in a short time came back with the crew of a 
Flemish corsair to attack the place. This adventurer, whose 
name is not given, had one hundred and ten men under his 
orders, while M. de Chambly had but thirty. As the two 
crowns of England and France were in peace with each other, 
no idea of an attack from any quarter had been entertained, 
and the garrison was wholly unprepared for a defence, and 
taken by surprise. Chambly nevertheless defended himself 
with much valor, but after an hour's fighting he received a 
musket shot in the body, which forced him to retire. On this 
event, his ensign and soldiers, who were badly armed, and, it 
is said, worse disposed, surrendered at discretion. The enemy 
at once sent off a detachment to fort Gemesic, (Jemseg), on 
the St. John river, where M. de Marson was in command, to 
carry him off, and this they accomplished without resistance, 
The author of this hostile proceeding had no commission, and 
was disavowed by the English, though it is stated that he had 
obtained an English pilot from Boston, and the English there 
were suspected of having encouraged the affair from jealousy 
of the neighborhood of the French at Pentagoet. Williamson, 
the historian of Maine, dates this occurrence in 1676, but it is 
stated to have happened in 1674 both by Charlevoix and by 
the recitals in a grant of land made in 1676 by count Fronte- 
nac to M. de Marson. Williamson also attributes the attack 
to the Dutch, and adds that these corsairs were driven out of 
their conquest by two or three vessels sent from Boston. The 
grant of 1676 also calls the assailants Hollanders. The baron 
Castine after this took possession of the now vacant fort of 
Pentagoet, which he repaired and occupied. 

1676. The Indians who lived eastward of New England 
made war on the English settlers, killed many, and drove 
others by terror from the Kennebec, and did much mischief 
at Casco and other places in that vicinity. Their head chief 
in this war was Mugg, and they conducted it in more con- 

1 6 7 7 7 8- History of Nova-Scotia. 155 

formity with civilized usages than was customary with the 

On the 13 November, 1676, the Tarrateens or Eastern 
Indians made a treaty at Boston with the English, which was 
entered into by Mugg, in behalf of Madockawando (the father- 
in-law of Castine), and Cheberrina, sachems of Penobscot. 
[i Hutch., Mass., 346, 347.] A commission, dated 20 May, 
1676, appointed M. de Chambly to the command of Acadie, 
subject to the governor of Canada. He is directed to defend 
the fort and the country, and to protect trade. [Paris mss.] 
It does not clearly appear how he was to carry out these 
injunctions, having such small means of defence supplied him. 

1677. The Eastern Indians committed further aggressions 
on the frontiers of New England. Major Andros, who held a 
commission from the duke of York, placed forces at Pemaquid, 
and forced them to make peace again. \Hiitch : ubi supra.] 
The coal mines of cape Breton began at this time to attract 
attention. Duchesneau, the intendant of New France, issued 
an ordonnance, dated 21 August, 1677, which recognizes and 
establishes the right of M. Denis to exact a duty from all per- 
sons who took coal from cape Breton, or plaister from the 
straits of Canceaux, as grantee of the land by patent in 1654, 
governor, &c. This document fixes the duty at 30 sous 
for each ton of plaister (gypsum), and 20 sous for each ton of 
coal. Persons also who trade in furs within the limits of 
Denis' grants and government, which embraced the islands of 
St. John and cape Breton, and the whole gulph shore from 
Canso to cape Rosiers, are declared liable to confiscation of 
their goods employed, and to a fine of 200 livres, unless they 
have license from Denis. 

1678. M. de Marson had taken command in Acadie by 
order of M. de la Barre, Chambly being absent ; and on 16 
July, 1678, count Frontenac appointed the sieur de la Valliere 
to this command. 

156 History of Nova-Scotia. 


An edict of the king of France, dated from the camp of Luting, near Namur, 
directs all grants of land in New France, which had been left uncleared, to be 
reduced to one-half. The retrenched half to be granted to actual settlers. [Edits, 
Quebec, 1803, v. I,/. 71. 


In a letter of 28 January 1686, Grand Fontaine states that he left the treaty he 
made with Temple, and his own instructions from M. Perron, with Chambly, who 
relieved him in the government ; but as Chambly was afterwards captured and 
robbed by a corsair, he thinks the papers were lost. He says his own papers were 
left with his host at Rochelle, when he went out to Tobago, but on his return they 
were missing. [Paris mss.} 


An edict of Louis 14, dated from the camp at Heurtebise, near Valenciennes, 
20 May 1676, authorizes count Frontenac, governor, and Duchesneau, intendant, 
to grant lands in New France, on condition of clearing them within six years. 
Such grants to be presented to the king for confirmation within the year they bear 
date, &c. In 1667 and 1668, edicts forbade the settlers going to hunt among the 
savages more than one league from the settlement. [Edits, &c., Quebec, 1803, -vol. 

I-/- 93-1 

Grants made in Acadia by count Frontenac, governor, and Duchesneau, inten- 
dant : 

I. 12 Oct. 1676, to the Sieur Pierre de Joibert, ecuyer, Sieur de Soulangcs et de 
Afarson, major of Pentagoet and commandant of the forts of Gemisick and the 
river St. John, a seignory, called Nachouac, to be hereafter called Soulanges, 1 5 
leagues from Gemisick, 2 leagues front on each side of the St John river and 2 
leagues deep inland, &c. 2. 16 Oct., 1676, a similar grant to de Mar son of the 
fort or house of Gemisick, with a league on each side of the fort, making two leagues 
front on the river. 3. 24 Oct., 1676, a similar grant to Michel le Neuf, ecuyer, 
sieur de la Valliere, " of ten leagues of land in front, which are on the South side " 
" between Cape Breton and the isle Percee, beginning from the river Kigiskoua- " 
' bouguet, comprizing the same, to another river called Kimontgouiche, also " 
" comprized, with ten leagues in depth inland, whereof the bay of Chinigtou " 
" and cape Tormentin are part." These grants are in perpetuity, as Seigneuries, 
held by homage, &c., at the chateau of St. Louis at Quebec. 


Translation of a document, or conveyance in 1679 : 

Before Jacques Courand, procurator fiscal and notary, settled at Port Royal, for 
the lord of said place, was present in person the nobleman Alex. LeBorgne, Sieur 
deBellisle, in stead and place of Monsieur Emanuel leBorgne, his father, Sieur 

History of Nova-Scotia. 157 

duCoudray, knight of the order of St. Michael, lord and part owner of Acadie. 
Which said Sieur de Bellisle in the said name has voluntarily acknowledged to 
have granted, surrendered and transferred, as in fact he grants, surrenders and 
transfers by these presents from henceforth forever to Pierre Martin and Mathieu 
Martin his son, (the said Mathieu at this time stipulating and accepting for them 
their heirs and assigns.) To wit. It is a piece of land and meadow by them in 
part improved, and on which they reside, bounding on the east side on the great 
tneadow, on the west side on the brook Domanchin, on the south side on the 
river Dauphin ( now Annapolis river), and on the north side on the mountain, for 
the said Martins, father and son, their heirs and assigns to enjoy and dispose of 
the said land as belonging to their own property. For and in consideration 
whereof they bind themselves and shall be held to deliver and pay to the said lord 
or others for him, one denier Tournois of quit rent, one capon, and one bushel of 
wheat, annual, perpetual and irredeemable ground rent to the said lord on account 
of his fief and seigneurial manor of Port Royal aforesaid. Payable the said denier 
of quit rent, the said capon and bushel of wheat of rent, every year the first day 
of January in his manor house at Port Royal aforesaid. Bearing the said quit 
tent, lots et ventes, seizin and amends, if the case should occur for every sale 
made and not notified in twenty days from the date of the contract. All which 
above stated have the said parties so willed and agreed, promising in every place 
to keep and observe the same, under the obligation and hypothecation of all and 
singular their present and future property. Renouncing all things contrary to 
these presents, which they desire to be observed and kept according to their form 
and tenor. Done at Port Royal at the domicile of the said lord, the ninth day of 
August one thousand six hundred and seventy-nine. Present, Jacques de la Tour, 
Pierre Mellanson. 

(Thus signed in the minute.) BELLISLE, 





COURAND, pr. fiscal et notaire. 

February 14, 1737. Reg'd pr. me, W. SHIREFF, Secy. 

(N. B. The French copy is in the Register Book of Deeds, kept at Annapolia 
during the time it was the residence of the British governor.) 

158 History of Nova-Scotia. 1680-82. 


1680. Charlevoix informs us (v. 2, p. 273) that Acadie, fort 
Latour on the St. John, and Pentagoet had been restored by 
the English to the French for the fourth time in or previously 
to the year 1680. That M. de Chambly had been named gov- 
ernor, neither he nor Grand Fontaine having before held any 
higher title than commandant. That by this time, a little 
village had been formed at Port Royal, which then became the 
capital of their government. That the government included, 
besides the peninsula, all the southern coasts of New France, 
always however subordinate to the governor at Quebec, That 
meanwhile the English had built a good fort at Pemkuit (Pem- 
aquid,) between Pentagoet and the Kinibeki, and by an alliance 
with the Illinois (Mohawks,) had compelled the Abenaquis to 
make peace. That M. de Chambly had left Acadie to go to 
Grenada, where he was appointed governor, and no one was 
named in his stead. That the English consequently took 
possession of Pentagoet, and fort Latour, without resistance ; 
and that the inhabitants of Port Royal, seeing the storm ready 
to fall upon them, made terms with the English ; M. de la 
Valliere, who held only a simple commission from M. de Fron- 
tenac, having no power to hinder them ; and that thus the 
English for the fifth time became masters of the country. 

1682. It would seem that this occupation of the English 
was of short duration, as in 1682, we find the count de Fron- 
tenac, writing to M. de la Valliere as in command of Acadie. 
He wrote at the same time to the English governor at Boston, 
pointing out that the English (under the administration of the 

1683-84. History of Nova-Scotia. 159 

former governors of Canada,) had not liberty to fish or trade 
in Acadie, unless by express permission and agreement as to 
what each vessel should pay for the privilege. The last day 
of February 1680, the king of France granted to the sieur 
Bergier, of Rochelle, Gautier, Boucher and de Mantes, bour- 
geois of Paris, " the lands which they shall find suitable along " 
" the coast of Acadie, and of the river St. John, to make there " 
" the establishment of a shore fishery, (une peche sedentaire,) " 
" in the extent of six leagues, to the environs of the habita- " 
" tation they shall make," &c., for the fishery and all other 

M. Lefevre de la Barre was appointed governor of Canada 
in 1682. 

1683. The Sieur de la Barre wrote to Valliere, that he 
should not suffer the English to continue to trade and to fish, 
on the coast of Acadie, as they had done under count Fron- 
tenac, until the king's intentions should be ascertained, and 
that they should not take any coals without his receiving the 
accustomed dues. In this year the population of Acadie 
amounted to 600, according to a Canadian list. Rameau, p. 19. 

1684. M. de la Barre, the governor of Canada, granted a 
commission to M. de la Valliere to command in Acadie, in 
consequence of the previous appointment made by Frontenac, 
also of an instruction from the king, dated in May 1682, 
directing him to report on the merit and capacity of la Valliere, 
with the design of sending him a commission. On the first 
May 1684, M. de la Barre writes to M. de laValliere, that by a 
royal despatch of 5 August, his Majesty had chosen him as 
governor, with a salary of 1 800 livres, and that the patent, not 
yet signed, would be sent by the first opportunity. Letters 
are also mentioned both from Frontenac and de la Barre, to la 
Valliere, testifying their satisfaction with him, and their con- 
fidence in his services. 

Bergier and his associates who had obtained a grant in 1682, 
complained that LaValliere had granted licenses to the Eng- 
lish to fish on the coast and use the harbors of Acadie. On 
his second visit to the coast Bergier arrived at Chedabouctou, 
on the 2 March 168-, There he sowed wheat, rye and barley 

160 History of Nova-Scotia. 1684. 

upon land that his people had previously cleared. This was 
done on the 22nd May. On the 2ist September he reaped the 
harvest and brought the produce to France for exhibition. 
He also brought out vines and all sorts of fruit trees from 
France, which he planted, and they appear to take root and 
prosper. Flax, hemp, peas, beans and all sorts of vegetables, 
were asserted to grow there as well as they did in the neigh- 
borhood of Paris. It only wanted good laborers to make the 
land prosper, it being incomparably superior to Quebec. The 
land was said to be more fertile, and the climate as good as 
that of Rochelle. 

The inhabitants of Port Royal, having been encouraged by 
Bergier, fitted out six small craft for the fishery. One Carter, 
of Salem, who had been licensed by M. de la Valliere, for 50 
livres, the year before, induced some English buccaneers to 
capture the six fishing vessels of Port Royal, which deprived 
the people of that settlement of any opportunity of carrying on 
the fishery, unless they went to Canso for the purpose. Car- 
ter, playing the part of a fisherman, came to Canso along with 
the buccaneers ; and having been entertained at dinner at 
Chedabouctou by M. Bergier, he requested his permission to 
fish on the coast of Acadie. This request Bergier refused to 
grant. Carter then asked leave to pay a visit to the captains 
of four French vessels in the port, whom he had known the 
year before ; which Bergier agreed to, not distrusting any- 
thing. The buccaneers found the French fort and vessels on 
the alert, and they withdrew under cover of night. Bergier 
sent a vessel to Boston to complain to the governor there of 
Carter, as the author of the capture of the six fishing vessels 
of Port Royal, and of the capture of the dwelling of the sieur 
de la Castine at Pentagoet. Meanwhile Bergier discovered an 
Englishman named Gemer Tailer, (Jemmy Tailer ?) of Boston, 
an accomplice of the buccaneers, who had been with them at 
the capture of the six fishing vessels of Port Royal, acting for 
them as their pilot, as was authenticated by the attestations of 
the owners of the fishing vessels. This man, Tailer, had been 
kept in irons by Bergier in his fort since the 27 July last, until 
he could send him to Quebec, to be tried by de la Barre, the 

1684. History of Nova-Scotia. 161 

governor general, and DeMeules, the intendant. The buccan- 
eers threatened to return and give no quarter, if anything 
were done to the English. Bergier had left his two boys in 
charge of the fort, and had gone back to France to request the 
assistance of some small man-of-war. If the king will give 
them a small frigate of ten or twelve guns to cruise on the 
coast, Bergier and his associates offer to furnish all sailors, 
provisions and expenses, for four years, without calling on 
government for anything. As this will be expensive, Bergier, 
on behalf of his company, asks for authority to capture and 
confiscate all English vessels trading, fishing or taking coal 
on the coasts of Acadie, or the alternative of imposing a tax 
or duty on them, as Valliere has done. The day before he 
left, there were six English vessels in Canso, four going to 
fish, and two about to go to the Magdalen islands, to build 
and settle there, whom he forbade, and sent on people to hin- 
der them. He says La Valliere, for whom the commission of 
governor of Acadie has been requested, is a poor man who 
has a settlement of eight or ten persons, and who gave up the 
country to the English for wherewithal to subsist on, and has 
not power to carry out the king's orders, while the company 
is powerful, &c. This representation is among the Paris 

In another memorial of this period it is said that la Valliere 
has but a small settlement of eight or ten men near the river 

St. John, that he encouraged the English to fish on the 

coasts, that he was hated by the Indians, whom he con- 
stantly robbed, and who are disposed to assassinate him, and 

would have done so last summer, but for Bergier, that 

la Valliere has no power to enforce the king's authority, and; 
he has shown great jealousy of the company's operations. 
The Indians, and the merchants and shipmasters of Rochelle,. 
have petitioned against him. The advantages of Chedabouc- 
tou, as a centre of trade and fishery, are pointed out. The Eng- 
lish are said to injure the fishery by throwing the heads and 
entrails of fish overboard, which the French carefully avoid 
doing. Good timber and masts can be obtained in the coun- 
try. Elsewhere Valliere is said to receive five piastres per 

1 62 History of Nova-Scotia. 1684. 

yacht from the English for a license to fish. He is said also 
to threaten the Indians that he will hang them, and that he 
imposes on them. Bergier's company ask for the frigate 
la Friponne, of 1 30 tons, to guard the coast, and offer to pay 
her expenses. They also offer to carry on trade with the 
West Indies. Quebec traders could call there. It is 200 
leagues nearer to France than Quebec is. 


The effect of the representations of Bergier is seen in a Royal order 10 April, 
1684, forbidding LaValliere to act as commandant in Acadie, or to grant fishing 
licenses to foreigners, under 3000 livres fine and damages to Bergier's association. 
Bergier is commissioned as lieutenant da Roi, in Acadie, under sfeur Perrot the 
governor, 14 April, 1684. This is registered at Rochelle, and also at Port Royal. 
Bergier writes an order, dated Laheve, 15 July, 1684, directed to Michel Boudrot, 
lieutenant civil et criminel (judge) at Port Royal, and to Mius, sieur d'Entremont, 
proc'ureur du roi, (attorney general), there to register it. Claude Petitpas, greffier, 
{secretary), certifies, 20 July, 1684. [Paris mss.] 


29 Nov., 1684, a commission as counsellor and lieutenant general, pour la siege 
ordinaire de T Acadie, in favor of M. Desgoutin, is registered, (judge's commission,) 
' Edits, &-V., Quebec, 1803, v. 2. /. 31, table. 


A grant was made by de laBarre, governor, and de Meoles, intendant of Can- 
ada, to Jean Martel, of the place called Mageas (Machias) 23 leagues from Port 
Royal, 2 leagues in front and three leagues in depth, with the isles, &c. 


April 1684, the king grants by patent, at Versailles, to Bergier, Gautier, &c., all 
the lands and islands on the coasts of Acadie from Cape Canceau to the bay of 
All Islands. 


From Ferland's Canada, v. i, p. 280. " Several families came a little while " 
M after M. de Montmagny, among them were those of the Sieurs de Repentigny " 
" and de la Potherie, both numerous and to be of influence in the future." 

1684. History of Nova-Scotia. 163 

Relation of 1636. " These two noble families of Normandy included 45 persons. " 
" Pierre 1 Gardeur de Repentigny brought with him his wife, his mother, his " 
' brother Charles le Gardeur de Tilly, his sisters, and several children. They " 
"' were of Thury sur Orne. The sieur le Neuf de la Potherie had also with him " 
" his mother, and his brother the Sieur Michel le Neuf du Herisson. The " 
" family of le Neuf was of Caen. Some of the descendants of the Sieur de la " 
" Potkerie served in Acadie, under the names of la Valliere and Beaubassin." 


I. Graitt date 20 Sept., 1684, by de la Barre and de Meules, to Louis d' Amours, 
sieur des Chauffeurs, of the river Richibouctou, one league of land on the s. w. 
side and as far as three leagues beyond the rivers Chibouctouche, on the other 
side, with the isles adjacent, &c., in fief and seigneurie, to be called de Chauffeurs. 
2. Grant of same date to Rene d' Amours, Sieur de Clignancourt, on the river 
St. John, from Medoctec to the longue saull, two leagues in depth on each side, 
fief et Seigneurie of de Clignancourt. 3. -Grant 28 June, 1684, to Jean Sarreau 
de St. Aubin, of five leagues in front, on the sea shore, and 5 leagues in depth in 
land at a place called PaGcomady, .(Passamaquoddi ?) and its environs, with the 
asles and islets in front of that extent, also an islet of rocks about 6 leagues off 
for seal fishery, also the island called Archimagan, and the islets for two leagues 
round -it. 4. Grant to Mathieu d' Amours, esquire, in 1684, of the land along 
the river St. John, between Gemisick and Nachouac, two leagues deep on each 
.side of the river, &c. 

164 History of Nova-Scotia. 1685 


IN 1685, the fort and dwelling of St. Louis, at Chedabouctou, 
consisted of two buildings, sixty feet in front by twenty feet in 
depth. There were thirty-three persons resident, having pro- 
visions for a year. They had four cannon, besides fusils, pis- 
tols and halberts ; 80 minots, equal to 240 bushels, of salt ; a 
bark of 30 tons ; fifteen shallops, and every thing requisite for 
the fishery. The Bergier company ask now for a frigate for 
two years, and a grant of the islands of cape Breton, St. John, 
and the Magdalens. [Pans mss.] 

The government of La Valliere now draws to a close. Ber- 
gier des Hormeaux sent a written complaint against him. 
Bergier shews that he having gone to the island of cape Breton 
with three men, to receive there from several savages different 
furs which they owed to the company, and having received 
part of them, Beaubassin, La Valliere' s son, entered his cabin 
at 3 o'clock in the morning, accompanied by six men, armed 
with fusils, with drawn swords and pistols cocked, crying, 
" kill, kill," and after having seized him and his people, who 

were lying down, he told them they were prisoners. That 

having asked for his authority, he replied that he acted upon 
an order of M. de la Barre, which his father, La Valliere, held. 
That having also asked for the reading of the order, he refu- 
sed it, threatening with frightful oaths to tie him and maltreat 
him, if he insisted further. Bergier, on this, sent off Beaure- 
gard, one of his three men who accompanied him, to go to M. 
de la Valliere, and tell him that he should complain of such 
treatment ; but seeing that this man did not come back, and 

1685. History of Nova-Scotia. 165 

that they carried off everything he had in his cabin, without 
inventory or any form of process, he made his escape out of 
the hands of Beaubassin, with one of his men, and embarked 
in an Indian canoe, which he found near his cabin, in which 
he came to Chedabouctou, and concludes by stating what 
Beaubassin took from him. There is another statement made 
by an Indian captain named Negascouet, dated 22 May, 1685. 
He says that coming from Neguedchecouniedoche, his usual 
residence, to bring to Chedabouctou what he owes to the 
company of sedentary fishery of Acadie, he was met by the 
sieur de la Valliere, who took from him, by violence, seventy 
moose skins, (peaux cTorignaux), sixty martins, four beaver, 
and two otter, without giving him any payment, or making 
any acknowledgment, and that this is not the first time the 
said La Valliere has acted so by him, and by several other 
Indians. [Pans mss.~\ 

M. Perrot, who had been governor of Montreal since 1670, 
was, in 1684, transferred to Acadie, to be governor there. He 
had been originally nominated to the government of Montreal 
by the seminary of St. Sulpice there, he, Perrot, having mar- 
ried a niece of M. Talon, intendant of Canada. This office 
was confirmed to him by the king, but having got into discord 
with the seminary, he was removed to Acadie, where we find 
him in office in 1685. 2 Charlevoix, 190, 321. Writing to 
the minister in France, Perrot asks for himself the grant of 
Laheve, as a seigneurie, with a frontage of twelve leagues on 
the sea coast, beginning at port Rossignol, (Liverpool), on the 
west, and ten leagues in depth inland, with high, middle and 
low justice, all rights of fishing, trading and hunting, under 
the quit rent of a gold crown on each change of property. He 
also asks for fifty soldiers, (including fifteen seamen), with the 
thirty who were then in garrison, maintained at the king's 
expense ; a corvette of ten guns, (eight and twelve pounders), 
a coast pilot and a missionary to be also supported. The 
cannon to be supplied for the fort, with the requisite ammuni- 
tion and utensils of war ; tools, to rebuild the fort ; twelve 
barrels of tar, and 300 blocks, or pulleys, of all sizes. He 
requests permission to collect vagrants, and compel them to 

1 66 History of Nova-Scotia. 1685-86. 

settle in the country ; and that the soldiers be allowed to 
marry, giving them, as in Canada, fifty livres, or an equivalent. 
On these conditions, he offers to put the fort of Laheve in a 
state of defence, to build there a dwelling house, storehouses, 
cazernes and a guard house ; to erect a mill, settle a village, 
and collect inhabitants for the shore fishing by the advances 
he will make them. He will also take care that the inhabi- 
tants shall build a church. This place, he says, is most con- 
venient for his purpose. It is within three days' communica- 
tion with Port Royal and Mines, the most populous places in 
the country. He will buy the corn they raise, in order to 
excite them to the culture of the land. The fishery will pro- 
duce great advantages to them. As the English of Boston 
cannot yet be dispensed with, he says it will not do to exclude 
them at once. They should be allowed to dry their fish on 
the French shores free of duty. It will only be necessary to 
oblige them to sell their fish on the spot for French goods, 
fixing the price of merchantable fish at six livres a quintal, 
and the refuse at three livres, or three livres ten sous. {Paris 
mss.] About this time Bergier's company reiterate their re- 
quests for a grant of the Magdalens, St. John and cape Brecon 
islands, for 20 years, to carry on the seal fishery. 

1686. In May, 1686, the French king granted all these 
islands by patent to Gabriel Gautier, who seems to have been 
one of the partners. 

M. de Meulles Jacques de Meulles, knt, seigneur de la 
Source, the intendant of New France, visited Acadie in 1685 
and 1686. He found all the French settlements there in a 
neglected and desolate state. On his return to Quebec, he 
wrote to the minister that the most useful establishment his 
majesty could make in America, was that of Acadie. While 
on this tour, he visited each of the settlements in person, and 
he caused a census to be prepared in the beginning of 1686, 
(a copy of which is among the Paris mss.) In this census the 
name, age and residence of every settler is to be found the 
sex and number of his children the quantity of cleared land 
he held the number of his cattle, and the guns in each fami- 
ly's possession. The total population was 915, including 30 

1 686. History of Nova-Scotia. 167 

who were soldiers ; fusils, 222 ; horned cattle, 986 ; sheep, 
759 >* swine, 608 ; cleared land, 896 arpens. 

In this year, 1686, the daughters of M. d'Aulnay, who, by 
the death of their brother, killed in the king's service, were 
the heiresses of the father, petitioned the king for compensa- 
tion. They stated that their father had spent seventeen years 
in Acadie built there five fortresses, churches, two semina- 
ries, established a mission, cleared land, sustained war against 
foreign sectaries, and expended 800,000 livres. 

At this time there was at Ste. Croix a settlement of twenty 
persons. The baron St. Castine lived at Pentagoet, and tra- 
ded with the Indians and with the English. The fort at 
Laheve had been long abandoned, and so had that of Penta- 
goet. It was urged on the government to build a tower and 
redoubt at the entrance of Port Royal basin, the cost estima- 
ted at 2000 crowns ; and to put up a redoubt, with palissades, 
at Port Royal itself; to enclose the governor's lodgings, part 
of the barracks, storehouses, &c. Port Royal seems to have 
been now the only place in Acadie having the shadow of 
defence, the governor and thirty soldiers being resident there. 

A treaty of peace between France and England was conclu- 
ded at London 16 November, 1686, for North and South 
America. It contained 19 articles, among which 'was one 
that, though the two crowns should break their friendship in 
Europe, their respective colonies and subjects in America 
should remain in peace and neutrality. 


Bergier in July and August 1684, being on the Acadie coast in his vessel the St 
Liouis, arrested eight English barks, called, the Mary, the Adventure, the Swallow, 
the Rose, the Industry, the Lark, the Friendship, and the Industry, for fishing 
and trading within the limits of his patent. He took out the fish and furs, and 
carried the masters to Rochelle, where they were interrogated by the officers of 
the Admiralty. Two were acquitted, having held licenses to fish from LaValliere, 

1 68 History of Nova-Scotia. 1686. 

and Bergier was adjudged to take them back and indemnify them : the other six 
were confiscated. \E. and F, Commissaries, pp. 614-615.] 


13 August, 1685. Richard Denis, as lieutenant for his father, Nicolas Denis, 
governor, &c., grants to the ecclesiastics of the Episcopal Seminary of foreign 
missions at Quebec, 3 leagues of land in front at Ristigouche, three leagues on 
the river Ste Croix, and three other leagues in the island of Cape Breton, each to 
be also three leagues in depth, reserving right of building a store house and 
trading with the savages. The seminary is bound to have a mission, a church or 
chapel and a resident priest at each place, maintained at their expense. The 
exact location to be determined within ten years, to suit the convenience of the 


In a petition of the " Compagnie de la peche sedentaire de 1'Acadie," without 
date, they ask for. 

I. A grant of the Magdalen Islands, and the islands of St. John and Cape Bre- 
ton, for 20 years, to carry on the seal fishery. All vessels interfering to be con- 
fiscated and to pay 3000 livres penalty, half to the chapel of the Fort at Cheda- 
bouctou and half to the company. 2. An order to governor Perrot and lieutenant 
du roi Boulaye, to compel la Valliere, his son Beaubassin, his brother-in-law 
Richard Denis, and their consorts, to make restitution of goods and furs robbed 
by them from Bergier's son and the Indian captain Negascoet ; and if they disobey 
to send them prisoners to France, to answer for their conduct. 3. An order of 
reprisals on the L'Hirondelle, and her cargo of fish (or the proceeds) in the hands 
of Mr. Stukey, merchant at Rochelle, being English property owned by Boston 
merchants, for the barque Marie and cargo, belonging to the company, taken by 
the English at Cape Breton. 4. The restitution of duty on beaver improperly 
exacted. [Parts mss.] In May 1686, letters patent were granted at Versailles by 
which the king gave to Gabriel Gautier, the island of Cape Breton, the island of 
St. John, and the Magdalen islands. [So it is recited in the arrft du conseti d'etat 
du Roy, of 20 May 1703.] 


Extracts from the census of M. de Meulles in 1686 : 

At Port Royal, 95 families adults 197, boys 218, girls 177, total, 592 
Thirty soldiers maintained there by the king, 30 


Guns 75 ; horned cattle, 643 ; sheep, 627 ; swine, 351 ; cultivated lands 377 
arpens, (arpent is nearly an acre.) 

At Cape Sable, 15 souls ; 7 acres tilled ; 17 horned cattle ; 16 guns. 

At Laheve and Mirliguaiche, 19 souls ; 3 acres tilled ; I pig ; 9 fusils. 

At Bay of Mines, 57 souls ; 83 acres tilled ; 90 horned cattle ; 21 sheep ; 67 
swine; 20 guns. 

River St. John, Pesmonquady, Megays and Pentagoet, 16 souls ; domestics not 

1 686. History of Nova-Scotia. 169 

Chignitou, called Beaubassin, 127 souls; 102 fusils; 426 acres tilled; 236 
horned cattle ; in sheep ; 189 swine. 

Miramichy, Chedabouctou, Nepisiguit and Isle Percee, 52 souls. 
General summary of census of Acadie in 1686, settlers, 885 ; soldiers, 30 ; total 
souls, 915 ; fusils, 222; horned cattle, 986 ; sheep, 759; swine, 608; cleared land, 
896 arpens. 

At Port Royal, among others, are these families : I. Le sieur Alexandre le 
Borgne, seigneur du lieu, (lord of the place) age de 43 ans, (aged 43 years,) 

Born in 1643. 

D'lle. Marie de St. Etienne, his wife, aged 32, " 1654. 

Children, Emmanuel, " n, " 1675. 

" Marie, ' 9, " 1677. 

" Alexandre, " 7, " 1679. 

" Jeanne, " 5, " 1681. 

Domestic, Etienne Aucher, " 73, " 1613. 

(The ages of each are given in the census. I have added the years in which each 
person was born. This gentleman, Alexander le Borgne, was called M. de Belle- 
isle. He was son of Emmanuel le Borgne, and his wife was the eldest daughter 
of Latour by madame D'aulnay. Belleisle was left as governor at Port Royal in 
1668, by M. Grand-fontaine.) 

2. Michel Boudrot, lieutenant-general of the jurisdiction of Port Royal, (which 
was a judicial, not a military office,) aged 85, Born in 1601. 

Michel Aucoin, his wife, " 65, " 1621. 

Children, Michel, " 26, " 1660. 

" Francois, " 20, " 1666. 

3. Philippe Mius, the sieur D'antremont, procureur dui Roi, (attorney-general,) 
aged 77 years, native of Normandy, died about 1700, the same gentleman who 
was major and deputy for Latour in 1653 

Born in 1609. 

His children, Philip, aged 24, " 1662. 

" Madelaine, " 16, " 1670. 

4. Claude Petitpas, sieur de laFleur, greffier (sec'y,) aged 60, " 1626. 

Catherine Bugaret, his wife, aged 46, " 1640. 

Children, Claude, " 23, " 1663. 

" Jacques, " 19, " 1667. 

" Marie, " 18, " 1668. 

" Henriette, " 12, " 1674. 

Paul, " 11, " 1675. 

" Charles, " 10, " 1676. 

" Martin, " 9, " 1677. 

Pierre, " 5, " 1681. 

" Anne, " 2, " 1684. 

Mathieu Martin, 47 years. The same named in the census of 1671, as 35 
years old, also in the deed of M. Belleisle in 1679, probably the same person who 
obtained in 1689 the grant of Cobequid, said to have been the first white person 
born in the colony. Born therefore in 1636 or in 1639. 

The following are the surnames of the inhabitants of Port Royal, at this time : 
Arsenault, Babin, Barillost, Bastarache, Bertran, Benoit, Brossard, Brun, Boure, 
Blanchard, Leblanc, le Borgne, Bourgeois, Boudrot, Bellivault, Brien, Commeaux, 

170 History of Nova-Scotia. 1686. 

Colson, Como, Corberon, Dupeux, Douaron, Dugas, Doucet, DeForest, Fardel, 
Gaudet, Garault, Guilbault, Guillaume, Goho, Girouard, Godet, Godin, Granger, 
Hebert, Henry, Lavoye, Landry, Lort, Leuron, Martin, Margery, Melansou, Muis, 
Pitre, Peltiet, Prijean, Pellerin, LePrince, LaPerriere, Petitpas, Rembault, Rich- 
ard, Robichaud, (Marie Sale, 86 years years) Savoye, Terio, Toan, Tourangeau, 
Thibaudeau, Vincent. 

We find by this census, at cape Sable : 

Jacques la Tour, sieur de Etienne, aged 25, Born in 1661 
Marie Melan9on, his wife, " 18, " 1668 

Charles de la Tour, " 22, " 1664 

Jacques* Mius, sieur de Poubomcou, " 27, " 1659 

Anne de St. Etienne, his wife, " 22, " 1664 

Children three boys. 
Abraham Muis, dit Plemarch, " 24. " 1662 

(called also Pleinmarais), 

Marguerite de St. Etienne, his wife, " 21, " 1655 

Children Marguerite. " 5, " 1681 

Charles, " 3, " 1683 

Abraham Dugas, " 23, " 1663 

Jeanne Guilbaude, his wife, " 18, " 1668 

La Liberte, le neigre. 

Sum. 15 souls, 1 6 fusils, 7 acres tilled, 17 horned cattle. 
[Marie Muis, apparently daughter of either Poubomcou, or Pleinmarais, was 
the wife of M. Duvivier, married in 1705. See Bonaventure's letter in that year ; 
also deed from Francois du Vivier, enseigne du vaisseau, et capitaine d'une 
franche compagnie, &c., in 1707, in the register book of grants, deeds and wills, 
kept at Annapolis from 1731 to 1749. . See also memorial of M. Duvivier in 1735 
at that date.] 

At LaPfeve and Mirliguaiche. 

Surnames : Provost, Labal, at Petite riviere, Vesin, Martin le Jeune, and his 
wife Jeanne, an Indian woman, and two children. Michel, Gourdeaux, La Ver- 
dure, Petitpas. Sum. : 19 souls, 9 fusils, 3 acres tilled, and I pig. 

Bay of Mines. 

Pierre Melangon.t called La Verdure, aged 54, Born in 1632 
Marie Muis d'Antremon, his wife, " 36, " 1650 

(probably married in 1685). 
And nine children, from 20 years to one day old. 

Surnames : Aucoin, de la Boue, la Roche, Pinet, Terio, Rivet, Boudrot, Hebert, 

Sum. : 57 souls, 20 guns, 83 acres tilled, horned cattle 90, sheep 21, swine 67. 

* He had in 1707 four sons and five daughters. See de Goutin's letter. He 
was son of major Philippe D'Antremont. 

t Mentioned in December, 1705, as very poor, owing to the English invasion, 
&c. See the name of La Verdure in the marriage settlement of 1653, and surren- 
der of 1654. Also in M. de Brouillan's letters, 1702 & 1703. In 1723 a deed 
from Fran9ois le Claire dit La Verdure, of Annapolis, registered there. 

1 6 86. History of Nova-Scotia. 171 

River St. John, Pesmonquady, Megays and Pentagoet. 
Martin d'Aprenclistigue, aged 70, Born in 1616. 

Jeanne de laTour, his wife " 60, " 1626. 

(said to be a daughter of Charles de laTour.) 
Le sieur Louis d' Amours de Chauffours, aged 32, " 1654. 
Marguerite Guyon, his wife. 

Le sieur Mathieu d' Amours de Freneuse, " 28, " 1658. 
Louise Guyon, his wife. 
Rene d'Amours de Cllignancourt. 

Bernard d'Amours de Plenne received a grant of the river Kanibecachiche 
20 June, 1695. He was married to Jeanne le Borgne ; and his son, Alexander 
Francis was born 28 Oct. 1702 ; baptized by F. Felix Pain, Recollet, at Port 

(The d'Amours were originally from Bretagne. \Rameau, p. 145.] Louis 
d'Amours, from Paris, is among the immigrants to Canada, between 1641 and 
1666. [l Ferland, Canada, p. 511.] 

Megays (Machias) Martel, Dubreuil. and some domestics. 
Pentagoet, la sieur de St. C as tin, and several valets. 

Sum. : along all this coast, without counting the domestics of each of those 
seigneurs, there are 16 souls. 

(There was a fort and dwelling at Pentagoet, first erected by M. d'Aulnay de 
Charnisay. Grand-fontaine and Chambly were afterwards there, and all was 
abandoned after the invasion of 1665.] 

Chignitou, called Beaubassin. 
Michel le Neuf, sieur de la Valliere, seigneur of Beaubassin, aged 45, 

Born in 1641 

His children : Age. Born. His domestics : Age. Born. 

Alexander, 20 1666 Fran9ois Leger, 55 1631 

Jacques, 17 1669 Gabriel, 20 1666 

Marie Joseph, 15 1671 Michel 1'Arche, 22 1664 

Jean Baptiste, 12 1674 Marie Lagasse, 16 1670 

Judith, 10 1676 M, Pertuis, armourer. 

Michel, 8 1678 Fusils 70, tilled acres 60. 

Marguerite, 6 1680 Horned Cattle, 19. 

Barbe, 4 1682 Sheep 22, swine 12. 

Surnames at Chignitou : 

Mirande, LaBarre, Girouer, Morin, Mignault, Bourgeois, Cochin, Poirier, 
Cottard, Mercier, Quessy, Lavalle, Lagasse, Blon, Cormier. 

Sum of Beaubassin : 127 souls, 102 fusils, 426 acres tilled, 236 horned cattle, 
ill sheep, 189 swine. 

Miramichy : 

The sieur Richard Denis de Fronsac, seigneur of Miramichy, and four or five 


Chedabouctou : 

The sieur de la Boulais, lieutenant du Roi, and in a fort which is at the inner 
extremity (fond) of the bay, with fifteen or twenty domestics. In this place there 
are three or four inhabitants who have cleared land. 

172 History of Nova-Scotia. 1686. 

Nepisiguy : 

Enaud, aged 35 ; his wife, who is a squaw, and three or four valets. He has 
turned the land to account, and raised cattle. 

[Cooney, History of New Brunswick, pp. 30, 168, calls him Jean Jacques 
Enaud, a native of les Basques, near the Pyrenees, but thinks he came here in 
1638 or 1644. He says he had a seigneurie in (what is now) Gloucester county, 
New Brunswick ; that he married a Mohawk woman of distinction, and was 
murdered by one of her brothers. That he was opulent, and lived in Absnaboo, 
or Coal Point, at the mouth of the Nipisiguit river.] 

Isle Percee : 

Boissel, wife and 8 children. 

Lamotte, do. and 4 do. 

Lepine, do. and 4 do. 

Le Garfon and wife. 

Sum. : 52 souls. 

The English acre contains 160 square poles, at 16 1-2 feet each pole's length, 
or 43,560 square feet. The Norman acre 77,440 square feet, or 160 square 
perches of 22 feet long. The small arpent, formerly in use about Paris, contained 
100 square perches, each perch being 18 feet long, or 32,400 royal feet square 
measure. The middling arpent contained 100 square perches, of 20 feet long, or 
40,000 square feet. The great arpent, 100 perches of 22 feet long, or 48,400 
square feet. 


A shipmaster from Piscataqua had carried a cargo of wine to Penobscot, and 
landed it there, conceiving it to be French territory. Palmer and West, being at 
the fort of Pemaquid, forcibly seized the wines, as if the country were under 
their jurisdiction. This act offended not only the French, but also the people of 
New England ; and the Boston government issued a circular to the fishermen and 
people of Maine and New Hampshire, warning them not to venture on the East- 
ern coasts in consequence. Barillon, the French ambassador, requested that one 
Phillippe Syuret, master of a vessel called the Jeanne, having sailed from Malaga 
for New France, with a cargo of merchandize on account of messrs. Nelson, 
Watkins and associates, and having delivered them according to the bills of 
lading to the sieur Vincent de Castine, merchant, settled at Pentagoet, situate in 
the province of Acadie ; the judge of Peniguide (Pemaquid), sent a vessel and 
seized the cargo of wine as contraband. On this claim of the ambassador, the 
wines were released. [See Paris mss., and I Hutckinson, Mass., 370.] 

1687. History of Nova-Scotia. 173 


1687. In 1687, the French fishing company had a fort and 
settlement at Chedabouctou, consisting of 150 residents, of 
whom 80 were fishermen. 

M. Denonville was appointed governor of Canada in 1687. 

M. de Menneval was appointed governor in place of M. 
Perrot. The king's instructions to Menneval are dated 5th 
April, 1687, and are to the following effect. The king blames 
previous governors for the slow progress of Acadie, and ap- 
points Menneval in place of Perrot. His government is to 
extend from cape Gasp6 to the river Kennebec. The chris- 
tianising of the Indians is the king's chief object. He refers 
him to M. de St. Vallier, bishop of Quebec. The governor is 
to support relig'ion and morals among the settlers. Litigation 
exists. A blank commission is given, which Menneval is to 
fill up with an honest judge. He is also empowered to ap- 
point a procureur dtt roi, and a greffier, (attorney general and 
clerk of court.) The people are not to be allowed to go into 
the woods trading. The Indians are to be dealt with in trade, 
kindly and honestly. Special licenses, however, may be given 
for such trading expeditions. The disorderly conduct of par- 
ties claiming large grants is referred to. Menneval is to 
repress this, and may send the offenders to France. Idleness 
and debauchery are to be discountenanced. The fishery com- 
pany at Chedabouctou are to be looked after, that they may 
deal fairly with the fishermen. Foreigners are to be prevented 
from fishing and trading with the French or Indians. Refers 
to treaty of Breda of 31 July, 1667, and the treaty of neutrality 

1 74 lfi\tory of Nova-Scotia. 1687-68. 

of London of 16 November, i6B6, article 9, and forbidding 
such trade. The liberty of fishing, granted to the English by 
former governor*, ha* been injurious. Mcnncval is not to 
uffcr it, nor the *alc of fur* to the English, He is to prevent 
the English from encroaching beyond the Kcnncbec. The 
king has ordered the frigate ' la Friponne/ Jlfauregard com- 
mander, to enforce this and the treaty of Breda. All foreign 
vessels coming on the coast to fish, after proclamation, to be 
confiscated. Thirty soldiers to be sent out in addition to 
iitirty previously sent, to be commanded by the sieur Durs de 
Houlaye, lieutenant du roi, under governor Mcnncval He is 
td ' ' '.i hack to France. Menneval is to reside at 
Port Royal. The fort at Port Royal is to be rebuilt ; four 
thousand livres i sent by M, Gorgas, ecrivain principal, for 
that purpose. Tools, &c., are sent in the Friponne. The 
f-.ii i. i, MI to be revetted with masonry, but to be an earth 
(-.if, with fascines and turf. Soldiers and inhabitants to be 
employed on the fort. Menneval may change the site of the 
fort, if necessary. He is to take great care of the arms, pow- 
der, ammunition and tools. Castine is to be coerced from 

his vagabond life and trade with the Indians, &c., and his 
illicit trade wit I. ,;.#sh, which he alone follows, and to 

be urged to pursue a line of conduct more becoming a noble- 

I, Sieur de Gotitins, appointed by the king, judge, and 
ccrivam du roi in Acadie, had hi* instructions dated 10 April, 
1688. He was to prevent law suits as far as possible to act 
in concert with governor Menneval to settle all differences 
amicably, not to pass sentence* unle** where it was necessary 
to the safety and peace of families, and to discourage appeals 
to Quebec, as ruinoa* to suitors. He, de Goutins, i* to relieve 
M. de Garga* as ecrivain principal. Gargas is to hand him 
his account of money received for pay of troops and for fortifi- 
cations. This account is to be examined in presence of Men- 
neval before Gargas leaves. De Goutins, as ecrivain, is to sec 
that economy is used, and that the contracts for works arc 
duly fulfilled. He is to inquire and report on the nature of 
the lands, fishery, &c. He is annually to send exact accounts 

l688. l/i-.fory <>/ Nn'ixi '.intia. /'/', 

of the pay of ili: i/ooj/, in. 'I 1 1,'-, coif of foitifioation*. He ii 
alo to prepare and transmit ;innu;.lly a cenu 
of which a model if giv< /; him. 

30 Ap;il, l6S8, tli<: ' >. M;//i<: de Menou, d;n;; 

and heire** of M. d'AuJn;iy de ' barni*ay, and CftflOflti 

Pouiay, made a donation of 1'o/t J'oy.-.i to ),<< bof:. 
and fitter*, before Tardiv .-./, notary, which gift wan <on 
firmed by her lat will rn;i<lc in 1^91. 'J'li<: Itfatalm i 
her half hrof.herf and i*ter, rhil'Jr:n of J^iiour 
in,vJ;i.iH<: d'Aulnay. About thin tine-, l/;if/n Catine wa -- 
fic'J by th<: ^ov<:/nm < r Penta- 

gott, and wrote to Denonrille, th' =-','> J")y, 

/ complaining of hi* ponifion. I/j Mar<,h or April, 
Sir Edmond Andro#, the governor of NV// .L 

at Pema/jiii'l, in fh: fii^ate Ro, caj.' .;..-. r /- pffi , ,'in 

along the coaat, arrived at Pentagon, (\'<-M<>\> -.< / , AH *oon 
a* the frigate wa co -Uy anchorc'l in th/-. harbor, near 

the old fort and the dwelling of Canting tJjc \i<:ni<:n:n>i wa# 
ent ahore by captain George, an 'I bvi a convc/viiion with 
the baron. Caatine, : of tjje governor** ^omin^, re- 

tired with all hi* people, and left hi* hou*e *hut up, po*ibly 
for hi* peraonal liberty, \ffutck. Collections, $62,] The ; 
crnor landed with other gent party, '1 bey went 

in, to Ca#tine' houe, and found a *mall altar in i 
room ; which altar and ome picture*, and ordinary ornament*, 
they left uninjured, but they took away all hi* arm*, powder, 
hot, iron kettle* and *ome trucking cloath, and hi* chair* ; 
which were put on board the frigate, and laid up, in order to a 
condemnation for trading, in the fort at Pemaquid. Notice 
was verbally given to an /ndian achem, that if Ca*tine would 
a*k for hi* good* at J'e/n^uid, and come under obedience to 
the king of //ould be re*tored. Andro* had 

with him carpenter*, and board*, nail*, and all nece**ary *tore* 
to repair the old fort, an/J fit it to receive a garrUon ; but find- 
ing that it had originally been built for the mo#t part of fc 1 
and turf, and wa* quite a ruin, h< :ed to do nothing to 

to it, and abandoned it, Ca*tine naturally re*ented the pillage 
of his place ; and a* he had great influence among the Indian*, 

176 History of Nova-Scotia. 1688-89. 

it was supposed to be owing to him, that the eastern Indians 
killed some of the inhabitants, as asserted, and destroyed their 
cattle. In retaliation, Andros raised seven or eight hundred 
men by impressment, and pursued the Indians in the first part 
of the winter, but without avail. Having built two small forts 
on the boundaries at Pejypscot falls, and Sheepscote, he re- 
turned to Boston, [i Hutch., Mass., 371.] 

There were two brothers, both missionaries, named Bigot ; 
their family were barons Bigot. Vincent Bigot was the elder 
and James Bigot the younger. Vincent, the elder brother, 
resided in a wigwam at the village of St. Frangois, in Canada, 
and often went among the Abenakis. In 1688 Vincent was at 
Penobscot, for the purpose of gathering the savages into a 
new village on the lands of the king of France, and to guard 
them against the efforts of the governor Andros to draw them 
to the English. M. Denonville, in a memoir addressed to the 
minister of marine, says that he owed to the missionaries, par- 
ticularly to the two fathers Bigot, the good intelligence he had 
preserved with the Abenakis, and the success they had met 
with in their expedition against the English. [ I Maine His- 
torical Society's Collections, pp. 328, 329.] 

During this year, 1688, a Portuguese vessel was taken by 
pirates. They robbed her of above 3700 Spanish hides, threw 
the men and ^2000 worth of goods overboard, and went 
into port a Bear, (between Liverpool and Shelburne), on the 
coast of Nova Scotia. One Glanville, in a ketch, carried 
thence the hides to Boston. [See Randolph's letters, May, 

1689. The revolution in England deprived James the 2d 
of the throne of the British islands, and placed his daughter 
Mary, and her husband William the third, the Prince of 
Orange, in his stead as king and queen. This led to a new 
war between the crowns of France and England. The war 
was declared in England 7 May, 1689, and at Boston 7 Decem- 
ber, 1689. [* Williamson, Maine, 595.] The Bostonians 
arrested Sir Edmund Andros the governor, and several of his 
chief councillors and officers, [i Hutch., Mass., 372.] At this 
time the whole population of New France amounted to 1 1,249 

1689. History of Nova-Scotia. 177 

souls, Acadie is stated in a census of this year at 803. The 
Indians were not counted in these early enumerations. 

It is a subject of grave reflection, that after 84 years had elap- 
sed from the founding of Port Royal in 1605, and notwithstan- 
ding the expense of money and all the exertions of DeMonts, 
Poutrincourt, Latour, Denis, and others, men highly qualified 
for the task of colonization, the results should be so trifling. 
Many of the settlements were now desolate and abandoned, 
and none of them prosperous. Nearly forty years before, d'Aul- 
nay had besieged St. John with a flotilla and 500 men, and 
the defenders had been probably numerous. The contests and 
discords of ambitious leaders contributed doubtless to this 
unfavorable state of things, but the incessant interferences and 
invasions which the English at Boston carried on, must be 
considered as the chief causes of retarding the progress of 
French settlement in Acadie. 

In August, 1689, the English fort at Pemaquid, then garri- 
soned by fifteen men only, under captain Weems, was taken 
by the Indians, who spared the lives of the captain and six 
men. There was a large rock near this fort, from which the 
Indians galled the garrison so much as to compel them to- 
capitulate. The Indians have been charged with breaking 
faith in killing and making prisoners of the men after the sur- 
render. Thury, a Jesuit missionary, is said to have excited 
the Indians to this attack, by a harangue he made them at his 
chapel. Matakawando was engaged in this affair. The work 
was afterwards extended, so as to take in this rock and remedy 
the defect, [i Hutch., Mass., 396. I Williamson, Maine, 612. 
I Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, 330. Paris mss.] 

M. des Goutins, who acted in the two capacities of a judge 
and of ^crivain du rot, which latter office gave him charge of 
military stores and monies, &c., wrote a letter to the minister, 
dated 2 Sept., 1689. In this he refers to his former letters of 
23 September, 1688, by the frigate la Fripanne. He com- 
plains of the governor, Menneval ; accuses, him of diverting 
litigant parties from his tribunal, and sending them for justice 
to Canada. Says that five or six families have been thus 
ruined by the expenses. Champigny, the. intendant, wrote to 


178 History of Nova-Scotia. 1689. 

disapprove of this, but Menneval persisted, and told the inha- 
bitants not to recognize des Goutins as judge. He, Men- 
neval, threatened the people had them beaten, and impris- 
oned in a cellar half full of water, on slight pretences. He 
charges Menneval and the priests with encouraging the Eng- 
lish to come trading to Port Royal. That he got letters 
written to the English on his behalf, by du Breuil, whom he 
had made procureur du Roi, who was here in the service of 
messrs. Perrot and Villebon, and who is now his man of busi- 
ness. The English now trade here openly. They come 
ashore with goods at night, and the sentinels are forbidden to 
cry " Qui va la," (who goes there ?) The goods are carried 
to the dwellings of the priests. After a while, Menneval got 
the people to sign a request to him to admit the English to 
trade, on the ground of the necessities of the country. Mena- 
ces, tricks and cajolery were used to procure signatures. On 
des Goutin's remonstrating, Menneval gave him bad language 

too bad to be written to my lord. Five English vessels 

had arrived on 14 Nov., 1688, 18 Feb'y., 9 April, 10 May, and 
13 June, 1689, respectively, and if duly proceeded against for 
illicit trading, 40,000 livres would have been realized by their 
confiscation. The priests have great correspondence with 
Boston. Menneval and they profit by this. The Bostonians 
will take nothing in payment but French money, except bea- 
ver and other furs. He complains of Trouv6, a priest, having 
caused the banishment of a family of nineteen persons, 
and of Menneval having ordered him to pay two cadets, 
u sons of the sieur de la Valliere, one of whom had a quarrel " 
" with a drummer of the garrison, and in a duel with him, " 
" Fronsac, one of these cadets received a sword wound in " 
" the body." At this time the sieur de la Mothe Cadillac prays 
for a confirmation of his grant in Acadie, proposing to make a 
considerable settlement. 

From a letter of M. de Menneval to the marquis de 
Seignelay, (minister of the marine and colonies), dated /th 
September, 1689. The king's ships 1' Ambuscade and le 
Fourgon arrived at Port Royal 5th October, 1688, with 
the company's ship laden with goods and provisions. These 

1689. History of Nova-Scotia. 179 

vessels captured six ketches and an English brigantine be- 
tween Canseau and Port Royal, which were fishing and tra- 
ding. Two of these were carried away by M. de la Cafftniere, 
commander of the ships, to serve in his expedition ; another 
was given to the crews of all the ketches, (40 sailors), to take 
them back to Boston ; the rest to remain in port, to abide 

orders. The count de Frontenac sent an order to M. de 

Villebon, captain of one of the companies, to embark witfr de 
la Caffiniere. His lieutenant, Portneuf, (his brother), has not 
yet come from Quebec, and the other (lieutenant) being at 
Chedabouctou, Menneval is without any officer, and is himself 

incommoded with the gout. In another letter he says that 

the English had been some time in the bay of Fundy with 
four vessels, but the fogs prevented their landing. He expres- 
ses his fear of being taken. The fort is all open, and there are 
no cannon. Asks for more soldiers. He has only seventy at 
Port Royal, and twenty elsewhere in Acadie. He complains 
sf des Goutins, the judge, for bad conduct. (The ministerial 
note on this passage suggests the recal of des Goutins, and 
names Dubreuil, procureur du roi, to be judge in his place.) 
Menneval says his pay as governor is only 1000 livres, (^50 
currency), and his pay as captain of one of the companies has 
never been sent him. His provisions have been captured ; 
one year by pirates, (forbans), and the next by privateers, 
(corsaires.) He asks leave to go to France for the winter, and 
to leave Villebon in charge. In the abstract, mention is made 
of de la Mothe Cadillac as a poor gentleman, who had been in 
the king's service, and had settled in Acadie, where he has a 
wife and children. Having especial knowledge of the coasts 
of North America, he had been taken in the squadron, and had 
come to France. He seeks some compensation for these ser- 
vices, and the means of returning to Acadie. 

27 November, 1689, Lyman Bradstreet, governor at Boston, 
writes to Jacob Leisler, New York, that some New England 
people had been captured on the coast of Acadie by two 
French men-of-war, who reported that a squadron of twelve 
others intended to take Boston by surprise. 

1690. De Menneval, in a mtmoire of 1690, says he has to 

180 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 

oppose des Goutins in improper, self-interested proceedings, 
and that this led the latter to cabal against him, cross him in 
every thing, and act seditiously. That la Mothe Cadillac had 
helped to set him on. That des Goutins had been recommen- 
ded by M. de Chevry, having been secretary to that noble- 
man's father, and that de Chevry is now sorry for it. That 
des Goutins married a paysanne, (countrywoman), in Acadie, 
and connected himself with la course et le commerce dans les 
bois, (the hunting and trading in the woods), with his father- 
in-law and two brothers-in-law, and in fomenting litigation. 

Dubreuil, the procureur du Roi, is 45 years old, is of Paris, 
and an advocate. His mother has promised him 10,000 /cus, 
if he makes a respectable marriage in Acadie. Menneval 
recommends him as judge. La Mothe Cadillac is called an 
adventurer, but his talents and capacity are praised. 


The commission of Menneval, as governor of Acadie, is dated I March. 1687, 
It is to be found in the 2d vol. Edits, &c., Quebec, 1803, p. 347. 


(Translated from the French original.) 

We, Michael Boadrot, lieutenant general in Acadie, with the ancient inhabi- 
tants of the country, do certify, that the late M. d'Aulnay Charnisay, formerly 
governor for the king in the coast of Acadie, caused to be built three forts on 
said coast, the first at Pentagoet, the second at the river St. John, and the third 
at Port Royal, which forts were well furnished with all the necessary cannon and 
ammunition, with three hundred men ordinarily to defend the aforesaid forts. We 
also certify that the said late sieur d'Aulnay Charnisay caused to be built two 
mills, one a watermill and the other a windmill ; and the said late sieur caused to 
be constructed at Port Royal, five pinnaces and several shallops, and two small 
ressels of about 70 tons each, with two farms or manors, and the necessary build- 
ings, as well dwelling houses as grange and cow houses ; and also the late said 
sieur brought out from France, at his expense, several families, the most part ot 
whom yet remain, whom he settled and forwarded at his own charge. We also 
likewise certify that the said late sieur undertook several other settlements, as 

1690. History of Nova-Scotia. 181 

Laheve, Miscou, St. Anne, which enterprizes were begun and sustained for seve- 
ral years by the said late sieur d'Aulnay de Charnisay, at great expense and ex- 
cessive charges, as appears yet at this day, although subsequently the English 
ruined the forts, took away the cannon, pillaged several of the inhabitants, having 
reduced the children of the said sieur de Charnisay and their mother to beggary, 
obliging them to retire to France without any succor, the late sieur de Gharnisay 
having been drowned four years before in the river of Port Royal. All which is 
above we certify to be true, we having seen it. In faith of which we have signed 
at Port Royal, the fifth of October, one thousand six hundred and eighty-seven, in 
presence of M. de Menneval, governor for the king of all Acadie, and of M. 
Petit, grand vicar of his lordship (the Bishop) of Quebec, and Cure (rector) of the 
said place of Port Royal. 
Thus signed : 

M. BOUDROT, lieutenant-general. 
D'ENTREMONT, procureur du Roi. 
With the marks of 

And lower down is written : 

I certify that the inhabitants who have signed above, are inhabitants of Port 
Royal, the day and year as above. 

Signed at the end, DE MENNEVAL. 

And lower down, PETIT, missionary priest, 

Performing the functions of Cure at Port Royal. 

Collated with the original document just now exhibited, by the undersigned 
counsellors of the king, notaries at the Chatelet of Paris, this day, the 27 Decem- 
ber, 1688. 



A grant, dated 23 July, 1688, was issued by Denonville de Brizay, governor, and 
de Champigny, intendant of New France, to the sieur de la Mothe Cadillac, of 
the place called Donaquek, near Megeis, (Machias), of two leagues in front on 
the sea, and two leagues deep inland, the island of Monts Deserts, and other 
isles, &c., in front. The river which equally divides the depth of the tract, is not 
included. Copy of brevet of confirmation, dated 24 May, 1689. 

Extract from the New York Historical Magazine, November, 1860, page 341. 

Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac, lord of Bouaquat, (Donaquek), and Mount 
Desert, in Maine, was a native of Gascony. He held a commission of captain of 
marines, and had served in France before coming to Canada. Having resided 

1 82 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 

some time in Acadia, he returned to France in 1689, and obtained in 1691,* from 
Louis XIV., a grant of territory, from which he subsequently took his titles. On 
coming to Canada a second time, he succeeded M. de Louvigny in 1694 as com- 
mandant of Michilimackinac, which post he filled till 1697. In 1701 he was sent 
to lay the foundation of fort Pontchartrain, In the present city of Detroit, where 
he remained with his lady until 1 706, when he left for Quebec. He returned to 
Detroit in the fall of the same year, and in 1 707 marched against the Miamis, and 
reduced them to terms. In 1712 he was appointed governor of Louisiana, and 
arrived there in the month of June of the following year. He administered the 
government of Louisiana until the gth March, 1717, when he returned to France. 
In 1691* he obtained a grant from Louis XIV. of Mount Desert Island, and of a 
large tract of land at Frenchman's bay, in the present State of Maine. In 1 785 
Madame Gregoire, his grand daughter, claimed the island, and she and her hus- 
band got a grant of it, (100 acres, settled, excepted), being about 80,000 acres, but 
seem to have profited little by it. 


On the 7 January, 1689, a grant was made by the sieur Marquis Denonville 
(de .Brizay), governor, and Champigny, intendant, of New France, to Pierre 
Chesnet, ecuyer, sieur du Breuil, of two leagues in front on the river St. John, in 
the place called Kanibecachiche, and little Nakchouac, which is the middle of the 
grant, with the isles and islets in front, and three leagues in depth. 



Du BREUIL, procureur du roi, (mentioned in 
Meneval's letter of 7 Sept., 1689, and 
memoir of 1690, recommending him 
for Judge.) 

Collated by the notary, Hoppinot, 1699. Q. Loppinot ? 
This grant is in full, in French, in the K & F. Commissaries, pp. 769, 770. 


Grant confirmed by king Louis XIV., in Council, at Versailles, 14 July, 1690. 
See the decree confirming several grants, published in papers of Legislative 
Council of Canada, vol. XL, for 1852-3. 

On the 28 March, 1689, Denonville and Champigny grant to sieur Mathieu 
Martin the place called Cocobeguy, (Cobequid ?) which comprises all the head of 
the basin of Mines, two leagues deep on each side inland, to begin opposite the 
mouth of the river Chicabenacadi, (Shubenacadie ?) on the south side of the river 
crossing to the west-north-west. Confirmed by royal brevet, 16 March, 1691. 

(The count de Frontenac returned to Canada as governor this year, 1689.) 

* This must be an error, as the grant was in 1688, confirmed in 1689. 

1690. History of Nova-Scotia. 183 


1690. Sir William Phips, who had been in England in 1688, 
returned to England in 1689, and was selected to command 
the expedition prepared at Boston to attack Port Royal. 
This squadron, which left Boston harbor on the 28 April, 
1690, o. s., 9 May, n. s., consisted of a frigate of 40 guns, two 
sloops, one of 16 guns, the other of 8, and four ketches. The 
forces embarked consisted of 700 men and some boys. 

Before describing the capture of Port Royal by this arma- 
ment, we will go back to mention three parties sent out by count 
Frontenac in this year 1690 to make inroads upon the English 
settlements. For the account of these we are chiefly indebted 
to Charlevoix, vol. 3, pp. 63-79. l - The first was collected at 
Montreal, and consisted of one hundred and ten men, French 
and Indians, under the command of messieurs d'Aillebout de 
Mantet, and Le Moyne de Sainte Helene, both lieutenants ; 
under whom messrs. de Repentigny, d'Iberville, de Bonrepos, 
de la Brosse, and de Montigni, served as volunteers. This 
party, after many days' march in severe winter weather, sur- 
prized a village in the province of New York, called Corlar or 
Schenectady. The attack took place on the 81 h of February, 
1690, at night, and much slaughter and destruction occurred. 
2. The second party was formed at Trois Rivieres, and con- 
sisted of fifty-two men, of whom twenty-five were Indians. 
Monsieur Hertel commanded, and he had with him three of 
his sons and two nephews, viz., le sieur Crevier, seigneur of 
St. Francis, and the sieur Gatineau. They left on 28 January, 
and found their way, 18 March, to Salmon falls, called Newich- 
awannock, or Berwick, a settlement on the river which divides 

184 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 

New Hampshire from Maine. The Indians were under Hoop- 
hood, a noted warrior. The attack was made at daybreak. 
Thirty of the villagers were killed, and fifty-two made prison- 
ers. The place was burnt and the cattle destroyed. 3. The 
third party came from Quebec, under the command of M. 
Portneuf, a lieutenant, third son of the baron de Bekancourt. 
(Menneval, the governor of Acadie, was captain.) This com- 
pany, which had been in Acadie, was placed under Portneuf, 
together with some Canadians, and sixty Abenaquis of the 
sault de la Chaudiere. Tilli de Courtemanche served as lieu- 
tenant to Portneuf. This party left Quebec the same day that 
Hertel's party left Trois Rivieres, viz., 28 January. The scar- 
city of provisions at Quebec prevented this party from carry- 
ing much food, so they had to subsist on the produce of the 
chace in their route ; and this caused much delay, so that they 
did not arrive near the English settlements until late in May. 
Castine and Mockawando commanded the Indians, and Hertel 
and his party joined Portneuf. The united force attacked the 
fort and settlement of the English, called Falmouth, at Casco 
bay. Besides Loyal fort, which had eight guns, there were 
three smaller forts or redoubts, and the garrison sent out fifty 
men to combat the besiegers, but without success. Trenches 
were dug, tar barrels prepared to set fire to the wooden build- 
ings and palissades, and the Indians scaled the fort. At 
length, after a severe struggle on both sides, on the 28th May, 
the garrison surrendered as prisoners, of war, to the number 
of seventy men, besides the women and children. Four ves- 
sels, coming to relieve the place, arrived too late. The guns 
were carried off, and the houses burned for two leagues around. 
The cruelties and horrors which attended this warfare are 
conspicuous in the histories of Charlevoix and Williamson, 
and some striking instances of savage torture are given in 
Belknap's New Hampshire, v. i., p. 259. In these wars be- 
tween the French and English, the Indians played an impor- 
tant part as allies or principals. The mischiefs of war were 
thus increased, and the national hatred and prejudice were con- 
stantly kept alive from 1660 to 1760. It is to be observed 
that much fighting occurred in North America while the two 

1690. History of Nova-Scotia. 185 

crowns were at peace, perhaps as much as when they were in 
open war. In such cases the Indians in the French interest 
ostensibly acted against the English, but they were excited 
and assisted by the French in their attacks, and French offi- 
cers from Canada used to put on the Indian dress and fight 
with them. Independently, therefore, of the capture of the 
seven English vessels by la Caffiniere in 1689, which Menne- 
val apprehended might bring on attack upon Port Royal, the 
three expeditions which had been fitted out with such exer- 
tions in Canada, followed by devastations on the New England 
frontiers, and accompanied by the terrors of Indian border 
wars, were more than sufficient to call into activity the best 
powers of the English settlers, against neighbors who had so 
palpably violated the treaty of neutrality. The heroism of the 
young Canadian officers and gentlemen unfortunately led them 
to take part, in surprizes and night attacks of isolated settle- 
ments and dwellings, or of the small forts and blockhouses, 
erected chiefly to protect the outlying settlers against the 
Indian enemy ; and however gallant their marches in winter 
over the desolate wildernesses, with deficient supplies of pro- 
visions, and their other achievements in border warfare may 
have been thought, their tendency was to impress on the 
minds of the English in America, a permanent and fixed dis- 
like and a deeply seated resentment, which, in the course of 
time, brought to pass the final destruction of the French 
power on this continent. 

At the time that the squadron commanded by Sir William 
Phips was sent to Port Royal, that is in April and May, 1690, 
M. de Menneval, the governor of Acadie, was resident there, 
having with him a garrison of eighty-six men. There were 
also eighteen cannon, but they were not placed in battery. 
The fortifications were insignificant and unfinished, and the 
place was wanting in almost every thing requisite to its de- 
fence. M. Perrot, the late governor, was yet in the 

country, attending to his private affairs. A soldier and 
two inhabitants who were on guard at the entrance of the 
basin of Port Royal, perceived the English vessels under full 
sail, making in. They immediately fired off a small mortar, 

1 86 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 

(boete), which was the appointed signal to apprize the gover- 
nor, and they then embarked quickly in a canoe. They arri- 
ved at the fort about eleven o'clock at night, and upon hearing 
their report, M. de Menneval at once ordered a cannon to be 
discharged to notify th e inhabitants that they were to come in 
to his aid. On the 2Oth May, the English squadron anchored 
within half a league of Port Royal ; and Phips sent one of his 
sloops to the fort, with a trumpeter, to summon the governor 
to surrender the place to him, with all that was in it, without 
any capitulation. Menneval retained the trumpeter ; and, for 
want of an officer, sent M. Petit (a priest of the seminary of 
Quebec, who acted as his almoner, and whose name is signed 
in 1687 as acting cur6 of Port Royal) to the English comman- 
der, to endeavor to obtain at least tolerable conditions ; for he 
at once understood how useless it would be to attempt a 
defence with so small a garrison, without a single officer, and 
not being able to depend upon the inhabitants, three of whom 
only had come in upon his signal. Besides he had absolutely 
no one to mount his guns or to work them. He had himself 
been for two months past severely afflicted with gout, and he 
was assured that the enemy had eight hundred men they 
could land. 

Sir William Phips at first insisted that the governor, garri- 
son and inhabitants should yield at his discretion, and Petit 
replied that de Menneval would die first, rather than so act 
the coward. Phips then inquired what terms were sought for. 
Petit proposed : i. That the governor and soldiers should go 
out with their arms and baggage, and be sent to Quebec by 
water. 2. That the inhabitants should remain in peaceable 
possession of their property, and that the honor of the females 
should be protected. 3. That they should have the free ex- 
ercise of the Roman Catholic religion, and that the church 
should not be injured. Sir William Phips readily agreed to 
these conditions ; but the priest having requested that they 
should be committed to writing, he refused to do so, saying 
that his word passed as general was worth more than all the 
writings in the world. Petit urged his request, but in vain, 
and had to return with these offers. Menneval, in conse- 

1690. History of Nova-Scotia. 187 

quence, wrote to Sir William Phips, saying that he acquiesced 
in what had been agreed on, and that if Sir William would 
send his sloop next day, he would give him a convincing proof 
of the frankness of his dealings, by going on board the English 
ship himself. Menneval went on board accordingly, and the 
terms of capitulation were confirmed orally, in the presence 
of the sieur des Goutins, farivain du Roy, holding the office of 
commissaire ordinateur at Port Royal. The English comman- 
der added that he left it to the choice of M. de Menneval to be 
taken with all his garrison to France or to Quebec. The gov- 
ernor stated that he would prefer going to France, and Phips 
promised to have him sent there. All being thus settled, 
Menneval and Phips landed, and the former delivered to the 
latter the keys of the fort. At sight of the state of the place, 
Phips appeared much surprized, and he was sorry he had 
granted terms so honorable to people who were so little able 
to make a defence ; but he concealed his discontent, until he 
could find a pretext for violating a capitulation, which he con- 
ceived had been unfairly obtained. 

Accordingly, having learned, that while the governor was 
on board his vessel, some soldiers and inhabitants, who were 
intoxicated, had taken some articles out of a storehouse be- 
longing to M. Perrot, the late governor, he declared that the 
property removed, being now that of the king, his master, he 
conceived the capitulation was broken, and he was no longer 
bound by its engagements. He began by disarming the 
French soldiers, and he shut them up in the church. He 
even demanded their swords from messrs. de Menneval and 
des Goutins, which, however, he returned to them immediately, 
giving them notice, however, that they were prisoners. He 
gave de Menneval his own lodgings for his prison, and placed 
a sentry over him. He even took from him his money and 
effects. Next he allowed the pillage of -the settlement, as he 
said the inhabitants had hid their best articles. Even the 
priest's dwelling and the church were not spared. [3 Charle- 
voix, 96 to 100.] 

Sir William Phips remained at Port Royal about ten or 
twelve days after. the surrender. Before he left, he assembled 

1 88 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 

such of the inhabitants as he could get together, and made 
them take an oath of fidelity to William and Mary, then the 
sovereigns of England. He appointed his first serjeant, whose 
name was Chevalier, to be commandant of Port Royal, and he 
named six of the principal inhabitants councillors, to execute 
justice. Phips carried off as prisoners, M. de Menneval, the 
governor, one serjeant and thirty-eight soldiers ; also messrs. 
Petit and Trouve, ecclesiastics. He also brought back with 
him to Boston a quantity of plunder. Encouraged by this 
success, the New Englanders sent Sir William Phips to Que- 
bec, with thirty vessels and two thousand men, where he arri- 
ved in autumn, but wholly failed in his attempts at conquest 

At the time of Phips' visit to Port Royal, M. Perrot, who 
had been governor before Menneval, and had remained in the 
province in a private capacity, was absent from the place, 
being, with M. Duclos, his clerk, on a trading voyage along 
the coast in a small vessel or ketch. On the 27 May, as they 
were on their way coming back to Port Royal, and not aware 
of the English having taken it, they were detained at the 
entrance of the bay by an adverse wind. Perrot missing the 
sentinel usually posted there, felt doubts if all were right, and 
he got into a canoe with M. d' Amours, a gentleman from 
Canada, having an Indian along with them, in order to learn 
what had occurred. After going three leagues up, he got sight 
of an English ship anchored in the river on which the town is 
built, and heard the firing of cannon and musketry. Perrot 
thought there must be fighting going on, so he concealed the 
canoe in the wood, and went by land to the nearest house and 
found it abandoned. Withdrawing promptly, he got into the 
canoe again, to reach his ketch, which he met in the basin. 
Two Englishmen had been sent to watch for this vessel, as her 
return from the coast had been expected, and they caught 
sight of her, and went in chase of her in a shallop ; but as it 
was ebb tide, the shallop, being too close in shore, grounded, 
and Perrot, though pursued again by another canoe, succeeded 
in reaching his ketch in safety, and, setting her sails, got 
out of the basin. The English ship which he had seen at 

1 690. History of Nova-Scotia. 1 89 

anchor in the river got under weigh to pursue him, but per- 
ceiving it would be useless, she returned to her former posi- 
tion. In the meantime M. Perrot got safe into Mines. 

It seems at first, on being made acquainted with the small 
pains that were taken, and the very trifling expenditure allow- 
ed, for the protection of the French colonies in North Ame- 
rica, that there was some strange and unaccountable want of 
information or culpable negligence attributable to the govern- 
ment of the grand monarque, Louis XIV., in thus leaving his 
transatlantic possessions to be overrun so often by a mere 
handful of New England colonists. It was the opinion of 
well informed persons that if Phips had proceeded without 
delay to attack Quebec on his arrival there with 2000 men, it 
must have fallen into his hands, and with it, of course, all 
Canada. The repeated captures of Port Royal, and other 
posts, by the expeditions from Boston, and the want of men 
and materials of defence against these raids, both before and 
after 1690, are very distinctly recorded in our old documents. 
All this was not owing to ignorance on the part of the minis- 
try at Paris, as we find constant information on the geography, 
products and trade of the country regularly transmitted from 
these countries, by governors, officers and adventurers. The 
resources of the French c.rown were enormous at that period, 
as is evident from the grandeur and magnitude of the wars in 
Flanders, Germany and Italy, conducted at the expense of 
France, and from the magnificence and sumptuousness of the 
palaces and public edifices, as well as fortresses, that sprang 
up by a regal magic to illustrate and commemorate the reign 
of Louis le grand, and from the costly aid his government 
gave to art, science and literature. Why, then, we may well 
enquire, were the French colonists in America left so destitute 
of protection, when a few regiments and some few thousand 
crowns would have ensured them a life of peace and tranquil- 
lity, and enabled them to develope the great resources of the 
land and water that nature has bestowed on these regions. 
Observation and reflection will inform us that neglect of 
colonial interests was not peculiar in that age to the Freuch 
nation. Colonies were regarded as valuable only in pro- 

190 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690 

portion to the immediate commercial profits that attended 
them. England gave little direct encouragement to her set- 
tlements in New England. They had no armies in those 
days but those composed of settlers, who left their farm work 
temporarily. In Canada the population was much smaller, 
and the efforts at cultivation less than in New England, but 
the dominant idea of all the white population of that country 
was to engross the fur trade, and keep the English from par- 
ticipating in it. With this view, the friendship of the Indian 
tribes was sought by every means, and the French Canadian 
gentlemen hunted with them, and joined them in their forays 
upon the frontier settlements of the English. The govern- 
ments in Europe the merchants, whether of London or of 
Rochelle the functionaries, civil and military, sent out to the 
colonies, were not disposed to expend money or exertions for 
so distant an object as the eventual cultivation and growth of 
American lands and population. Their joint efforts were 
directed with the distinct aim of increasing the returns to 
Europe in the shape of furs and fish. We now know that the 
nation which shall found colonies, and see them safe and pros- 
perous, and filled with an intelligent and free population, will 
be richly rewarded in the great increase of her exports and 
manufactures, for which a permanent demand is thus created. 
But in the i/th century no such opinions or views as yet 
existed ; and what little was done for defence by the respect- 
tive mother countries, where it is not to be accounted for by 
the wish to protect commerce, will be found to have been 
owing to national jealousies and angry passions, rather than 
to a just and lasting propensity to provide for and protect 
their fellow citizens in a distant portion of the globe. 


Sir William Phips was born 2 Feb'y., 1650, at Woolwich, upon the Sheepscote 
river, (in the present state of Maine.) His father was James Phips, of Bristol, 
gunsmith. His mother had 26 children, of whom 21 were sons. He was one of 

1690. History of Nova-Scotia. 191 

the youngest. His father died while he was yet a child. He remained with his 
mother until he was 18 years old, keeping sheep, it is said. He was thence an 
apprentice to a ship carpenter for four years. After this he set up trade on his 
own account, and built a ship at Sheepscote. He had very small instruction in 
learning. He is said to have been taught to read and write at Boston. He was 
esteemed honest, but his temper was hasty. The Indian parties are said to have 
driven him away from the Sheepscote, and he then adopted a seafaring life. In 
some of his voyages he heard that a Spanish ship, laden with silver, had been 
wrecked and sunk half a century before, not far from the Bahama islands. Hav- 
ing communicated this information to the duke of Albermarle, who was governor 
of Jamaica in 1687, they entered into an agreement for the purpose of recovering 
the lost treasure. (Phips is said to have been sent in 1683 in the English king's 
frigate, the ' Algier Rose,' fitted out for the discovery of another Spanish wreck 
near Port de la Plata, in Hispaniola, but to have returned to England unsuccess- 
ful.) In this voyage of 1687, Phips, after indefatigable efforts, found the Bahama 
wreck between 40 and 50 feet under water, and took from it the immense trea- 
sure of 34 tons of silver, besides gold, pearls and jewels. The value is stated at 
.300,000, and Phips' share of it at ^16,000. Besides this, a golden cup, worth 
.1000, was presented to Phips' wife by the duke, his partner and patron. He 
was knighted on the occasion by king James 2. He was also named to be 
high sheriff of New England, but as he did not concur in political sentiments 
with Andros, then governor, he declined to act. Sir William Phips married a 
daughter of Roger Spencer, of Saco, a young widow. Her first husband was 
John Hull, merchant of Boston. Phips had no child. Spencer Phips was 
his nephew, and adopted son and heir, taking his name, afterwards lieutenant 
governor of Massachusetts. Sir William Phips was baptised in Boston in 
March, 1690, at the age of 40. He went to England after his return from 
Quebec in the latter part of the year 1690. He was made governor of Massa- 
chusetts in 1692, and returned to Boston with the new charter. He was impru- 
dent enough to use personal violence to the collector of the customs at Boston, 
named Brenton, and captain Short, of the Nonsuch, frigate, and was recalled to 
England to answer for his conduct. He embarked for London 17 Nov., 1694, 
and died there 18 Feb'y., 1695, and was buried in St. Mary, Woolnoth church, 
London. It is said that his namesake, Sir Constantine Phips, was employed as 
his counsel in England to defend his conduct as governor. [Cotton Mather's Mag- 
nalia, London, 1702, pp. 36-73. I Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, 396, 
397, note. I Williamson 's History of Maine, 596, 597- Douglas 1 Summary, 475.] 


Menneval, Portneuf, Villebon, Neuvillette des Isles, (Tinville ?) appear to have 
belonged to the same family, being sons of the baron de Bekancourt, and to have 
been Canadians by birth. Many of them occupied a distinguished position in 
the military events of Acadie. M. de Longueil, M. de Maricourt, d'Iberville, 
Serigny, Chateaugue, St. Helene and Bienville, appear also to have been brothers 
and Canadians, sons of M. le Moyne. [3 Charlevoix, izmo., pp. 75, 100, 216, 
268, 278, 301, 378, years 1690 & 1694.] There is much difficulty in tracing such 
connections, as in noble families each son seems to have taken a different sur- 
name after some estate of the family. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 


Captain Sylvanus Davis, (the commander of the fort at Falmouth taken by the 
Canadians and Indians, 29 May, 1690), the two daughters of his lieutenant who 
was killed in the siege, and several officers, were conducted to Quebec. They 
left the fort on the last of May, and reached Quebec by land 23 June. The other 
prisoners were left in the hands of the Indians. The French are stated to have 
had none killed on their side, and only two wounded, [3 Charlevoix, 63-79. 
I Williamson, Maine, 618, 623. I Belknafs New Hampshire, 257, &>s.] 


Sir William Phips sailed for Quebec from Boston 9 August, 1690, o. s., 19 Aug., 
n. s., and reached Quebec 5 Oct., o. s., 15 Oct., n, s. He had 32 ships and ten- 
ders. The chief or admiral ship was called the Six Friends, of 44 guns and 200 
men, Gregor Sugars, commander. Above 2000 men were on board this fleet. 
They were unpiloted, and having adverse winds, were three weeks after entering 
the river before they reached the island of Orleans. General Winthrop, who 
commanded the troops sent inland to co-operate with Phips, got no further than 
Wood Creek, near the southerly end of lake Champlain, when, being disappoin- 
ted in supplies and means of transport, and also in the small number of his Indian 
allies, Iroquois, who joined him, he decided to return. When Phips arrived at 
Quebec, the general of the French was at -Montreal, and according to Lahontan, 
who was in Canada at the time, " if the English admiral," (as he calls Phips), 
" had made his descent before our arrival at Quebec, or even two days after, he " 
" had carried the place without striking a blow, for at that time there was not " 
" 200 French in the city, which lay open and exposed on all hands ; but instead " 
" of doing that, he cast anchor towards the point of the island of Orleans, and " 
" lost three days in consulting with the captains of the ships, before they came " 
" to a resolution. He took the sieur Joliet, with his lady and his mother-in- " 
" law, in a barque in the river of Saint Lawrence. Three merchantmen from " 
" France, and one laden with beaver skins from Hudson's bay, entered the " 
" river ot Saguenay, by the way of Tadoussac, where they skulked, and, after " 
" hauling their gans on shore, raised very good batteries. To be short, the offi- " 
" cers of the enemy's fleet came to a resolution, after the loss of three or four " 
" days useless consultations, during which time we were joyn'd on all hands " 
" by great numbers of inhabitants and soldiers." Phips summoned the place in 
due form, but Frontenac having now made it safe, rejected the demand with 
scorn, treating Phips and his troops as rebels to king James 2. The English 
landed 1400 men, under General Walley, 8 Oct., o. s., bnt they were attacked by 
Canadians and Indians, who lay ambushed in copses. The English lost 150 of 
their number, while of their opponents only 16 were killed. (By this time the 
small pox had got into the fleet.) Subsequently the English landed four field pieces 
and fought bravely, but unsuccessfully, and lost many of their soldiers. On the 
18 and 19 October Phips tried to cannonade the town with four of his ships, but 
without much effect The marshy and broken nature of the ground on which 
the fighting took place, and the cover of trees and bushes, gave the French and 
Indians very great advantages, of which Frontenac skilfully availed himself. A 
third action, in which the French were successful, decided Phips to give up his 

History of N-ova-Scotia. 193 

undertaking. It rained heavily on the night between the 21 and 22 October, and 
the English left Beauport and went back to theirships. On the 23d and 24th the 
English fleet began to drop down the river, and an exchange of prisoners took 
place. Among others, M. Trouve. M. Grandville, and mesdames Joliet and de 
la Lande, recovered their freedom. The English fleet met with great disasters in 
Its return, and Sir Williana Phips did not himself reach Boston until the 19-29 
November, 1690, whence he soon after sailed for England. l Hutchinson. 
3 Charlevoix. Magnalia.] 


From a letter of M. de Lagny : 

Paris, 21 February, 1690. 

In waiting my lord's pleasure to regulate the affairs of Acadie, it seems neces- 
sary that the company should send, without delay, a vessel which it is preparing 
for Port Royal, with a part of the merchandizes, flour and bacon (desfarines et afu 
lard), for the subsistence of the soldiers, &c. My lord will also be good enough 
to give an order to the sieur de Villebon, captain of one of the two companies of 
infantry of Acadie, to take passage in this vessel, to go to the Canibats, (Indians 
of the Kennebec), and put himself at their head, if necessary, to oblige them to 
continue the war against the English of New England, as they did last year by 
the capture of Pemkuit, aud by this means to make a diversion which may pre- 
vent the invasion of Port Royal, which is defenceless. My lord has had the good- 
ness to cause a present to be made last year to the chiefs of these Canibats, 
which has cost 441 livres, and which has had a very good effect. It was thought 
necessary to send them yet the value of 500 to 6co livres. As they have need of 
powder and lead, which they can only procure from the French at present, being 
at war with the English, the company might be obliged to send about 1 500 livres, 
making them furnish the king's stores, paying thereby for their trading with the 
Canibats. My lord ordered last year the sending of 50 fusils to Acadie, which has 
has not been executed. Most of the soldiers are without arms. I could find 
guns if my lord wishes to send them. There are ten soldiers, dead or married, to 
replace. They might be delivered and sent in this vessel, (the recruits), in wait- 
ing until my lord takes the resolution to send the succors that h can give this 
country, which appears to need them. 


194 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 


1690. On the 14 June, 1690, the chevalier de Villebon arrived 
at Port Royal from France. He found there M. Perrot and 
M. de Goutins, and by them was made acquainted with the 
occurrences of the previous month of May. Villebon was 
placed in an anxious situation. He had brought with him the 
sieur Saccardie, an engineer officer. He now held council 
with Perrot, des Goutins and Saccardie, as to what had best 
be done to save the remains of a colony of which he was in 
charge, and to secure the property of the crown, which he had 
brought with him from France. The most difficult point was 
that the English, at that time, were no further off than at 
Laheve, and in three days they might hear of his arrival, and 
he had not means to resist them if they should come back. 
They decided, unanimously, that they would withdraw to the 
river St. John, where the chevalier Grand-fontaine had occu- 
pied a fort at a place called Jemsek. That they would carry 
there all effects of the crown, and those of the company, and 
collect all the soldiers they could ; some of those having esca- 
ped from the English, and others had not been made prisoners. 
That they would send to M. de Montorgueil, lieutenant of 
Villebon's company, who was at Chedabouctou with a detach- 
ment of fourteen soldiers, to come and join his captain at 
Jemsek. Next they would build a fort of stone at Jemsek, 
and thence send to the Indians for aid, and encourage them to 
keep alive the war against the English. The order was sent 
to Montorgueil to evacuate Chedabouctou, and bury all his 
canoes that he could not bring away with him ; but Phips had 

1690. History of Nova-Scotia. 195 

previously besieged the little detachment, and they had capit- 
ulated on honorable terms, and been sent to the French fort 
at Placentia, (which had been robbed by English freebooters 
in February previous.) The loss of the French company, by 
the pillage and destruction at Port Royal and Chedabouctou, 
was stated at 50,000 e'cus. [3 Charlevoix, 101-108.] Two 
pirate vessels, with ninety men on board, pillaged the island of 
Mariegalante, in the West Indies, and brought off nine of the 
inhabitants. After this they came to Port Royal, where they 
landed their prisoners. They then burned all the houses near 
the fort killed some of the cattle hung two of the inhabi- 
tants, and burned a woman and her children in her own house. 
After Villebon had landed at St. John and gone up the river 
to Jemsek, the same pirates captured the vessel called the 
Union, in which he had come out. M. Perrot was then made 
prisoner, but he was afterwards retaken by a French vessel, 
and we may infer that he got safe home to old France, as 
Charlevoix says he found sufficient in the wreck of his for- 
tunes to establish his family advantageously, an$ that he left 
two daughters, the countess de la Roche Allard, and the pre"si- 
dente de Luber. M. Saccardie, the engineer, was also captur- 
ed. In a m6moire of 5 February, 1691, it is stated that the 
English had burned twenty-eight houses in Port Royal, and 
the church, sparing the mills and farm houses up the river. 
It seems most likely that this mischief was the work of the 
pirates. Charlevoix does not say that Phips destroyed any 
buildings in Port Royal ; but he calls the pirate ships English. 
Villebon, after vain efforts to recover what had been thus, 
lost, and to destroy the pirates, returned to Jemsek. There 
he gathered the Indians together, and explained to them the 
loss of the presents the French monarch had sent them, and 
which had fallen into the hands of the robbers, by the capture 
of the Union. He further begged them to make prisoners of 
the English, to be exchanged for the French now in their 
hands. He said he should go to Quebec, and thence to 
France, and would bring out fresh presents for them, and 
prayed them to be, without fail, down the river in the coming 
spring. They promised him they would send out one hun- 

1 96 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 69 1 

dred and fifty warriors to carry out his object. After this 
conference he set out for Quebec, to which place he carried 
the first news of the invasion of Acadie, and the imprisonment 
of M. de Menneval, the governor. 

1691. Villebon accordingly went to Quebec, and from that 
place went to France, where he urged on the minister the 
importance of preventing the English from establishing them- 
selves in Acadie, and undertook to hinder them with the help 
of the Abenaquis alone, if he was authorized to put himself at 
their head. His representations were favorably received, and 
M. de Pont-chartrain obtained for him a commission from the 
king to command in Acadie, and ordered him to embark, in 
the month of June, 1691, for Quebec, where he would receive 
the orders of count Frontenac. He was also authorized to 
assure the Indians that the ammunition, &c., promised them 
should be sent and delivered to them in their abodes, instead 
of their having to go to Quebec to receive them ; and that 
Villebon, his brother Portneuf, who was lieutenant of his com- 
pany, and some other officers, Canadians, to be selected by 
the governor general, should command them. Villebon went 
to Quebec, in the Soleil d'Afrique, the best sailor of the age, 
said to make 7 leagues (17 1-2 miles) an hour, and arrived 
there in the beginning of July ; but from an apprehension of 
another attack on Quebec, by the English, Frontenac detained 
the vessel until the 6th September, when she set sail for Port 
Royal, Bonaventure, commander, and on her way she captured 
an English (New England) vessel, in which were John Nelson 
and Mr. Tyng. Nelson was on a trading voyage to Nova 
Scotia, and Tyng had been named governor of Nova Scotia 
by the authorities of Boston, who considered Acadie as their 
own conquest and property. (Tyng was a colonel and a coun- 
cillor in Maine.) [i Williamson, 695.] 

Villebon did not arrive at Port Royal until the 26th Novem- 
ber, from which we may conjecture that he had visited some 
of the ports on the eastern coast, or in cape Breton, in his 
way, or else had spent his time at the St. John river. As 
soon as the vessel was anchored at Port Royal, he armed a 
sloop and went in it, with fifty soldiers, and two swivels, 

1691. History of Nova-Scotia. 197 

(pierriers.) He went as far as the dwellings of the inhabi- 
tants, and there saw the English flag flying, but found no 
Englishmen left to guard it. On the day following, he assem- 
bled the inhabitants, and, in their presence, he took formal 
possession of Port Royal and of all Acadie, in the name of the 
French king. The sieur des Goutins, who had come with 
Villebon to exercise again the office of commissaire ordonna- 
teur, informed the chevalier that he had buried a sum of 1300 
livres which remained in his charge when Phips made himself 
master of the place ; and this money was found in the same 
state in which he had left it. This money, of which des Gou- 
tins alone knew, he employed in part to pay arrears of an 
officer's salary, and placed the balance in the king's chest. 
(His honest conduct in this instance proved of use to him in 
years afterwards, when he was charged with malversation, 
being accepted as settling the case in his favor with govern- 
ment.) [3 C/iarlevoix, 158, 162.] 


The government of Massachusetts, after Phips' capture of Port Royal in 1690, 
considered Acadie as a dependency of that province, by right of conquest. In the 
charter of William and Mary tp Massachusetts, dated 7 October, 1691, and 
brought out to Boston by Sir William Phips, n May. 1692, "the territory" 
" called Accada, or Nova Scotia," is united to and incorporated in the province of 
" The Massachusetts Bay in New England," and the patent grants " unto our " 
" good subjects the inhabitants of our said province or territory of the Massa- " 
" chusetts Bay, and their successors." the territories of Massachusetts, New Ply- 
mouth, Main, which are severally described, " and also the lands and heredita- " 
' ments lying and being in the country or territory commonly called Accada or " 
" Nova Scotia, and all those lands and hereditaments lying and extending be- " 
" tween the said country or territory of Nova Scotia and the said river of Saga- " 
" dehook, or any part thereof; and all lands, grounds, places, soils, woods and " 
" wood grounds, havens, ports, rivers, waters, and other hereditaments and " 
" premises whatsoever, lying within the said bounds or limits aforesaid, and " 
" every part and parcel thereof ; and also all islands and islets lying within ten " 
" leagues directly opposite the main land within the said bounds ; and all " 

198 History of Nova-Scotia. 

" mines and minerals, as well royal mines of gold and silver, as other mines " 
' and minerals whatsoever in the said lands and premises, or any part thereof." 
The habendum is to the inhabitants of the province of Massachusetts bay and 

their successors, for their own "only proper use and behoof for evermore." 

" to be holden of us, our heirs and successors, as of our mannor of East Green- " 
" wich, in the county of Kent, by fealty only, in free and common sockage." (In 
1696, the province of Massachusetts prayed the crown to garrison Port Royal and 
St. John, thus, as some thought, virtually abandoning their grant of the territory.) 


1. A royal brevet, dated Versailles, 16 March, 1691, confirms a grant made in 
1690, by Frontenac, governor, and Champigny, intendant, '' to the sieur Nicolas " 
" Denis de Fronsac, in Acadie, at the place called Miramichi, regulated and " 
" limited by arret of the council of the loth April, 1687, to fifteen leagues of" 
" front by fifteen leagues in depth, reckoning from the Trout river, including the " 
" same, running one league to the South East, and the other fourteen leagues " 
" to the North West, with the points, islands and islets for fifteen leagues dis- " 
" tance in front, to be enjoyed by him, his heirs and assigns," (ayans cause), as 
their own property, &c. &c., on the conditions contained in the regulations of 
1 8 April, 1690. 

2. Similar brevet of a grant same date and in same terms, confirms a grant 
from Frontenac and de Champigny, to sieur Gobin, merchant at Quebec, of a 
space of land of twelve leagues in front by two in depth, in the bay of Chaleurs, 
in Acadie, comprising the rivers that may be found in said extent, measuring 
the said twelve leagues from the boundary of the grant of sieur de Fronsac, regu- 
lated by the ordonnance of the 18 April last, on the north west course, (tirant an 
nord attest), with the points, islands and islets, and flats (battures), which are in 
front thereof, to said sieur Gobin, his heirs and assigns for ever, &e., as a fief and 
seigneurie, as granted 26 May, 1690. 

3. Similar grant confirmed to sieur Lemoine d'Hyberville, of a space of land 
of twelve leagues front by ten leagues in depth, in the bay of Chaleurs, in Acadie, 
comprising the rivers to be found within that extent, measuring said twelve 
leagues from the boundary of Sr. Gobin's grant on the north west course in part, 
and the other part on the east south east, the river of Ristigouche included, 
with the points, islands, islets and flats in the front, to be enjoyed by the said 
sieur LeMoine d'hyberville, his heirs and assigns, for ever, as their own property, 
with title of fief and seigneurie, high, middle and low justice, &c. 

(The above three warrants or brevets were found among the papers of the gov- 
ernment at Halifax, being official copies from the registry at Quebec, made in 
1764, certified by H. T. Cramahe, judge advocate, The description in these 
grants locates the rivers Miramichi, Ristigouche, &c., in Acadie expressly, and 
would have been strong testimony in 1751 in favor of the English claim to extend 
the bounds of Acadie.) 

4. 2 March. 1691. The king confirmed a grant made in 1691 by count Fron- 
tenac and the sieur de Champigny, to the sieur Frangois Genaple de Bellefond, 
notary royal at Quebec, of a lot of land situate on the river St. John, in Acadie, 

History of Nova-Scotia. 1 99 

between Medoktek and Nacchouak, which joins the land of Jemsec, to wit, the 
place called the Longues Veiies, commencing at the river called Skoutespskek, as 
far as the place and river called Neckouygack, (Nercaioioutquek), by two leagues 
in depth running inland, on each side of the said river St. John, together with the 
isles, islets, &c. [Legislative Council of Canada. Session papers, vol. u., 1852, 

5. A grant, dated 23 March, 1691, was made by count Frontenac and the sieur 
Bochard de Champigny, intendant of New France, to dame Marie Frangoise 
Chartier, widow of the sieur de Marson, of an extent of land at the river St. John, 
of four leagues front on said river and two leagues depth, on the other side and 
opposite to the grant of M. de Chauffeurs, (called Jemsek), the centre of which 
four leagues will be opposite the house of Jemsek. Brevet, i March, 1692, regis- 
tered Quebec, 26 Oct., 1693. 

6. A brevet du roi, of 18 January, 1692, confirms to the sieur des Goutins a 
grant from Frontenac and Champigny, of the 4 August, 1690,* of a tract of land 
of two leagues front, at a place called Mascondabouet, (Musquodoboit), viz., one 
league above said river and one league below it, by two leagues in depth in going 
up the river, and along it, (et le long cTicelle), with the islands and islets that are 
before the two leagues of front. Registered in the Sovereign Council of Que- 
bec, 10 September, 1692. 


Marie de Menou, canoness of Poussay, a child of d'Aulnay by his last marriage, 
and the last survivor of his sons and daughters, was educated in France, and in 
1691 made her will, giving all her property to her half brothers and sisters, the 
children of her mother, d'Aulnay's widow, by her subsequent marriage with 
Latour. [Paris mss., and I Ferland, 495.] This will was deposited 22 Feb'y., 
1693, with Dupuis, notary, at Paris. 


Messrs. Nelsont and Tyng, who had been captured by M. Bonaventure, were 

* 1691 in Leg. Council papers of Canada, vol. II., 1852-3. 

t John Nelson was nephew of Sir Thomas Temple, and also was by his will 
made heir to whatever rights Sir Thomas had in Acadie, for the property and 
outlay he had made there. The earliest mention I find of him is in April, 1689, 
on the occasion of the people of Boston taking the government from Sir Edmund 
Andros, the governor commissioned by James the second. Hutchinson says, 
(vol. I., p. 376. note), " Mr. John Nelson, a young gentleman of Boston, at the " 
" head of the soldiers, demanded the fort the second time, and then the gover- " 
" nor came down and surrendered himself and the fort." (P. 378) we find Nelson 
signing the address to Andros, dated 18 April, 1689, which was headed by the 
former governor Bradstreet, then 87 years old. Hutchinson says that notwith- 
standing Nelson's zeal and services, he was not allowed any share in the adminis- 
tration after it was settled, in Boston, and gives as reasons for his exclusion that 
Nelson was an " Episcopalian," aud of " a gay, free temper." Perhaps he was 
not ambitious of office, and besides he may have not been connected much with 
the Puritan families. 

2OO History of Nova-Scotia. 

some time after sent to Quebec, where M. de Frontenac received them kindly. 
This general paid attention to Nelson, (whom Charlevoix calls the chevalier Nel- 
son), not only from gratitude for good treatment Nelson had exercised towards 
Frenchmen on several occasions, but also on account of Nelson possessing much 
influence in Boston. Lahontan (vol. I., p. 176) says, " a gentleman of New " 
" England called Nelson, was brought prisoner to Quebec, who was taken in the " 
" river Kenebeki, upon the coast of Acadie, together with three ships belonging " 
" to him ; and because he was a very gallant man, M. Frontenac gave him a " 
" lodging at his own house, and treated him with all manner of civility ;" and in 
page 275, speaking of a young French captain in the army, he says, " However, " 
" he was obliged to be present at a treat that Mr. Nelson, the English gentle- " 
" man I spoke of in my 23d letter, gave to the two lovers, as well as the gover- " 
" nor, the intendant, the bishop, and some other persons of note : and this " 
" generous English gentleman, having a kindness for the young lady's father " 
" and her brethren, upon the score of their trading with one another, made an " 
" offer of a thousand crowns, to be paid on the wedding day, which, added to a " 
" thousand that the Bishop offered, and a thousand more that she had of her own, ' r 
" besides seven or eight thousand that M. de Frontenac offered in licenses, not " 
" to mention the certain prospect of preferment, all these items, I say, made ' r 
" the marriage very advantageous to the captain." It appears, however, that the 
officer thought differently, as he declined the proposals. 

However kindly and courteously Mr. Nelson was treated at Quebec, he found 
that his release would not be granted, as he was too intimately acquainted with 
the affairs of America, and was considered a dangerous adversary on that account, 
although so much the friend of Frenchmen, yet a resolute and able supporter of 
British rights and interests. Finding his case to be thus exceptional, he appears 
to have thought that the indulgence by which his captivity was, in some measure, 
lightened, lay him under no special obligations to his French friends, who, by 
refusing to suffer his being exchanged or ransomed, kept him at a distance 
from his family and his business. He therefore held himself at liberty to gather 
such intelligence as might be of use to his country, and to communicate such in- 
formation to the authorities at Boston. Thus actuated, he wrote the following 
letter, given in i Hutchinson's Mass., 378 : 

" August 26, 1692." 

" About 14 days ago arrived two men-of-war and six merchant ships, from 
France, which came furnished with recruits of provision, ammunition, 30 more 
great guns, 24 pateraroes, one mortar and 20 shells. A little before the arrival of 
these ships, Madockawando, the Penobscot sachem, came here, who made and 
received divers compliments, presented the governor with five English captives, 
and received from him presents, encouraging him and the rest to continue the 
war, but all gave but little satisfaction to the Indians, who expected greater 
recompense. They would often discourse their discontent to some of us who 
understand their language. I was in hopes to make some improvement of their 
discontent, by proposing the settlement of a trading house up Penobscot river, at 
Negas. They were glad of the proposal, and it is the only means of recovering 
our interest with these Eastern Indians. I promised to send my thoughts thereon 
to yourselves, of which I would have you to consider, &c. Madockawando gave 
dil7 advice of all their results. He is certainly well affected towards us. Two 

History of Nova-Scotia. 201 

days ago he was dispatched from hence, with orders to get together all the Indians 
he can. They make account of two or three hundred. They are to remain at 
Penobscot until the two men-of-war join them, who are preparing themselves as 
well as they can, adding to their number 200 Canadians, so that, in all, they will 
have above 400, who, with the Indians, are to assault Wells, Isle of Shoals, and 
Piscataqua. The design is dangerous if you should be unprovided. I have 
therefore improved my utmost endeavors to give you this intelligence. By money 
and a promise of good reward from yourselves, I have corrupted two Frenchmen, 
viz., Arnaud Du Vignon and Francis Albert, to be bearers of this letter, and also 
to be guides to two Dutchmen and to two Englishmen, who promise to be with 
you tn 22 days. I pray that they may be contented. I have furnished them with 
13 French crowns, which it is just should be allowed to my wife. My charge is 
otherwise great here, there being so many of my poor countrymen to relieve, &c. 
The two men-of-war, which come from hence, are the one a great Dutch square 
stern ship of about 500 tons, takes in six guns from hence, so that she will 
have in all 38 guns, &c. ; the other is a French frigate of 34 guns, who is the 
admiral. They take at Port Royal and along the coast all the small vessels, shal- 
lops, boats, &c., to land their men. You will do well to prepare for their recep- 
tion a good fire ship, and other means necessary, according as your prudence 
shall direct. I recommend myself unto your prayers, and remain, gentlemen, 
your humble servant, 


August 27th. The ships of war go from hence in 12 or 15 days. Their voyage 
probably to St. John's and Penobscot will cost them a month's time more, so that 
you may expect them in about six or seven weeks hence. After their attempt 
upon your coast they are to cruise for about a month, &c., so that all concerned 
in shipping must take care to their affairs. Let no public talk be made of this 
letter, for by the escape of some prisoners the report will come hither greatly to 

my damage Excuse my broken manner of writing. I am forced to do it as 

I can get opportunity, and that is in my bed, because of the often coming in and 
out of the man that attends me, who once surprized me and took from me my ink- 
horn, but in all things else I am well treated. So are all the rest, according as 
the country affords, &c." " The letters came to Springfield the 23d of Septem- 
ber, and a day or two after to Boston. The Frenchmen, not long after, by some 
means or other, were retaken and carried to Canada, where they were punished 
as deserters. Before their execution, they confessed the whole. Mr. Nelson was 
carried with them, in expectation of the same fate. They were shot before his 
eyes. He was sent back to prison, and soon after to France,* but on his passage 
prevailed with a fellow passenger to convey intelligence of a second design of 12 
men-of-war and 2000 troops, which were every day expected at Canada to make 
a descent upon the English colonies from Piscataqua to Carolina. He was con- 
fined in France in a small hole for two years, without opportunity of seeing any 
person but a servant who brought his victuals to a grate. A gentleman, who 
had taken notice of the person who had carried the victuals from day to day, had 
the curiosity to enquire what prisoner was there, and to speak to him at the 

* In 1693. See 4 New York State Documents, in the editor, doctor O'Callag- 
han's note. 

2O2 History of Nova-Scotia. 

grate, and to ask if he could do him any service. Mr. Nelson desired no other 
favor than to have a letter sent to England to inform Sir Purbeck Temple of his 
condition, which was done, and soon after a demand was made for his release or 
exchange. He was then looked upon as a person of some importance. He was 
sent to the Bastile, and just before the peace of Ryswick was allowed to go to 
England, upon his parole, and security given by a French gentleman for his 
return. The peace being concluded, and he intending to return, was forbad to 
do it by king William ; but to prevent any trouble to his friend, he -went con- 
trary to order, and surrendered himself. Being discharged, upon his return to 
England he was brought into trouble there for going back to France contrary to 
the king's order, but at length returned to his family after ten or eleven years 
absence." [*l Hutch., Mass., 389. note.]. (In 1706, M. Bonaventure, in a letter 
to the minister, defends himself from a charge of illicit trade with the English, by 
stating that Mr. Nelson, merchant of Boston, was indebted to him in 5000 livres, 
which he had lent him at the time of his imprisonment in France, and wishing to 
pay it, had sent him by the packet 1300 livres, in goods, viz., stuffs, scythes and 
pots.) When he was removed from Angoulesme to the Bastile, the marquis de 
Chevry, and monsieur de Lagny, intendant general of the commerce and foreign 
affairs of France, were sent to him, and held discourse on peace being possible, 
and to be made by the governors in America. Afterwards the Canada company 
petitioned for his detention, as a person dangerous to their .authority. He was 
afterwards told that the idea of a neutrality in America must be abandoned. The 
inhuman wars of the Indians was the topic in which Nelson and the French 
ministry agreed, but the influence of Canada trade overbore it 

From the English and French Commissaries, p, 617. 
The petition of John Nelson to the Lords Justices, 1697 : 
" To their Excellencies the Lords Justices of England." Humbly sheweth : 
" That the said Sir Thomas Temple long since did purchase from one monsieur 
" Charles de la Tour the inheritance of Nova Scotia, and part of the countries 
" called Acadia, and all the forts, plantations and trade thereof, to him and his 
" heirs, &c., which said countries were first discovered and planted by Sir William 
" Alexander, afterwards earl of Stirling, and others of the Scottish nation, in the 
" time of king James the first, and by the authority of that crown, the government 
" and propriety thereof was granted unto the said earl and his heirs, &c., and by 
" him afterwards conveyed unto the aforesaid mons. Charles de la Tour, to hold 
" under crown of Scotland, and by him quietly enjoyed, until the then common- 
" wealth of England did, in the year 1654, possess themselves of it, being in the 
" hands of a Frenchman, who thereupon coming into England, and making out 
" his title from under the said earl of Stirling and the crown of Scotland, his right 
" was allowed and he restored, and thereon conveyed his said right unto Sir T. 
" Temple, as aforesaid, who enjoyed the same until the treaty of Breda, did build 
" divers forts for the defence thereof, and made other improvements, which cost 
" over ,16000, notwithstanding which, upon some false suggestions of the French 

* The copy of d'Aulnay's commission as governor of Acadie, dated February, 
1647, inserted in the E. & F. Commissaries, pp. 571, 576, has a memo, signed by 
Francis Nicholson, as a copy from the original, received from M. Nelson, esquire, 
nephew and executor to Sir Thos. Temple, bart., of N. S. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 203 

" ministers, that it did formerly belong unto the crown of France, his late majesty 
" king Charles the second did, without any examination or notice given unto the 
" parties concerned, at the aforesaid treaty, restore the same unto France, and by 
.' several orders of council required the delivery thereof unto monsieur de Grand- 
" fontaine, a person sent by the French king, which was accordingly complied with. 
" That the said Sir Thos. Temple dying, did, by his last will, devise all his right 
" and title of the premises unto your petitioner, who, during this present war with 
" France, hath hazarded both his person and estate in the recovery thereof, where, 
" thro' misfortune falling into their hands, has been kept a prisoner in France for 
" these five years last past, and does yet so continue under caution, (bail ;) and in 
" the meantime the said countries being for the most part regained by the English, 
" the same hath been by surprise included in the patent of the government of the 
" Massachusetts' Bay in New England, &c. This being the true state of the case, 
" and your petitioner being informed of a treaty now on foot between England and 
" France, and fearing that his majesty, for want of information, should be surprized 
" in this affair, by neglecting or acquitting so considerable a part of his dominions 
" and trade, as well as the propriety of the petitioner, &c. Your petitioner hum- 
" bly prays that your Excellencies will be pleased to make a timely representation 
" of this affair unto his majesty, that such due care and consideration may be had 
" thereof, as to his majesty in his great wisdom shall seem just and expedient," 

In a paper addressed to the Board of Trade by Mr. Nelson, in 1696, 24 Sept., 
(at which time we suppose he was in England, on bail), he says : " For space 
" of 26 years I have been continually conversant with the French in the coun- 
" tries of Nova Scotia, Accadie and Canada, for which reason I was, in the year 
" 1691, made choice of by the governor and council in New England to settle and 
" establish one Coll. Edward Tyng in the command of Port Royal, a place that 
" had been newly subjected to the crown of England, in which enterprize I had the 
" misfortune to be taken by the French, who, notwithstanding the acquaintance 
" and interest I had with them, did, (to prevent the information they thought me 
" capable of giving unto the court of England about their countries and affaires in 
" those parts), see cause to make an exception unto my release, whereby I have 
" actually suffered above four years and a half s imprisonment. In which space 
" of time I have continually endeavour'd to discover what I thought might be of 
" use to our interests, and accordingly have sometimes opportunity, both in 
" Canada and in France, to give such information as if due notice had been 
" taken, would have been of good effect, as by some instances I could well note, 
" were it not to avoid too much prolixity, &c. The improvement I would make 
" hereon serves only to pray an enquiry whom I am, that soe you may be the 
" better confirmed in the truth of my informations, in which, as I seek not any 
' particular advantage or interest, so I trust the readier beliefe and credit may 
" be given unto what I shall here expose, &c." He thinks that, unless prevented, 
the French may destroy the English colonies. The English colonies depend on 
improving the lands, &c. The French of Canada, on their trade of furs and 
peltry with the Indians, consequently their whole study and contrivance is to 
maintain their interest and reputation with the Indians, " Which has been " 
" much augmented by that late foolish and unhappy expedition from New Eng- " 
" land by Sr. William Phips, as also for want of due care of settlement in the " 
' countrie of Nova Scotia, after the taking of Port Royal." 

2O4 History of Nova-Scotia. 


There are some remarks and statements of baron de Lahontan which appear 
to belong to this period, and to be worthy of attention. He is a gay, witty and 
intelligent writer, although not devoid of prejudices. His writings are lively 
and graphic. The charges he makes against the French governors are harsh, and 
if not entirely untrue, appear much exaggerated. His serious quarrel with M. 
Brouillan, when the latter was governor of Placenlia, rendered him unfit to judge 
with impartiality in such cases. He had, according to Charlevoix,* been a half- 
pay captain, and was sent about this time from Quebec to Placentia. His me- 
moirs, that author says, were dictated by a spirit of irreligion, and by spite for 
having been sent out of the service. I fear there is some truth in both charges, 
yet there are several passages in his work that cannot well be omitted if we wish 
to obtain information of the history of these countries about the close of the 
seventeenth century. In vol. I., p. 220, &c., he says, "The coast of Acadia ex- 
tends from Kenebeki, on the frontiers of New England, to Isle Percee, near the 

mouth of the river St. Lawrence." " It has a great many little rivers, the 

mouths of which are deep and clean enough for the greatest ships." After dilat- 
ing upon the plenty of salmon and cod that frequent these shores, he says. "Two 
" gentlemen, of the name of Amour, of Quebec, have a settlement for beaver- 
" hunting, upon the river of St. John, which is a very pleasant river, and adorned 
with fields that are very fertile in grain. 'Tis navigable for 12 leagues up from 
its mouth." He says the channel between Acadie and Cape Breton is deep 
enough to carry the greatest ship in France. " Most of the countries of Acadia 
" abound with corn, pease, fruit and pulse, and have a plain distinction of 
" the four seasons of the year, notwithstanding that 'tis extream cold for 
" three months in winter. Several places of Acadia afford masts as strong as 
" those we have from Norway ; and if there were occasion, all sorts of ships 
" might be built there. For if you'll believe the carpenters, the oak of that 
' country is better than ours in Europe. In a word, it is a very fine country 
" the air is pure and wholsome the waters clear and light, and there's good 
accommodation for hunting, shooting and fishing." 

The French neglect nothing to secure the Indians, giving some notable ones 
pay as a lieutenant or ensign, and giving them rewards for mischief to the English 
or to the Indians in the English interest, paying them for scalps, sending the 
Canadian youth with them and giving them commissions taking Indians to 
Europe to shew them the glories of the French court and armies. There are 
now at Versailles 6 sagamores or chiefs from Canada, Hudson's Bay and Nova 
Scotia, all soliciting aid against the English. Great destruction done in Maine 
and New Hampshire. Timber and fisheries ruined there. The French, zealous 
in sending missionaries among the Indians, the English neglect to give them 
religious instruction. He mentions the great achievements of Skyler, (Schuyler), 
of Albany, in 1691, who came near taking Montreal. Evils from division of the 
English into so many little, divided, and disunited governments. If united, the 
English would be ten to one of the French. Speaks of the great value of the 
fur trade. " The knowledge I have of that country makes me foresee that " 

* 3 Charlevoix, 172. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 205 

" the English will be masters of it some time or other.* I could give very " 
" plausible reasons for the prophecy." " They have already begun to ruine the 
" commerce that the French had with the savages, and in a short time they'll 
" compass its intire destruction. The French they will prize their goods too 
" high, though they are not so good as those of the English^ and yet the English 

" sell their commodities cheaper." " The French governors, they act with 

" the same view as many of those who are imploy'd in posts beyond the sea. 
" They look upon their place as a gold-mine given 'em, in order to enrich them- 
" selves ; so that the public good must always march behind private interest. 
" M. de Menneval suffer 'd the English to possess themselves of Port Royal, be- 
" cause that place was covered with nothing but single palissado's. But why 
" was it not better fortified ? I can tell you the reason ; he thought he had time 
" enough to fill his pockets before the English would attack it. This governor 
" succeeded to M. Perrot, who was broke with disgrace for having made it his 
" chief business to inrich himself; and after returning to France, went back again 
" with several ships laden with goods, in order to set up for a private merchant 
" in the country. While M. Perrot was governor, he suffered the English to 
" possess themselves of several advantageous posts, without offering to stir. His 
" chief business was to go in barques from river to river, in order to traffic with 
" the savages ; and after he was disgraced, he was not contented with a commerce 
" upon the coasts of Acadia, but would needs extend it to the English planta- 
" tation ; but it cost him dear, for some py rates fell in with him, and, after seizing 
" his barques, ducked himself, upon which he died immediately." (sed quaere.) 

" The three principal savage nations that live upon the coasts of Acadia, are 
" the Abenakis, the Mikemak, and the Canibas." " The baron of St. Casteins, " 
" a gentleman of Oleron, in Beam, having lived among the Abenakis, after the " 
" savage way, for above twenty years, is so much respected by the savages " 
" that they look upon him as their tutelar god. He was formerly an officer in " 
" the Carignan regiment in Canada, and upon the breaking of that regiment " 
" threw himself among the savages, whose language he had learned. He mar- " 
ried among 'em after their fashion, and prefer'd the forrests of Acadia to " 
" the Pyrenean mountains that encompass the place of his nativity ; for the " 
' first years of his abode with the savages he behav'd himself so, as to draw an " 
" inexpressible esteem from them. They made him their great chief or leader, " 
" who is in a manner the sovereign of the nation ; and by degrees he has work'd " 
" himself into such a fortune, which any man but he would have made such use " 
" of as to draw out of that country above two or three hundred thousand crowns, " 
" which he has now in his pocket in good dry gold. But all the use he makes " 
" of it is f.o buy up goods for presents to his fellow savages, who, upon their " 
" return from hunting, present him with beaver skins to a treble value." " The 
" governors general of Canada keep in with him, and the governors of New 
" England are afraid of him. He has several daughters, who are all of 'em mar- 
" ried very handsomely to Frenchmen, and had good dowries. He has never 
" changed his wife, by which means he mean'd to give the savages to understand 
" that God does not love inconstant folks," &c. 

" Port Royal, the capital, or the only city of Acadia, is in effect no more than a 

* La Hontan was in North America from 1683 to 1694, and his book is printed 
in 1703. 

206 History of Nova-Scotia. 

" little paltry town, that is somewhat enlarged since the war broke out in 1689 
" by the accession of the inhabitants that lived near Boston, the metropolitan of 
" New England.* A great many of these people retired to Port Royal upon the 
" apprehension that the English would pillage them and carry 'em into their 
" country. There's excellent anchorage all over the Basin,t and at the bottom of 
" it there's a cape or point of land that parts two rivers, at which the tide rises ten 
" or twelve feet. These rivers are bounded by pleasant meads, which in spring 
" and autumn are covered with all sorts of water-fowl. In fine, Port Royal is 
" only a handful of houses, two story high, and has but few inhabitants of any 
" note. It subsists upon the traffic of the skins which the savages bring thither 
" to truck for European goods. In former times the Farmers' company had 
" magazines in this place, which were under the care of the governor." 


A census undated, but probably of this period, gives 854 inhabitants to Acadie. 

There is a memorial dated 5 February, 1691, apparently addressed to the 
French government, and from internal evidence it seems to proceed from 
M. Perrot, the same who had been governor before Menneval. It begins by 
noticing that the English had burnt 28 houses, and the church at Port Royal, 
but that the mills and many houses escaped, and that they had not meddled with 
Mines or Beaubassin. It estimates the population of the three settlements 
named at 1000 or noo French. Says the English left none of their nation in 
command, but a French sergeant, with a council of inhabitants. 

Proposes : I. To collect 60 French soldiers who are scattered in the pro- 
vince, and suggests M. , a former governor, as most capable and interested 

in the couutry. to be in command. 2. To give the commandant a lieutenant, 
and send out arms, &c., and provisions and clothing for the 60 soldiers. 3. Pick- 
axes and tools, for fortifying Port Royal. 4. Ten guns 4 of 12 pounders, 4 of 8 
and 4 of 4 Ibs., with ammunition, ball, &c., and a gunner. 5. A surgeon, with a 
medicine chest. 6. To dismiss M. Petit, the cure, blaming him and Trouve for 
the misfortune of the last capitulation. 7. To transfer the site of the fort and 
garrison to la pre ronde,\ two leagues up the river, at the head of all the settle- 
ment, as a safer place. 8. To build a fort there of timber (pieux), capable of lodg- 
ing 100 men, in which the captain, lieutenant, and the 60 men are to reside. 
Planks, nails and iron to be supplied ; or in lieu, a small sum of money, as plank 
and shingles can be found in the country. 9. To give them two batteaux, in 
pieces, with the rigging and utensils requisite. 10. To send a captain, lieuten- 
ant, and 3 or 4 half-pay officers, to command the Canibas and Abenaquis near 
the river St. John, who are to be under command of the governor at Port Royal. 
The latter is to let them have some of his soldiers when he can spare them, to 
unite with the Indians against the English. One batteau can carry over 20 sol- 
diers, being only 12 leagues distance. 

* I suppose he means French settlers on the shores of that part of Acadie 
which was nearest to New England, 
t Of Port Royal. 
t Round hill, formerly Lovet's farm, is probably meant, up the river. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 207 

A frigate of 28 or 30 guns is to take out all that is required. Economy is poin- 
ted out, that instead of ninety soldiers, as formerly, sixty will do. That instead 
of a governor with 3000 livres, as before, M. P will be content as comman- 
dant with 2000 livres salary. In lieu of five priests costing the king 1500 livres, 
and four friars penitents at 800 livres, the last four will be sufficient, as they are 
men who attend to spiritual things and do not meddle with temporal. And that 
the lieutenant general of Port Royal may be reduced to 300 livres. Recommends 
that the frigate call at Chedabouctou for relief of sixty inhabitants there, and that 
she should pick up any craft she finds along the coast, for the benefit of Port 
Royal, and finally visit the Indians on the river St. John. 

208 History of Nova-Scotia. 1692. 


1692. In this year, 1692, governor Sir William Phips sent a 
ship of 48 guns and two brigantines, with eighty soldiers on 
board, to capture Villebon in his fort up the St. John river, 
(Nachouac ?) where he was awaiting for help from France, 
which he looked for to establish himself at Port Royal. Ville- 
bon sent a small detachment of French and Indians down the 
river to watch the enemy's movements in landing. The sight 
of the French alarmed and disconcerted the invaders, who had 
probably calculated that they would surprize the French gov- 
ernor, and they gave up the project. [3 Charlevoix, 176.] 
During this summer, Phips, under special instructions from 
the English government, began the erection of fort William 
Henry, at Pemaquid, north of the Kennebec. [2 Hutch., Mass., 
68.] The place selected was twenty rods from high water 
mark, on the east side of the river, the tide rising there from 
fourteen to sixteen feet. The walls were of stone, cemented 
in lime mortar, the height on the south side facing the sea 22 
feet, on the west 18, on the north 10, and on the east 12 feet. 
The round tower at the S. W. corner was 29 feet high. Eight 
feet from the ground, where the walls were 6 feet in thickness, 
there was a tier of 28 port holes. The place was completed 
in a few months. Two thousand cart loads of stone are said 
to have been used in this building. The fort was a quadrangle 
in compass 747 feet, and the interior 108 feet across. The 
cost is stated at ;2O,ooo. Late in the autumn from 14 to 18 
cannon were mounted in the fort, six of which were eighteen 
pounders, and it was manned by sixty men. Phips at this 

1692. History of Nova-Scotia. 209 

time sent colonel Church, who had been celebrated in king 
Philip's war, to Penobscot and Kennebec. 

M. d'Iberville had left France with the design to attack 
port Nelson, in Hudson's bay, and had express orders from 
the court to that effect He had embarked on board of the 
Envieux^ a king's ship, commanded by M. de Bonaventure, 
and he was to find the Poli at Quebec, of which he was to 
take command himself; besides which the compagnie du nord 
had engaged to furnish two other vessels for the expedition. 
It was the king's intention that after taking Port Nelson, 
d'Iberville was to remain in charge of it, and send the Poli 
back to France, under her lieutenant. But the Envieux left 
Rochelle so late in the season, and experienced such contrary 
winds on her voyage out, that she did not cast anchor before 
Quebec until the 18 October. This was much too late to 
attempt any enterprise in Hudson's bay ; and as it was thought 
a pity the vessels should lie idle, it was proposed to messieurs 
d'Iberville and de Bonaventure to undertake the siege of Pem- 
aquid. This project they accepted joyfully, and made sail 
without delay for Acadie. There they met the chevalier Vil- 
lebon, and it was resolved that the two king's ships should 
besiege the place by water, while the chevalier, at the head of 
the Indians, should attack it by land. This arrangement hav- 
ing been made, the Poli and the Envieux set sail for Pema- 
quid ; but the two commanders having found an English 
vessel at anchor under the guns of the fort, and being desti- 
tute of any pilot acquainted with the coast, thought it unsafe 
to pursue their project any further. Whether they had neg- 
lected to seek such a pilot, or had been unable to find one, is 
left in doubt. The Indians had collected in great numbers, 
and were much discontented at the result, as they had reck- 
oned on ridding themselves of so powerful and inconvenient a 
neighbor as the fort was considered by them. It was after- 
wards ascertained that the commander of the fort had been 
put on his guard respecting this visit, by the information Mr.. 
Nelson had sent from Quebec by the two deserters. D'Iber- 
ville was spoken against by envious persons, for not pressing 
the siege ; but it seems his chief hope of success lay in find- 

2io History of Nova-Scotia. 1693-94. 

ing the garrison unprepared, and that he acted judiciously in 
retiring. [3 Ckarlevoix, 177, 179.] In the same year Sir 
Francis Wheeler came with an English fleet of 24 sail to Pla- 
centia, but effected very little, and withdrew. [Hist. British 
Empire in America, 140, 144.] 

1693. Fifteen English men-of-war arrived at Boston, from 
an attack on Martinique. The ships were in bad condition, 
and the men sick and in quarantine. Villebon understood 
from two Frenchmen who had escaped from prison in Boston, 
that Sir William Phips proposed to attack him with some of 
those forces, 800 men being mentioned as the intended party. 
Villebon was in no condition to resist them, but no such 
movement took place. 

Villieu, a French officer, had distinguished himself at the 
siege of Quebec in 1690. Being then on half pay, he headed 
a body of volunteers. [3 Ckarlevoix, 125.] Being now ap- 
pointed to a command at Pentagoet, he left Quebec in Octo- 
ber, 1693, and spent the winter at the fort of Nachouac, on 
the St. John, where Villebon commanded. He was nominally 
in command of the company of the detachment of the marines 
employed in Acadie. 

Major Convers marched with 400 or 500 English on Tacon- 
nick, on the Kennebec, this year, against the Indians, some of 
whom he surprized near Wells. In his return he built a stone 
fort, (pentagon), on the Saco river. M. Thury, the missionary 
at Pentagoet, endeavored to oppose this, but the Indians sub- 
mitted, and made a treaty with the English, (August nth, at 
Pemaquid), and gave hostages to secure it. [2 Hutch., Mass., 
73. Magnalia, 65, 85, 86.] 

1694. April the 8. The king's ship, la Brttonne, with a 
corvette, sailed for Acadie. The company embarked 20,000 
livres of goods. She arrived at St. John river, and left it the 
2 July cruised on the coast of Acadie visited Placentia, and 
convoyed the fishing vessels thence home The sieur Baptiste, 
privateer, took five English ketches on the coast of Acadie, and 
three other prizes. M. Bonaventure commanded the king's 
vessels on this coast for four years, ending in 1694. (There 

1 694. History of Nova-Scotia. 211 

is reason to think that Bonaventure was of the family of Nicolas 
Denis Sr. de Fronsac.) 

May i, M. Villieu left Nachouac for Pentagoet, to endeavor to 
put a stop to the negociations for peace, which the Indians were 
carrying on in their talks with the English. May 3, he got to 
Medoctec, where he conferred with the chiefs of that place. 

9 May he had an interview with Taxous, a chief of the Aben- 
aquis. He met Bigot, a Jesuit priest, and held festivals with 
the Indians in several places. May 22, Villieu came back to 
Nachouac, with some Indians, to ask for soldiers. Villebon 
would only give him two men. They started again 25 May, 
and on the 2/th reached Medoctec. There the two French 
soldiers left him, and went back to the fort So he had no 
one but Indians with him, and had no provisions, Villebon 
having refused to give any. 3 June they arrived at Pentagoet. 
Matakondo brought news that the Boston governor would 
give up their prisoners on the 5 July. Thury helped Villieu, 
who had great difficulty to bring the Indians round, as their 
children were hostages at Boston, or in England. Taxous and 
Bigot were for war. Villieu stopped some days at Castine's 
house, and then went up stream in a canoe upset, and hit his 
head against a rock. Villebon and father Simon stopped 
many Indians from joining him. On the 2/th June he 
had un festin de chien, (dog feast), when all the Indians 
sang, except thirty of Matakando's party, but they and 
Matakando himself were all gained over by presents. On 
the 30 June, Villebon, Thury, a French interpreter, and 
500 Indians, went down the river Kennebec, to get the Cani- 
bats to join them. He reconnoitred Pemquit fort in disguise. 

10 July. Forty Canibats joined him ; on the i ith, thirty more, 
and on the i6th, forty more. 27 July. They fell on the Eng- 
lish settlements by surprize. They were almost starved to 
death themselves before this. They captured two ungarrisoned 
forts killed 104 persons made 27 prisoners pillaged and 
burned 60 houses, and by the end of July the party got back 
to their homes. Villieu, after this affair, went to Canada. In 
his letter, date 7 September, 1694, de Ville Marie, (Montreal), 
he says, " The Indians, (les sauvages), at whose head you " 

212 History of Nova-Scotia. 1694. 

" ordered me to place myself to go against the English, have " 
" concluded a treaty of peace with Intane Philps," (sic) (gov'r. 
Sir W. Phips), " at the fort of Pemakuit last year, and left " 
" hostages. The Englishman was to give up, on the 15 July, " 
" the Indian prisoners he held, and at the same time to con- " 
" firm this peace with all the nations, who were to assemble " 
" for that purpose. Such was the state of affairs, my lord, " 
" which I found on my arrival at Pentagoet, in May last, " 
" when I went there alone to go against the enemy. But as " 
" this peace had been concluded by only two chiefs, accom- " 
" panied by some of their nations, who had even proposed to " 
" sell their lands to the English, and receive the price, I ac- " 
" quainted other chiefs and their nations who had not taken " 
" part in the treaty, that I was surprized at this conduct, and " 
" that I did not think that they would be willing to submit " 
" to have a thing of such consequence transacted without " 
" their participation ; and having at the same lime excited " 
" their jealousy of the two other chiefs, and their distrust of" 
" the English, for their having directed their assembling " 
" together, with the design, perhaps, of getting rid of them " 
" all in one day, I urged on them their duty to the king, and " 
" the presents they got from him last year, and the benefit of *' 
" his protection, and told them of the orders I had to go with " 
" them to war. This induced them to decide to march with " 
" me, and those who had concluded the peace did the same " 
" thing one day after. So that all these designs were over- " 
'* turned, and our enterprize has succeeded. Two small forts " 
" and 50 or 60 houses have been captured and burnt, and " 
" 130 English killed or made prisoners. A more particular" 
" statement, of all which I take the liberty to send you. I " 
" have come to Montreal to report to M. de Frontenac. I " 
" hope, my lord, you will be satisfied, as I have nothing so " 
" much at heart as to please you, and to merit, by my servi- " 
" ces, the continuance of your protection. I am going back " 
" to my post at the fort of Natchouac, in Acadie, to winter " 
" there, and receive your orders next year. I beg you will " 
" have the goodness to take into consideration the loss I sus- " 
" tained in the shipwreck of a vessel " (charroi) " which " 

1694- History of Nova-Scotia. 213 

" brought me last autumn, with all my family, to Acadie, " 
" and which exceeds 1000 crowns. I hope you will do me " 
" the favor of granting four tons of freight in the vessel " 
" which will be sent to Acadie next year, to bring me from " 
'* France my provisions and necessaries, not being able to " 
" get things from Quebec without extraordinary expenses, " 
" and not often having an opportunity to do that. I am, " 
" &c. &c., VILLIEU." Villieu and his Indian followers des- 
troyed Dover, in New Hampshire went to Piscataqua, and 
at Spruce creek, York and Kittery killed several persons, 
and scalped a girl. Micmacs, Malecites and Abenaquis were 
concerned in this slaughter. Villieu took the Indian chiefs 
with him to Canada, to present the English scalps to count 
Frontenac. [i Williamson, Maine, 640. 2 Hutch., Mass., 
82, 83.] 

In this year, 1694, the sieur Robineau corsaire de Nantes, 
(privateer), had made considerable prizes was forced to burn 
his vessel in the harbor of St. John, where he was attacked by 
an English ship, and to defend himself on shore. 17 Septem- 
ber, Montigny, an officer of Villebon's garrison, went from 
Nachouac to Medoctec, to join a party of 39 Indians. They 
went on to Pentagoet, but were sent back on account of a 
contagion that had killed many of them. In November, 1694, 
Bomazeen, an Indian chief, with ten or twelve Indians, went 
to Pemaquid, with a flag of truce, which captain March, the 
commander of the fort, violated, on the pretext that they who 
had become friends by treaty could not come as enemies with 
a white flag, and he made Bomazeen and his party prisoners, 
and sent them to Boston, where they were confined in a very 
bad prison. [2 Hutch,, 83, 87, 88.] 


The English began first in the attack on Placentia with five men-of-war, the 
St. Albans, a third rate of 66 guns, being commodore. They entered the harbor 
of Placentia the I5th September, 1691, and came to an anchor in the road the 

214 History of Nova-Scotia. 

1 6th. At this time the French governor was in great perplexity, having but 50 
soldiers in the fort, and but a small stock of ammunition. Besides the fort was 
commanded by a mountain, from whece he was afraid the English would gall 
him. Not being able to spare any men from the fort, they marched 50 fishermen 
to prevent their landing, which made them alter their course, and land else- 
where. The English commodore sent out a small sloop, with a white flag, 
towards the fort, which was met by another on the same errand. The commo- 
dore desired the governor to send an officer on board him, who immediately 
complied, and sent the baron La Hontan and M. Castabella, (Costabelle ?) who 
were received with great civility, and well entertained. [Paris mss.] 


9 November. 1692, Jacques Petitpas, and Charles de Loreau, sienr de St. 
Aubin, inhabitants of Archiroayan, in Acadie, were taken by the English, and, 
with their families, sent to Boston. The governor of New England sent them 
with two French deserters to capture M. St Castin, keeping their families as 
hostages. They revealed the design for which they were sent, and gave up the 
two deserters. Villebon, the commandant of Acadie, d'Iberville and Bonaven- 
ture, gave them out of public funds, 554 livres, to assist them in getting back to 
their families, &c. 


A grant made 17 August, 1693, by Frontenac, (governor), and Champigny, 
(intendant), to the sieur Philipes Esnault, an inhabitant of Nipisiguit, in Acadie, 
of the river de Pocmouche, and four leagues of land in front on each side of the 
same, with as many in depth, including one league of land in front, heretofore 
conceded to one deGrais, who has withdrawn among the English, to hold to the 
said sieur Esnault, his heirs and assigns, for ever, as their own property, as a 
fief, &c. &c. Confirmed by Royal brevet, at Versailles, 15 April, 1694. ^Leg- 
Council papers, v. ii.] 


From Villebon's letter to M. de Lagny of 2 September, 1694 : 

" There are three Indian nations in Acadie, the Canibas, the Malicites, and 
" the Micmacs, each having a different language. The Micmacs occupy from 
" Isle Percee, and even higher up the river on the way to Quebec, and extend- 
" ing through the bay des Chaleurs, Ristigouche, Richibouctou, Bay Verte, Cape 
" Breton, Campseaux, and all along the coast to cape Sable, Port Royal, Mines 
" and Beaubassin. They look on all these places as their settlements at all 
" times. The Malicites begin at the river St. John, and inland as far as la 
" Riviere du Loup, and along the sea shore, occupying Pesmonquadis, Majais, 
" les Monts Deserts and Pentagoet, and all the rivers along the coast. At Pen- 
" tagoe't, among the Malicites, are many of the Kennebec Indians. Taxous* 
" was the principal chief of the river Kinibeguy, but having married a woman 
" of Pentagoet, he settled there with her relations. As to Matakando, he is a 
" Malicite. The Canibas are those settled on the river Kinibeguy. "t 

* Taxous was the adopted brother of M. de Villebon, as stated in another 

t Whence they derive their name. There is a mission of this tribe two leagues 
from Quebec, conducted by Jesuit fathers. 

1695* History of Nova-Scotia. 215 


1695. It was proposed in 1695 to fortify St. John, at the 
mouth of the river. The old fort of four bastions so far exist- 
ed, that the excavations were almost entire. It wanted deep- 
ening the ditches, raising the parapets, and putting in new 
palissades. It was supposed that 150 men would serve to 
protect both this and the fort at Nachouat, (called Nachouac, 
Naxoat, and now Nashwaak.) The fort of St. John would 
protect French privateers and French commerce. We find 
by Villebon's journal, kept by him at Nachouac, where he 
commanded, January 17, 1695, Baptiste (who was captain of a 
French privateer) had taken an English West Indiaman. On 
the 24th he brings part of his crew up the river, having secu- 
red his corvette. April 27, Baptiste went off on a cruise. 
May 3, Villebon sent a canoe to Boston, with the letters Mon- 
tigny brought back, (probably from Frontenac, at Quebec, 
respecting exchange of prisoners.) May 15, Baptiste arrived 
with another prize. May 31, news that Baptiste was taken by 
an English vessel of 36 guns, and an armed sloop. In 24 
hours after, the English frigate ran ashore, and had to give up 
her prizes to a Canadian privateer. In June, Villebon enter- 
tained a body of Indians and chiefs from Kennebec, Pentagoet, 
Medoctec and Madawaska. Long conferences are related in 
his journal. A tariff of goods was settled, and afterwards the 
chiefs were entertained at supper. In the same month an 
English frigate and sloop arrive at Menagoniche, (now called 
Manawagoniche), on business of ransom. Messages are ex- 
changed with Nachouac. Eight prisoners are given up. The 

216 History of Nova-Scotia. 

English captain expressed a wish to meet governor Villebon, 
and drink with him, or to see captain Baptiste, whom he called 
a brave man ; but these overtures were declined. In Bap- 
tiste's last engagement, the English had three men killed and 
thirteen wounded ; and the rigging of the frigate was much 
injured. The corvette La Bonne sunk 48 hours after. They 
also lost their chief pilot and eight sailors, besides a brigantine 
and sloop, prizes, which were also sunk. August 1 2, Villebon 
heard that the Micmacs at cape Sable attacked an English 
fisherman, but did not take her ; they killed one Englishman 
and wounded one. 10 September. This evening. Francis 
Guyon, privateer, arrived at the fort. He tells me (Villebon) 
that he has taken nine fishermen prizes, viz., seven open shal- 
lops and two decked vessels. He ransomed five for 1500 
livres gave one up, and has brought three in. I Octr., 1695, 
in a letter to the minister, Villebon states that his brother 
des Isles is away with the Indians on an expedition against 
the English. That Bonaventure has had a battle with an 
English frigate of 40 guns, and that 10 English were killed. 
He says, " I have been surprized, my lord, at what you say, " 
" that I had refused soldiers to M. de Villieu. How can that " 
be likely, when I, myself, proposed the expedition, and" 
" gave him every thing necessary ?" He accuses Villieu of 
imposing on his lordship, and says, " I do not think an offi- " 
"cer so difficult and unaccommodating can be found." He 
complains of the brothers d' Amours. " They are four in " 
" number, living on the St. John river. There are given up " 
" to licentiousness and independance for ten or twelve years " 
" they have been here. They are disobedient and seditious, " 
" and require to be watched." (In another m/moire it is sta- 
ted of the d' Amours, that though they have vast grants in the 
finest parts of the country, they have hardly a place to lodge 
in. They carry on no tillage, keep no cattle, but live in trad- 
ing with the Indians, and debauch among them, making large 
profits thereby, but injuring the public good. In another 
statement they are called " soi disants gentil homines?} Vil- 
lebon says preparations are making for the intended attack in 
the spring on Pemaquid fort, and for securing Nachouac. 

1695-9^- History of Nova-Scotia. 217 

2000 palissades, 2000 /raises, and 600 madriers are getting 
made. (Platforms for guns to run on were made of planks, 
called madriers^) One of the Indian hostages kept at Boston 
since the treaty of 1693, was sent as a mediator to his people. 
In consequence of this visit, fifty canoes of Indians came to 
Pemaquid on the 20 May, 1695, bringing in eight captives. 
A truce of thirty days was made, and soon after the English 
commissioners met the Indian delegates at Pemaquid. The 
English refused to enter into any treaty until all the English 
in the hands of the Indians should be first given up, on which 
the conference broke up, and Bomazeen and other Indians 
remained prisoners in Boston. [2 Hutch., 88.] 

1696. In February, Egeremet, a chief from Machias, Toxus, 
a chief from Norridgewock, (Narantsouac), Abenquid, a saga- 
more of the same tribe, and several other Indians, came to 
Pemaquid fort, to treat of exchange of prisoners. Chubb, 
who commanded there, and some of his garrison, fell on them 
unawares, murdered Egeremet, Abenquid, and two others. 
Toxus escaped. One Indian was taken, and was found in 
irons in the fort when the French entered it. [2 Hutch., 94.] 

At this time the French government resolved on an attack 
to capture Fort William Henry, at Pemaquid, (or Pemkuit), 
chiefly with the view of confirming the French influence over 
the Abenaquis, and other Indian nations in that quarter. 

The conduct of this enterprize was given to messietirs. 
d'Iberville and Bonaventure. They arrived at the bate des 
Espagnols, in cape Breton, (Spanish bay, now Sydney), on the 
26 June, 1696. [3 Charlevoix, 261. Mss. journal of Sr. Bau- 
douin, missionary. Paris mss.] There they found thirty 
Indians waiting for them, with their families. They all con- 
fessed to the priest Baudouin, who baptized some of them and 
married others. Their comrades had already gone to war. 
These poor people had to pay so dear for everything, that, 
although they were free from drunkenness, they were but 
scantily clothed, after having killed five hundred moose this 
winter. They also found Frenchmen there, who brought 
them letters from M. de Villebon, informing them that three 
English ships, the Sorlings, captain Eames, the Newport, 

2 1 8 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 696. 

captain Paxen, and the province Tender, were waiting for 
them at the mouth of the river St. John. On the 4 July they 
set sail, the Indians embarking with them. The French ships 
were the Profond and the Envieux, and had two companies of 
soldiers on board. They met fogs on the voyage, and when 
near cape Sable they heard the report of cannon, which they 
supposed were fired by the enemy's ships as signals to prevent 
separation. On the 14 July the French ships cast anchor in 
the fog, at the distance of five leagues from the river St. John. 
The weather clearing up at 2, p. M., they perceived the three 
English vessels to windward, bearing directly for the river 
St. John. When they were one league off, they observed the 
French vessels, and bore down on them. The Profond mask- 
ed her warlike character, keeping her ports closed until within 
musket shot Two of the English vessels came pretty near, 
and the small one fired at the Profond, and the other at the 
Envieux. The enemy seeing the Profond open her ports, kept 
to windward, (tiennent le vent), and not being able to resist 
the musquetry, endeavored to escape. The Profond tried to 
gain the wind on them, and the Envieux followed, contending 
with stormy weather. M. d'Iberville, in the Envieux, dismasted 
the smaller English vessel, which proved to be the Newport, 
of 24 guns. The prize falling astern, came almost aboard the 
bows of the Envieux, and lowered her flag. M. d'Iberville 
left her to be manned by M. de Bonaventure, who gave her to 
Baptiste to take her to the river St John, at which place he 
was near losing her among the rocks where she run aground. 
The Envieux continued to chase the other ship, which was 
the largest, mounting 34 guns. The shot of the French ship 
passed beyond the chase, but night and fog closed their com- 
bat, which had lasted three hours, and the English ship esca- 
ped. According to Baudouin, who gives these details, there 
was no one in the French ships injured even by a wound, and 
he says that the Indians on board behaved well. The next 
day, 1 5 July, the French vessels arrived at the river St. John, 
where they found M. de Villebon and father Simon, with fifty 
Indians. They landed the effects which belonged to the king, 
being stores for the use of the fort at Nachouac, which had 

1696. History of Nova-Scotia. 219 

been substituted for that of Jemsek. The fifty Indians who 
accompanied Villebon, and who were of the same nation with 
those who came from cape Brecon with d'Iberville, that is 
Micmacs, embarked on board the Profond, commanded by M. 
de Bonaventure, with father Simon, before the ship sailed. 

It having been stated that one Alden, a Boston trader, was 
then at Port Royal, engaged in traffic, M. Dugue", a lieutenant 
of d'Iberville, was sent to that place in a vessel, with thirty 
men. Father Baudouin went with them, delighted, as he says, 
with the opportunity of meeting M. de Mandoux, (the cure"), 
who was resident there since the departure of M. Petit. 
Alden, however, had left Port Royal before they got there. 
Baudouin pitied the inhabitants of Port Royal, as they were 
forbidden to deal with the English, while the French did not 
supply one quarter of the articles they stood in need of. 

On the 2nd August the French ships left St. John, and on 
the 7th they arrived at Pentagoet, where they found M. de 
Thury and M. de St. Castin, with 130 Indians, waiting for 
them. M. d'Iberville gave an entertainment to about 300 
Indians, the rest having already gone off to make war. He 
distributed the king's presents among them, to the value of 
4000 livres, and told them he was going to attack Pemquit. 
They replied they would join his party with pleasure. On the 
1 3th August, St. Castin and the Indians, M. Thury and father 
Simon, with messieurs, de Villieu and de Montigny, and 25 
soldiers of Villieu's company, embarqued in canoes to besiege 
Pemaquid. On the I4th they arrived and invested fort Wil- 
liam Henry. The Profond and the Envieux arrived the same 
day, and two mortars, two cannons, with bombs and shot, were 
landed half a league from the fort. These having been got on 
shore, a summons was sent at 5, P. M., to the fort to surrender. 
[3 Charlevoix, 262.] Captain Chubb commanded the fort. 
He had 15 guns mounted, 95 soldiers, and plenty of ammuni- 
tion and provisions. His reply to this summons was that 
" though the sea were covered with French vessels, and the " 
" land with Indians, he should not surrender unless forced to " 
" do so." On this reply, the Indians commenced firing. The 
fort also made a pretty good discharge of musquetry and some 

22O History of Nova-Scotia. 1696. 

cannon shot. The French and Indians slept around the fort 
that night. On the I5th August, Assumption day, M. d'lber- 
ville landed two hours before day, (about 2, A. M.,) and after 
mass was said, the guns and mortars were placed in battery 
within half cannon shot of the fort, before mid-day. " M. de " 
" Thury et le pere Simon la parerent belle, chacun travaillant " 
a qui mieux mieux" Thury and father Simon assisting in fit- 
ting up with alacrity. After dinner the fort was again sum- 
moned. While the French were preparing their battery, they 
were fired on from the fort ; but about 3, p. M., all being ready, 
the French battery discharged five bombs against the defend- 
ers, at which the latter were visibly alarmed. St. Castin, who 
noticed this, went again to summon the English, and advised 
them to surrender, without which they could not be safe in 
case the place was taken by assault ; as the Indians would 
give them no quarter, in revenge for their brethren having 
been killed and made prisoners, (as they asserted), in a peace- 
ful conference held with the English ; and that for this reason 
the Indians had been opposed even to summoning the fort. 
It seems that in the previous February, seven Abenaquis had 
gone with a flag of truce to Pemaquid, to apply to captain 
Chubb for an exchange of prisoners. Of these seven, four 
were slain by the English, and three taken to Boston as pri- 
soners. [3 Charlevoix, 233.] This story, whether well found- 
ed or not, was evidently believed by the French and the 
Indians, and must have naturally exasperated the latter, espe- 
cially those of the same tribe with the sufferers. The menaces 
implied in the advice of baron St. Castin took effect, and the 
soldiers of the garrison insisted that Chubb should capitulate. 
The terms he demanded were that no person should be des- 
poiled ; that the captain and his garrison should be sent to 
Boston, and exchanged for the French and Indian prisoners 
detained there ; and that they should be guaranteed against 
the fury of the Indians. All which being assented to, the fort 
surrendered at 5, P. M., and Chubb, with his garrison, marched 
out unarmed. Villieu entered the fort with sixty Frenchmen, 
and took possession. The garrison were carried in shallops 
to an islaad near which the French man-of-war lay, in order 

1696. History of Nova-Scotia. 221 

that they should be protected from the revenge of the Indians. 
Father Baudouin went into the fort with the victors. Within 
was found a Canibat Indian in irons, half dead. It took the 
good father nearly two hours to file off the fetters of this poor 
captive, who was then carried to the French camp. Among 
the papers of the governor, a recent order was found, received 
from Boston, directing him to hang this Indian. 

The fort was situated at the mouth of a river, on the shore 
of the sea. At high tide it was almost surrounded by water. 
Its form was that of a quadrangle, with four very fine towers. 
It had a gunpowder magazine, hollowed out of the natural 
rock, and a very fine place cCarmes (parade ground) in the 
middle of the fortress. This fortress was very well built of 
good stone. The wall was 12 feet high, with a gallery above 
12 1-2 feet thick. It had 16 cannon, from 12 to 8 pounders. 
(See description ante, 1692.) Hutchinson says (2 vol., p. 93) 
that there were no casemates or shelter for the men. The 
fort was not as strong as it appearance indicated. It was 
thought to have been capable of a longer defence. The maga- 
zine was protected by a rock, and only a small part of it was 
vulnerable by bombs. The lodgings for the garrison were 
excellent. It was well manned, provisioned and supplied with 
military stores. It is said to have been built and supported 
from 1692 at the cost of the province of Massachusetts. [3 
Charlevoix, 263. I Williamson, Maine, 642.] 

Agreeably to the capitulation, d'Iberville sent the prisoners 
to Boston, in a vessel of M. des Chaufours, that he had brought 
from the St. John river, and demanded of the council at Bos- 
ton that they should send back to him Guyon and his people, 
and the Indians who had been captured by treachery, if they 
wished him to return the prisoners he had made in the taking 
of the Newport. The i/th and i8th August were employed 
in ruining the fort. On the 2Oth, the French sailed for Monts 
deserts, leaving Montigny, with three men, at Pemkuit, to 
await the return of their people from Boston. Montigny was 
directed to bring them on to Monts-d6serts. The fort of 
Pemkuit having been demolished, its destruction was comple- 
ted by fire. On the voyage to Monts-de"serts, a young garde- 

222 History of Nova-Scotia. 1696. 

marine, called Dutast, an officer of the French, died of a pleu- 
risy contracted in dragging up their mortars and guns at the 
siege, and his body was buried at sea. On the 22d August 
they reached Monts-de"serts. Here d'Iberville, tired of the 
delay, and finding provisions running short, sent one hundred 
prisoners in a barque to Boston, reserving some of the more 
important captives, whom he landed under charge of M. de 
Villieu and twenty soldiers. On the 3 September the French 
sailed from Monts-de"serts, but had hardly got out when they 
became aware of seven English vessels standing along the 
coasts. Night intervening, the French escaped, and d'Iber- 
ville went to cape Bre'ton, where he landed the Indians, and 
thence went to Placentia ; but Villebon, who was going back 
to the river St. John with some of the Indians, was captured 
by the English squadron. On the I2th September, 1696, 
d'Iberville arrived at Placentia, and during the period between 
that and May, 1697, parties of 120 Canadians, under d'Iber- 
ville, who had royal orders to go there and carry on war, and 
a detachment from Placentia, under Brouillan, the governor of 
that place, captured all the English settlements, killed about 
200 English and made 700 prisoners, burned St. John's, &c. 
Baudouin says also that many of the English were born in 
Newfoundland. He describes them as irreligious and immo- 
ral, and asserts that there was not one minister of any kind in 
all the English settlements in Newfoundland. He gives de- 
tails of population, &c., in each settlement. The sum of all is : 
Captured English settlements men, 1971 ; houses, 291 ; 
shallops, 442 ; codfish, 228,800. He also describes discord 
between Brouillan and d'Iberville, and charges the former 
with avarice and injustice. 

On the 26 July, before the French vessels, the Profond and 
the Envieux, had left the river St. John, M. de Villebon wrote 
to the minister, dating du has la riviere S. Jean, (lower part 
of the river St. John.) He says : 

" My lord. M. d'Iberville having delivered me your gran- 
" deur's letter, in which you do me the honor to write, princi- 
" pally on the subject of rebuilding the fort at the lower part of 
" the river, to go on steadily with that work with the forty 

1696. History of Nova-Scotia. 223 

" soldiers and the sixty men of augmentation which his majesty 
" has pleased to send. It was my belief that I could not 
" undertake, with this small number of soldiers, a work which, 
" though easy to repair, could not be effected as quickly as the 
" enemy could get ready to oppose it. Messrs d'Iberville and 
" de Bonaventure having orders, my lord, as you inform me, to 
" go to Placentia at once after the expedition to Pemquit, I 
" could not even reckon on the greater part of the soldiers 
" who have come here under the command of M. de Falaise. 
" There are among them good men, and many young people, 
" from whom one cannot obtain much work ; besides which, 
" by your lordship's orders, I am giving the twenty best sol- 
" diers of the two companies to M. de Villieu, who are to em- 

" bark with him in M. d'Iberville's vessel." The king's 

ships should have arrived early to protect the work. The 
English frigates are expected out as convoy to the English 

ships loading with masts at Peskataoue*. " I had last fall 

" commissioned le Sr. Dubreuil, a settler at Port Royal, to 
" have 6000 feet of thick plank (madriers) made at a saw mill, 
11 and this as if on his own account. The two English frigates, 
" which came there in the end of June, wished to know for 
" what purpose the inhabitants required so much of this plank, 
" and having some suspicions about it, they caused it to be 
" burned. This has not prevented me going on with this 
" work, as I have caused more to be made this winter near my 

" fort." He recommends the granting of fishing licenses 

for the coast of Acadie to the English, at 100 livres per vessel. 
He thinks it will produce 10,000 livres. Although he has 
taken great pains with them, not above eight or ten of his sol- 
diers have learned to manage a canoe. Thinks it better to 
send them a la course, (privateering ?) and thus make them 
sailors. He says he offered d'Iberville to go as a volunteer to 
Pemaquid with his Indians. Found it did not please d'Iber- 
ville, and gave it up reluctantly. Is pleased with the return 
of M. Baudouin, the missionary, and is contented with the 
other missionaries. 

" I have no more reason, my lord, to be satisfied with the 
" sieurs d' Amour than I previously had. The one who has 

224 History of Nova-Scotia* 1696. 

" come from France has not pleased me more than the other 
" two. Their minds are wholly spoiled by long licentiousness 
" and the manners they have acquired among the Indians ; 
" and they must be watched closely, as I had the honor to 
" state to you last year." He says also that famine prevails at 
Boston, and he has been assured that many families there 
have not eaten bread for more than four months past. 


I. A grant made by Frontenac, governor, and Champigny intendant to the sieur 
Michel Chartier, an inhabitant residing in Acadie, of half a league of land in 
front on each side of the river Descoudet, in the said country, by half a league in 
depth, with the adjacent islands, commencing on the south-west side of the land 
of the sieur de Sainct Aubin, descending the said river, and on the north-east 
side at the unconceded lands opposite to the concession of the sieur Dubourche- 
min, to hold to the said sieur Michel Chartier, his heirs and assigns for ever, as a 
fief and seigniory, with superior, mean and inferior jurisdiction, and the right of 
hunting, fishing and trading with Indians, &c. Confirmed by royal brevet, at 
Versailles 19 May 1696. 2. A grant the same year to sieur Jacques Fran9ois du 
Bourchemin, ecuyer, sieur de 1'Hermittiere, lieutenant of a company of th 
marine forces, of lands on the river Oumaska. 3. Grant dated 20 June 1695, from 
Frontenac and Champigny to Bernard 1' Amours de Plenne, of the river called 
Kanibecachiche (now written Kennebecasis) flowing into the St. John, with a 
league and a half on each side of said river, by two leagues in depth and the 
islands and islets adjacent. 4. Grant 20 June 1695, from Frontenac and de Cham- 
pigny to the sieur Pierre Tibauteau, of the river of Kouakagouche, between the 
Monts-deserts, and Mejais (Machias) and of one league on each side of said river, 
by two leagues in depth, reckoning from its mouth, with the islands and islets 
adjacent, confirmed by brevit du rot, 9 May 1696. 


M. de Frontenac to M. de Lagny 12 Nov. 1695, informs him that' Bonaventure 
in the Envieux, left the presents for the Indians at Pentagoet, and going to St. 
John, met an English frigate, had a battle ; all his rigging was shot away, and 
none to repair with. He left supplies at the river for Nachouac. He tried to 
accommodate the disputes between Villebon and his officers, Villieu and Montigni. 
He blames them all, but Villebon the least. He hopes he has brought them to a 
good understanding. " M. de Chevry has done an act of justice in assuming the " 

History of Nova-Scotia. 225 

protection of M. deVillebon, and he had need of his support, being attacked " 
" by more powerful people than these two officers, and those whose credit and " 
" intrigues are redoubtable." " P. S. I recommended to you, sir, in past years " 
" the person named Baptiste, upon the good testimonials of M. deVillebon, but " 
" have learned recently of language used by him, a little before he went to " 
" France, which showed bad signs." " They tell me he is a man married in w 
' many places in France, and in Holland, besides the wife he has now in Port " 
" Royal. M. deVaudreuil assures me he knows the one he has in France, and " 
" that she lived near him in Languedoc. I thought I ought to inform you, as well " 
" as M. de Chevry, that he may not impose on you, as he says he is gone to " 
" France, to ask for another vessel in place of the one he has lost, that he may " 
" more easily carry his wife and effects from Port Royal, to Holland or some " 
" other enemy's country." 


The French in September 1696, with 6 ships of war, the Pelican, the Diamond, 
the Count de Thoulouse, the Vendange, the Philip, and the Harcourt, with five 
ships and other vessels attacked the several harbours, &c., near cape Spear, met 
with the Sapphire, an English man-of-war, commanded by captain Cleasby, to 
whom they gave chase, but he got safely into the bay of Bulls, where he landed 
and fortified the place in the best manner the short time would allow of. The 
English who lived in the bay came to his assistance, but on the approach of the 
French they all ran away. On the nth of Sept. the whole French squadron came 
down upon the Sapphire and fired with the utmost fury. Capt. Cleasby made a 
gallant defence for some hours, having placed all his guns on the side of the ship 
next the enemy. The French at the same time made a descent, and having 
driven the men that were ashore into the woods, attacked the Sapphire on all 
sides. The captain finding it was impossible to maintain the ship any longer, 
retired with his officers and thirty-five men into the woods and set her on fire. Forty 
Frenchmen boarded her, thinking to extinguish it, but were all blown up, by the fire 
reaching the powder room. One hundred more of the Sapphire's crew getting 
ashore, made the best of their way to Ferryland, but were intercepted by the 
enemy, and all taken prisoners. Captain Cleasby and his company gained the 
harbor where he did his utmost to defend the place against the enemy, who now 
came to attack it. The 2ist September they landed 600 men. After some firing 
the English surrendered. The French destroyed all the English settlements 
except St. John, Carbonear and Bonavista. [History of the British Empire in 
America, pp. 141-142.] 

226 History of Nova-Scotia 1696, 


BENJAMIN Church had been a partizan commander in the 
war in 1675, in New England, called king Philip's war, 
and was after that engaged in a similar manner in the bor- 
der fighting with the French and their Indian allies. Full 
details of his proceedings are given in a work written by 
himself, and which has been printed more than once. In 
his account of what he terms his fourth expedition East, 
he gives his commission from lieutenant governor Stough- 
ton, appointing him as major, to command English and In- 
dians, sent against the French and Indian enemy, by order 
of the Assembly of Massachusetts of 27 May, 1696. This 
commission is dated 3rd August, and the instructions on I2th 
August, in which last captain John Gorham is referred to as 
his adviser and assistant. A shallop brought some prisoners 
to Boston, and the news of the capture of the Newport, and 
the fall of fort William Henry. Church, being ready at this 
time, embarked with his men, at Boston, on the i$th August, 
(25 August, new style), and sailed for Piscataqua, where he 
was to receive an addition to his numbers. His whole force 
is stated at four or five hundred men. They appear to have 
followed the coast in open sloops and whale boats. They 
visited several places at Piscataqua, Penobscot and Kennebec, 
without meeting with any enemies but a few stray Indians. 
It was then resolved to proceed to Chignecto. Charlevoix, 
v. 3, 265, makes the English squadron of seven vessels from 
which the French men-of-war got off, to be the same that cap- 
tured Villebon, and afterwards attacked Chignecto or Beau- 

1696. History of Nova-Scotia. 227 

bassin, but it seems hardly probable the two frigates would 
have avoided Church's boats. As to Villebon's capture, it 
appears he shortly after got to his fort of Nachouac. Charle- 
voix says he was released on shewing a regular passport. 
However that may be, Charlevoix informs us that the 
English who went to Chignecto, or Beaubassin, landed 400 
men, of whom fifty were Indians. That one Bourgeois, 
an inhabitant, went in a shallop to the vessel of the English 
commander, and shewed him a writing whereby all the inha- 
bitants of Beaubassin had engaged at the time Acadie was 
conquered by Sir William Phips to remain faithful to king 
William, and had been received under his protection. Church 
appeared to respect this document, and coming on shore, went 
to Bourgeois' house ; but his men treated the place as if it 
were an enemy's country. Many of the people hid their 
effects, and fled to the woods for safety. At the end of nine 
days most of the houses were destroyed by Church and his 
men. His Indians were the most merciful. Pillage was gen- 
eral, and a placard respecting trade, signed by count Fronte- 
nac, having been found outside the church, it was likewise 
burnt down. Having made many of them sign a new paper 
of allegiance to king William, Church reimbarked his men 
and their booty, and, steering for the St. John river on the 
29 September, arrived there the same day. (Church calls 
it 2Oth September, i. e. 3Oth, n. s.) Church himself admits 
that he made prisoners of the people of Beaubassin, and 
that their " cattle, sheep, hogs and dogs" were " lying dead " 
"' about their houses, chopped and hacked with hatchets," 
although he says this was done without order from him. 
Church arrived first at a place a little north of St, John, which 
he calls Monogenest, (probably Manawagoniche or Mahogany.) 
After visiting the mouth of the St. John river, and taking a 
stray French soldier or two prisoners, Church found by infor- 
mation from one of them that 1 2 cannon were buried in the 
beach. These he obtained, and leaving St. John he met a 
squadron (Sept. 28, Oct. 8, n. s..) at Passamaquoddy, consist- 
ing of the Arundel, captain Higgins, and the Province Galley, 
captain Southwick, (Southack ?) and a transport. Here he 

228 History of Nova-Scotia. 1696 

was superseded in the chief command by colonel Hathorne, 
one of the council. The expedition now went up the river to 
Nachouac, and besieged Villebon in his fort on the 7 October, 
(17 Oct., n. s.) Villebon, after his return to his post at 
Nachouac, had sent an ensign named Chevalier, with three or 
four men, to keep watch at the mouth of the river. Chevalier 
was first alarmed by the appearance of a brigantine of about 
60 tons, and the next day was attacked by some English, who 
had landed without his observation. On this he took to the 
woods, and went to notify Villebon of the enemy's arrival. 
Two days after, returning to the shore with two men, he fell 
into an ambuscade laid for him by some Indians of the Eng- 
lish party, when Chevalier was killed and his two soldiers 
made prisoners. It was by them that the hiding places of the 
French were betrayed to Church, whose party was thus aug- 
mented by a new commander, three vessels and 200 men. 
On the 1 2th October, n. s., M. de Villebon received the 
news by his brother M. de Neuvillette, the youngest son 
of the baron de Bekancourt, whom he had sent down the 
river for intelligence, of Chevalier. Villebon wrote to 
father Simon, a Recollet, who governed an Indian mission 
not far off, to get as many of his neophytes as he could 
prevail on to join the garrison, and on the 14 October the 
friar v brought in 36 warriors. Next day Villebon sent his 
brother Neuvillette again down towards the sea, and on the 
1 6th he came back and reported that he had seen the enemy 
in great force about a league and a half below Jemsek, that is 
to say about half way from the mouth of the river to Nachouac. 
M. de Villebon had already put his fort in a good posture of 
defence. He proceeded, however, the rest of that day to 
throw up new entrenchments, in which he was fully seconded 
by his brother, by M. de Gannes, one of his officers, the sieur 
de la C6te, ecrivain du Roy, and by the sieur Tiberge, agent of 
the company of Acadie.* On the evening of the 1 7 October 
he caused the generate to be beat, (drum beat to collect 
troops), and all his garrison being under arms, he addressed 

* The garrison of Naxoat at this time had been augmented to IOO men in all, 
in order to carry on the works of the fort. 

169-6. History of Nova-Scotia. 229 


them in moving terms, dwelling on the superiority of French 
troops, before whom an enemy usually gave way, and ended 
by pledging his honor that if any of them should be maimed 
in the combat, his majesty would provide for him during life. 
This speech was received with loud cries of Vive le roy, and 
just then the sieurs de Clignancourt and Baptiste arrived at the 
fort with ten Frenchmen, who had their dwellings below 
Nachouac, (Naxoat.) Villebon assigned to them the duty of 
heading the Indians and opposing the landing of the English, 
and enjoined them to send some one to him every day for 
orders. Things being thus arranged, every one went to his 
post ; and as the barking of the dogs gave notice of the ene- 
my's drawing near, every one passed that night under arms. 
On the 1 8th October, between eight and nine o'clock in the 
morning, while the commandant was attending mass, he was 
informed that a sloop (chaloupe) had made her appearance, 
and that she was full of armed men. He immediately caused 
an alarm gun to be fired, and in an instant every one was at 
his post again. Two other sloops, armed like the first, followed 
shortly. They were suffered to approach within half the dis- 
tance of a cannon shot, when they were fired on, and obliged 
to take shelter behind a point of land, where they put their 
men on shore. It was not possible to prevent this landing,- 
though it took place almost within the range of musket shot, 
because the river was between the opposite parties. The 
English were heard directly cheering, and the French cheered 
in return. The English marched at once to a spot opposite to 
the fort, where the width of the river* did not exceed a pistol 
shot At this place they encamped, and began without delay 
to work upon a demi-bastion (e"paulement) to protect them- 
selves from the fire of the fort. They then erected a battery 
of two field guns, which were ready to fire at the end of three 
hours. Then they hoisted the Royal standard, (le pavilion 
royal d'Angleterre), and in the evening they mounted a third 
gun, of a larger size than the two others, and nearer to the 
fort, but not being sheltered it was not muc h used. The two 

* Naxoat is placed on the eastern side of the river St. John, in the map given 
in the E. & F. Commissaries' book, and so is Jemsek. 

230 History of Nova-Scotia. 1696. 

first guns were well served, but those of the fort better still. 
The firing of musketry was heavy on both sides, and the 
Indians of the two parties, being a little in advance on the 
river shores, contended with each other bravely. The coming 
on of night put an end to the engagement, and the Chevalier de 
Villebon, seeing the enemy preparing to light fires, as the 
weather was very cold, caused several alarms to be given in 
order to check them. Finding this did not answer, he had a 
gun loaded with grape shot, on the first discharge of which 
the English put out all their fires. Thus they passed a rough 
night, and at the break of day on the I9th the musketry of the 
fort began to fire on them. This fire was not returned until 
8 or 9, A. M., and then only from the two field guns. La Cote, 
who had distinguished himself greatly in the evening before 
by firing rapidly and accurately, soon dismounted one of the 
field guns, and kept up such a severe fire upon the other that 
it was also abandoned in a little while. At noon the sieur 
de Falaise arrived from Quebec, using extreme diligence 
to take part in the defence of Nachouac, having on his way 
heard of the siege. A post of duty was accordingly assigned 
him. During the rest of the day the firing from the fort was 
well kept up. In the evening, the English lighted fires over 
a considerable extent of ground, and it was not doubted that 
they would decamp, and at a later hour they could be seen 
reembarking. Villebon proposed to the Indians who were 
under the command of Clignancourt and Baptiste that they 
should cross the river below the fort, and fall upon the retreat- 
ing forces, but for some reason, not stated, they declined this 
service. On the morning of the 2Oth October the camp of 
the besiegers was found empty. Neuvillette was then detach- 
ed to follow them ; but after he had gone three leagues, he 
found them embarked in four vessels of about 60 tons, and 
going down the river with a favorable wind. He fired at them, 
to lead them to suppose that they were followed by the 
Indians, after doing which he returned to the fort. 

The French loss at this siege is stated to have been one 
soldier killed, a second having his legs carried off by one of 
the French cannon, and a third injured by his fusil bursting 

1696. History of Nova-Scotia. 231 

in his hands. (In this account of the siege taken from 3 Char- 
levoix, 268, 272, the English loss is not stated ; but Villebon, 
ms. journal, May, 1697, says he was informed there were 20 or 
25 killed and wounded ; and in a letter dated i October, 1697, 
he says he has ascertained that the English loss in the attack 
on Nachouac, was 5 officers wounded, 8 soldiers killed and 
1 2 wounded ; and in their voyage back, 80 men of the crews 
died of sickness.) Hutchinson, Mass., v. 2, pp. 98, 99, gives a 
brief account of this siege. He says four of the small vessels 
went up the river and landed their men near the fort Octo- 
ber 7, (17, n. s. ;) he also says, " Nor is any sufficient reason " 
" given for relinquishing the design so suddenly. It is pro- " 
" bable that the forces were not provided with tents nor " 
" clothing sufficient to defend them from cold, which they " 
" had reason to expect to increase every day, and it is certain " 
" that old colonel Church was offended at being superseded " 
" in command." After the departure of the English, Villebon 
took the greatest pains to secure himself against further 
attack. He wrote* to M. Thury, and to a Jesuit missionary 
of Pentagoet and Kenebeki, informing them of the events of 
the siege, requesting them to animate the Indians, and to 
induce them to act against the English in the spring. In 
November, Bourgeoisf and Arsenault, inhabitants of Beau- 
bassin, left the fort of Nachouac to go home, and Villebon in- 
structed Bourgeois to notify the Indians of cape Breton to 
come to Nachouac in the ensuing spring. He also wrote, by 
M. Baptiste, who was going across the bay of Fundy, to the 
French at Mines and Port Royal, to send a supply of provi- 
sions. At the same time he sent over three invalid soldiers, 
to be fed at Mines, in order to spare his provisions. On the 
23d November, Bellefontaine returned from Quebec, whither 
he had taken dispatches from the French court 

On the ist December, at midnight, Villebon's house caught 
fire, but no great damage occurred. On the 4 December they 
began to cut pickets, to form a new enclosure for the fort, so 
as to place it in safety from 12 pounders. On the 10 Decem- 

* Villebon's ms. journal. 

t He is called Germain Bourgeois in another place. 

232 History of Nova-Scotia. 1696 

her, Villebon sent off two Indians to Quebec, with a report of 
the occurrences at the fort, and the capture of Villieu and his 
detachment, and requesting that their number should be re- 
placed in the spring, as well as three officers required, expect- 
ing a new attack. On the 28th, a vessel with provisions arri- 
ved from Port Royal, with information that M. Baptiste had 
raised men to go on a cruise. There were two pirogues the 
English left on the coast, which he intended to employ. This 
whole month was devoted at Nachouac to cutting and bring- 
ing in pickets, in which, for some cause, they could not use 
the oxen they had, and hand-labor came hard on the soldiers. 

1 69 7. History of Nova-Scotia. 233 


1697. Villebon, the governor of Acadie, having succeeded 
in the defence of the fort of Nachouac, continued during 
the ensuing year, 1697, to strengthen his position, with great 
care and assiduity. In January the work of cutting and 
drawing pickets (pietix) went on incessantly until the 22nd. 
On the 23d, the first of them was put in the ground with in- 
credible trouble, on account of the severe cold of the season 
and the earth being hard frozen. This work was carried on 
to the end of the month, on every fine day. On the 2d Feb- 
ruary, four flibustiers, (privateersmen), who were some of those 
Baptiste had raised in Mines, arrived at fort Nachouac. Bap- 
tiste could not come up the river himself, owing to the fatigues 
he had undergone. He had been 58 days in coming from 
Mines to the mouth of the St. John, which is only 25 leagues 
distant. Villebon says " He required a commission from me " 
" to go on a cruise with the two pirogues (a kind of canoes), " 
" left by the English, and twenty-one men of his crew. They " 
" took four men whom I sent him, with an order to give no " 
" quarter, except to women and children, and to burn every- " 
" where he went. The rest of this month I made them put " 
" down pickets. On the 24th, the two Indians I had sent to " 
" Quebec on the ice arrived with despatches from monsieur " 
" le comte de Frontenac who expressed his satisfaction at the " 
" manner in which we had repelled the English, and that he " 
" would not fail, on the melting of the ice, to send twenty " 
" good soldiers, to replace those who had been taken with M. " 
" de Villieu, and two officers from Canada," Villebon's official 

234 History of Nova-Scotia. 

journal, which is our authority at this period, is dated " Au 
fort de Natchouat, le 2 .October, 1697," and is among the Paris 
mss. The diligence and capacity of this officer are very appa- 
rent. He says : " The two Indians had left, fifteen leagues " 
" from here, two Frenchmen," (of the three I had sent in the 
autumn to carry the news of the retreat of the English), 
" scarcely able to walk from hunger. I sent a man to carry " 
" them provisions, and they arrived here on the 26th, in the " 
" evening." In March, he went on with picketing his fort. 
He had generally 15 or 16 sick out of his small garrison, 
through this winter. Baptiste had captured 6 fishing shal- 
lops (English) within three leagues from Casco bay. Famine 
prevailing in New England, he found no provisions, except 
fish on board them. The Bostonians threatened to capture 
and remove all the French from Acadie in retaliation for the 
French proceedings in Newfoundland in the previous autumn. 
New York, fearing an attack from Canada, had refused aid to 
Boston in the famine. Forty vessels from Virginia and Caro- 
lina, with provisions, were expected at Boston. Villebon 
wrote to the commandant at Boston, (April 21), demanding 
the release of Villieu and his soldiers, as captured in breach of 
good faith. April 29. He had finished the exterior defences 
of his fort of Nachouac. May 26, the sieurs de Becancourt, 
de Portneuf, and Robineau, three brothers of the chevalier 
Villebon, with a sergeant and 12 men, arrived (apparently from 
Canada) as a reinforcement to the garrison of Nachouac, and 
met their brother the governor on the 29th, when he returned 
from the mouth of the river, whither he had gone on the 24th. 
On the 2 1 June, M. de St. Cosme, cure 1 of Mines, had brought 
fifty Indians of his mission to St. John, and went to the fort at 
Nachouac, where he received instructions from Villebon for 
taking them on to Pentagoet, dated 25 June, 1697. These 
instructions relate to the rations of the men, &c. July 10. Two 
canoes full of Micmacs arrived, and Villebon gave them pow- 
der, lead and rations, to go on to Pentagoet. July 1 7. Twenty- 
one Micmacs came, and were entertained and supplied like 
the others. July 26. He sent off seventy-two Indians of St. 
John's river, with the Recollet father, their missionary, to join 

1 69 7. History of Nova-Scotia. 235 

the others at Pentagoet, and ordered them to capture the 
people at Passamaquoddy, and other places in their way. He 
says, " These savages departed in a good disposition, and " 
" with the intention of giving no quarter in the enemy's " 
" places where they should pass ; and I gave them 100 Ibs. " 
" powder and 500 Ibs. lead, for hunting on the sea shore in " 
"going to Pentagoet. August nth. I sent the sieurs Port-" 
" neuf and Clignancourt to Pentagoet, and wrote to sieur " 
" St. Cosme, and father Simon the Recollet, who had gone to " 
" conduct the bay of Fundi Indians to the number of two '' 
" hundred, or thereabouts. I sent them the news I had from " 
" France, in order to tell the Indians and to exhort them not " 
" to grow tired, (ennuyer.) I sent them some tobacco, to " 
" make a feast and divert them a little. August 24. M. de " 
" Thury confirms to me the report I already had received of " 
" four small parties of our Indians having killed fifteen or " 
" sixteen English, and burnt one of them alive, on account of" 
" one of their chiefs being slain." (It seems that the Indians 
were to have met a French man-of-war at Pentagoet, and in 
this were disappointed ; so, whatever was intended, the enter- 
prize failed.) On the 9th September, two Micmacs came to 
the fort, and reported that seventy of their people had gone 
home from Pentagoet for lack of provisions, and the Recollet 
missionary had also returned home. 21 September. " Three " 
" Micmac savages arrived from Pentagoet, who had been of" 
" the last party, (where they had burned an Englishman), " 
" who brought me a scalp, and a letter from M. Thury, dated " 
" the 14 September, stating that seventy canoes had left, " 
" including Micmacs, Malecites and Pentagouet Indians, and " 
" meeting at Kennebec, they counted three hundred men, " 
" who intended to make at the English villages, and on their " 
" return would bring me some prisoners." Sept. 25. Becan- 
court, lieutenant des troupes de la Marine, left his brother's 
fort of Nachouac for Quebec. 

Letter of M. des Chambault, priest, dated at Panawanskek, 
the 24th September, 1697 : 

Sir. Having accompanied, as I have done, the party which 
has been made up from here, agreeably to your expressed 

236 History of Nova-Scotia. 

wishes, I have thought it was my duty to render you an ac- 
count myself of the success that it has had, which I shall 
always do with brevity, the reverend father Simon going him- 
self to carry you the news of it at greater length. We left this 
the 13 September, to the number of one hundred and twenty 
men, without counting myself as one. The design of our 
Indians was to go firstly to join those of Kanibekki, in order 
to form, all together, a large party, which might strike a con- 
siderable blow at the enemy. But arriving at Pemkuit, we 
perceived at a distance five English vessels that were coming 
under sail. It was already sunset, and we did not believe 
that they could then discover us, being at first hidden behind 
a large island, outside of which " (au large de la quelle)" they 
were passing. We sent during the night a canoe on the look 
out, which returned shortly and reported to us that the ships 
were anchored quite close to where we were, and were already 
landing their people. This made us think, that having dis- 
covered us, they had the intention of coming to attack us 
early in the morning. Our people on their side being prepa- 
red, went on first and attacked them, and at the commence- 
ment put their vanguard to flight ; but coming up to the main 
body of the enemy, were soon obliged to fly in their turn, and 
entrench themselves on high ground, where they held firm, 
until, being nearly surrounded, they withdrew further, and 
they fought thus at other advantageous positions, until, being 
forced by the enemy to retreat as far as the spot where they 
had left their canoes, they were all obliged to embark, though 
in full numbers, and without being compelled to abandon any 
of our baggage. In this engagement, which lasted at least 
three hours, we lost a young man, namely, the son of Renauld 
and we had six wounded. The true number of the enemy 
killed cannot be stated ; but from all the marks we noticed of 
it, and by those that were seen dead, we think the number 
amounts at least to forty-five or fifty men, English and Indians, 
among whom were three or four of mark. We reckon the 
whole number of the enemy, as well on shore as in the vessels, 
at four hundred. They had brought on shore two horses, on 
which were mounted two persons of consideration. Those 

1697- History of Nova-Scotia. 237 

who were fighting had a trumpet, which was played during 
the combat. When we had re-embarked, the ships came down 
on us under sail, and fired from their cannon at us ; but they 
presently gave up the pursuit, and stopped opposite the place 
where the battle occurred. We are much embarrassed to 
imagine what object the enemy had in this expedition, for the 
canoe which we left there to watch their proceedings has re- 
ported to us, that after having taken on board again all their 
people, which they did the same day, they almost immediately 
set sail to return home. 

M. de Villebon, writing to the minister, 9 October, 1697, 
says that d'Iberville neglected to come from Placentia 
to the river St. John, as he should have done, preferring 
a fishing business there, in which he employed the English 
prisoners. He says he lost his best soldiers and his best 
canoe men when Villieu was taken. That he has sent M. de 
Falaise to command at Port Royal, where an officer was much 
required. He is of opinion that it would not be judicious to 
attempt to rebuild the fort at the mouth of the St. John river, 
unless he had more men and the support of ships of war. The 
garrison was insufficient. In this year, peace was established 
between France and England, by the treaty of Ryswick, rati- 
fied by king William 3, on 25 September, 1697. Acadie was 
again admitted to be French territory, and the boundaries were 
to be settled by commissioners. 


In this year 1697, a French fleet under the marquis of Nesmond was sent out 
to attack the English in Newfoundland and in New England, but they arrived late 
in the season from Brest at Placentia, on the ayth July, and abandoned the design. 
Charlevoix, 2 Hutch. Mass. 102-104. 


Governor Bradstreet of Massachusetts died at Salem 27 March, 1697, aged 94 
or 95. He was 76 when first made governor. [2 Hutch, m. 105.] 

238 History of Nova-Scotia. 


A squadron of men-of-war under admiral Neville, with 1500 land forces under 
command of Sir John Gibson, were sent to Newfoundland in 1697, and the French 
withdrew from the places on he south coast they had captured. Gibson in 1698, 
built a fort at St. John harbor, calling it Fort William, and left colonel Handaside 
there as commandant with one hundred men. Handaside was soon made governor 
of Jamaica, and captain Wm. Lilburn succeeded him. In 1701 he resigned. 
Captain Humphrey Haven, captain John Powell, and colonel Michael Richards 
successively commanded there till 1703, when capt. Thomas Lloyd was appointed. 
He was succeeded in 1 704, by captain John Moody, who was succeeded by colonel 
Phillips about 1717. [History of the British Empire in America^ pp. 143-144.] In 
1719, colonel Gledhill was made lieut. -governor of Placentia in place of Moody, 
who had been appointed when Costabelle surrendered the place. 


Grant 23rd April 1697, from Frontenac and Champigny to the sieur Genaple de 
Villeneuve, of the space of land containing a league and a half front by two in 
depth, to bound from the seigneurie of Naxcouak, to the river of Skoutecpkek, 
with the islands, islets and flats within that extent. 


Treaty of Ryswick, September 20, 1697. Article 7. Restituet dominus rex 
christianissimus domino regi Magnae Britanniae, omnes regiones, insulas, arces et 
colonias ubivis locorum sitas, quas possidebant Angli ante hujus praesentis belli 
declarationem : et vice versa dominus rex Magnae Britanniae restituet domino regi 
Christianissimo omnes regiones, insulas, arces, et colonias ubivis locorum sitas 
quas possidebant Galli ante dictam ejusdem belli declarationem. 

The lord the most Christian king shall restore to the lord the king of Great 
Britain all the regions, islands, citadels and colonies, wheresoever situated, which 
the English held possession of before the present war was declared, and vice versA 
the lord king of Great Britain shall restore to the lord the most Christian king all 
the regions, islands, citadels and colonies, wheresoever situated, which the French 
possessed before the present war was declared. N. B. The territory between 
the Kennebec, and the St. Croix river, was now claimed by France, as part of New 
France, and by Massachusetts, as included in her charter. This treaty was pro* 
claimed in Boston Mass. 10 December, 1697. 

1698. History of Nova-Scotia. 239 


1698. In February, 1698, Andover, about 25 miles from 
Boston, was surprized by the Indian enemy. Seven inhabi- 
tants were killed others captured, and many houses burned. 
Among the slain was captain Chubb, who had been comman- 
der of the fort of Pemaquid. [i Hutch., Mass., 106.] 20 July. 
M. de Bonaventure arrived with despatches to governor Ville- 
bon, and the treaty of peace. In the summer of 1698, a 
French frigate, on her passage from France to Port Royal, 
meeting with an English colonial fishing vessel near cape 
Sable, gave the master a translation of an order of the French 
king, directing the seizure of all English vessels found fishing 
on the coasts of Acadie, and the fisherman was told to notify 
others. M. de Bonaventure, in the Envieux, also boarded 
several other fishing vessels, and ordered them away. Sep- 
tember 5, 1698, Villebon wrote, by order of the king of 
France, to lieutenant governor Stoughton, of Massachusetts, 
asserting the right of the French to all the country to the 
Kennebec, which they claimed as their boundary, the river to 
be free to both nations, and threatening to sei2e all eflects of 
the English trading or fishing east of that limit. The French 
this year built a chapel at Narantsouac, on the river Kenne- 
bec, (called Norridgewock by the English.) Here the celebra- 
ted father" Ralle was stationed as missionary to the Canibats 
and other neighboring Indians. [2 Hutch., Mass., in.] The 
English at this time designed to rebuild the fort of Pemaquid, 
and to settle on both banks of the Kennebec ; and Villebon, 

240 History of Nova-Scotia. 1699. 

not able to oppose them by open force, sought to prevent it by 
the agency of the Indians. 

At Port Royal, M. de Belleisle, (le Borgne), claiming 
to be seigneur of the country from Mines (now Horton) 
to isle Verte, (near St. Mary's bay, on the eastern coast), 
collected a duty of 50 tens from each English vessel that 
resorted for trade to Acadie ; and Mandoux, the priest at 
Port Royal, and other missionaries, encouraged a trade with 
the English. The inhabitants at Port Royal wrote letters to 
the governors of New England, and to lord Bellamont, reques- 
ting the benefits of free trade. Mr. John Nelson arrived 24th 
Sept. at Nachouac. Alden, an Englishman, was five weeks 
trading with the Indians at Pentagoet, and they sold him all 
their furs. Villebon thought the presents to the Indians in 
time of peace, to be unnecessary. At this time the fort at the 
mouth of the St. John was rebuilding. Fishermen sent out 
by the company were placed at Chibouctou, (now Halifax har- 
bor.) Villebon recommended their being employed in the 
seal fishery in the winter. The French soldiers under Ville- 
bon at this period were only 70 in number. A pirate appeared 
off St. John, and the fort then rebuilding was placed in a pos- 
ture of defence. The population of Port Royal and Beaubas- 
ain was 753. \Rameau, p. 129.] In the autumn of 1698, fam- 
ine existed in Acadie. One-third of the people had to live on 
shell fish ; and Villebon, receiving no supplies of provisions, 
had to get Indian corn and meal from Boston. 

1699. Villebon, writing from fort St. John, in Acadie, 27th 
June, 1699, says he had written to lord Bellamont about the 
boundaries and the trading of the English on the coast, and 
to demand that some French fishermen who had run away 
with a vessel and goods to Boston should be sent back. Lord 
Bellamont replied that the two kings having appointed com- 
missioners to settle the boundaries, they must await their de- 
cision. He demanded the liberation of one David Basset, an 
English subject, kept prisoner in Acadie. Villebon says that 
the English continue to fish on the coast, but do not dry their 
fish on the shores, and their passports from the governor at 
Boston enjoin them not to trade. He visited the harbors on 

1699* History of Nova-Scotia. 241 

the eastern coast he found several English fishermen. He 
spoke three of these vessels, and told them to withdraw, and 
if he found them there on his return he would take them. 
Having been at Chibouctou, where the company had estab- 
lished fishermen, he ascertained that great part of them had 
withdrawn to Boston, because they were of the (Protestant) 
religion, and recommends that such be as little employed as 
possible. He says, that during all this year there has not 
appeared any pirate on the shores of Acadie, .but that New 
England has suffered by a pirate of 42 guns and 250 men, 
which has withdrawn to the east of Newfoundland, where it 
ruined and burned the village of Fromouse, and four fishing 
vessels, and carried off a frigate of 24 guns. He says, in 
reference to the commerce and fishery of Acadie, that if rightly 
managed, this province is a Peru. He sends Basset to France 
in Courbon's ship. He says he is a dangerous man. In 1689 
the sieur Para, governor of Placentia, sent him prisoner (as a 
sectary) religionnaire, to Bayonne. That on arrival he was 
ordered to be tried. That the sieur de la Boulaye, being com- 
missaire, (judge.) Basset having friends, got a pardon, on 
condition of making abjurations, and settled with all his family 
at Port Royal ; one Jouglas, a merchant of Bayonne, becoming 
his security in 1000 livres. Basset was afterwards at Rochelle, 
and took a cargo for government to Placentia and Port Royal. 
At Port Royal he obtained from governor Menneval permis- 
sion to go to Boston, to bring his family thence ; but when 
there, he staid. That in 1690 he went with the Boston squad- 
ron which captured Port Royal, and was guilty of great dis- 
order there and insolence in the church, and robbed the shores 
in a vessel he commanded. Thence he went to Laheve, where 
he robbed and cruelly treated a family still living there. He 
took Chedabouctou, entirely ruined that post, and used every- 
where more cruelty than the English themselves. In 1691 he 
was in the river of Canada, where he took a vessel belonging 
to the sieur de la Chesnay robbed and burned three or four 
dwelling houses in the bay des Chaleurs, and afterwards he 
went along with \hQJlibustiers, until 1697, when, coming to 
cape Sable to trade there, he was taken by captain Baptiste, 

242 History of Nova-Scotia. 1699. 

and brought to the fort of Naxoat, (Nachouac.) Villebon, 
having been ordered to collect experienced pilots, thought he 
ought to treat Basset gently. Basset promised to do his best, 
saying that the English had forced him to undertake with 
them the ruin of the coasts of Acadie ; and in 1698, Villebon 
permitted him to go to Boston, on condition of coming back 
with his family and effects. He was notified by Mr. Nelson 
on the 22 September, 1698, that Basset had deceived him, and 
that he would not return ; but on the 8 December last, Basset 
having arrived from Boston with merchandize, he has been 
arrested. Villebon says also that he had been at Chibouctou, 
to see the state of the company's affairs after the desertion of 
Paquinet and Daubre", who left but eight men and a surgeon, 
who has since been drowned. That M. de la Ronde had pre- 
viously made an inventory of the effects left by the deserters. 
That the eight men who remained there, of whom three were 
Irishmen, had taken but 25 quintals of dry fish, alleging there 
was none at Chibouctou, and expressing a wish to go to Pla- 
centia to fish, which he did not approve. 


The river St. George, about half way between Pentagoet and the Kennebec 
began to be spoken of as the boundary about this time. Charlevoix, 348, 349. 


Villebon, Bonaventure and L'hermite had agreed (1698), upon apian of the fort 
at the mouth of the river St. John. 3000 livres had been granted. He, Villebon, was 
paying workmen 30 sous a day, labourers 20 sous, and the soldiers who work at it 
4 sous a day over their pay, and a weekly allowance of i qr, Ib. tobacco. The 
fort can only hold 200 men, but 100 are sufficient for its defence. There are 24 
pounders on the bastions, and 36 pounders could be placed there, three on each 
bastion. Villebon sends home a mast as a specimen, 82 feet long, 31 inches dia- 
ameter at one end and 21 at the other. 


4 Oct. 1698, Villebon says the English were trading in the spring in all the set- 
tlements. They take the beaver at 3 livres and 3!. IDS. for the pound English of 

History of Nova-Scotia. 243 

14 ounces, and 55 sous a pound for winter beaver. Alden traded at Pentagoet, 
bought furs and sold goods to a son-in-law of St. Castin, and three other French- 
men. He has prayed M. Deschambault missionary at Pentagoet to drive away 
the English. LeBorgne and his brother-in-law de Pleine, play seigneurs at Port 
Royal, and grant licenses to the English at 50 livres the vessel. (Abraham Muis, 
called Pleinmarais, or Plemarch, who was living at cape Sable in 1686, (see census 
of that year,) as well as le Borgne had married daughters of Charles de la Tour.) 
The Bostonians wish to trade in coal, but it would be of little consequence, as 
Boston would not consume over four cargoes, beyond what they got from England 
in ballast. 


The Envieux arrived at Rochelle gth December, 1698, with dispatches. M. 
de Thury, priest, missionary in Acadie, proposes to be placed at the fork of two 
small rivers called the Aquixadi and the Pegitegiak (Called by the Indians, Pegdi- 
ody, five or six leagues from the basin of Mines, and asks government aid. (This 
may have been near the Windsor river, now called the Avon, formerly Pisiquid.) 
The river Aquixadi is said to go down to Chibouctou. For this settlement he asks 
a grant of land ' between the bottom of the bay of Mines, and the river Aquixadi," 
" which descends to Chibouctou, by two leagues wide or deep on each side of " 
" said river." (Perhaps the St. Croix is the Aquixadi.) Villebon reports again 
favorably of the progress of his fort at St. John ; but he has only 70 men. Ten 
or twenty are busied with the clay and mortar. The fort is fraised, (picketed) and 
when the bastions and curtains are retaillles (smoothed over) outside, and the 
palissades placed which will be done in the spring, it will do honor to whoever 
will defend it. He has left Nachouac just as it was, leaving only two men to take 
care that nothing is spoiled by the savages. If a large fort is wished for, he 
recommends Pentagoet, on the river St. George, as the best place, and where 
Indian support can be at hand. The old fort at Pentagoet may be restored as 
easily as that at St. John. Baptiste has come back from Boston, where he was a 
prisoner. Villebon suggests he should be made captain of a small coast guard' 
vessel. He would be a good land officer, and VillebOn has made him captain of 
the Militia at Port Royal. He says Mandoux, curd at Port Royal, is refractory,, 
and that he and Mathieu Guyon urge on trade with the English and get presents 
from them. Represents the want of priests. Father Simon is sick at Jemsec. 
There is one at Chibouctou, and M. Thury towards Mouscoudabouet. These are 
all. The fort and the three chief settlements are without priests. St. Cosme ap- 
pearing to be Villebon's friend was removed. Le sieur decostre, says : Neuvillette 
having found an English ketch at Port Royal, with one Benson, the owner, arrested 
vessel and owner without resistance, took the sails and put them on board la Gal- 
liarde, which he commanded, allowed Benson to sleep aboard his vessel, and the 
next day, while Neuvillete and Benson were drinking together at Labat's lodgings, 
the English ketch sailed off, and in the evening Benson escaped. Mentions a 
report that Mandoux and some of his parishioners had gone to Quebec to complain 
of Villebon. That an English ketch had been at one Petipas? at Mouscadabouet,. 
and that the English were trading at cape Zambre. Decoste says that Bonaven- 
ture ordered away an English ketch that was fishing at Chibouctou. Falaise and. 
DesGoutin send many complaints against Villebon. 

244 History of Nova-Scotia. 


The count de Frontenac died 28 Nov. 1698. The Indian Sachem Madocka wan- 
do died in 1698, the father-in-law of baron de St. Castin. [3 Maine Hist, Society's 
Collections pp. 124-139.] 


M. Tiberge writing from St. John, 21 June 1699, charges Bonaventure and the. 
officers of his ship with trading, selling linens, cottons, needles, pins, ribbons, 
&c., at all the settlements he touched at, and buying furs in exchange. The 

officers of the garrison do the same. That beaver was sent from Villebon's 

chamber by night to Boston to be sold there. Pierre leBlanc, Guillaume Blanchard 
and Louis Alain at Port Royal did the same, sending beaver to Boston to sell. M. 
de Chaffour is interested in the same trade. He recommends the company to 
lower their profit on sales to 50 per cent., and on fishery supplies to 40 per cent., as 
a way of humoring the people. He also charges Castin with trading with the 

Desgoutins, 23rd June, 1699, says Villebon " keeps the water within the " 
" fort for the exclusive use of his kitchen and his mare, others being obliged to " 
" use snow water, often very dirty." 

M. Tiberge writes, Mandoux had been to Canada to complain of Villebon. 
Villebon brought Allain, an inhabitant, prisoner from Port Royal, for disrespect 
to himself, mentions other complaints against Villebon. 

Villebon writes from fort St. John, 27 October, 1699 : " Beaubassin is in " 
" need of a priest. There has been no fort chaplain these three years. Thinks " 
" an Irish priest would do well, as the Irish catholics at Boston might be induced " 
" thereby to remove here." Refers to Indian presents, 450 livres, recommends " 
" their discontinuance. L'Avenant, M. de Cabaret Lamotte, commander, came " 
" too late for a census, he will send one next year." The fishermen from Chi- 
bouctou are now fishing at port Razoir, (Shelburne.) M. Thury the priest is 
dead, which stops his project for an Indian settlement. Mandoux takes his 
mission, but does not know the Indian language. Besides they cannot be induced 
to give up their lands and settle in one spot. The work they would do on the 
land would not support them, it would be so little. It is their maxim to feast 
when they have food, and when without they suffer much. Being short of bread 
he could not make much progress with the fort. M. Pontchartrain has informed 
him, this fort is not to be kept up after Port Royal is fortified ; so it is of no use 
to go on with the demi-lune, &c. Of 3000 livres sent this year for fortifications, 
M. Fontenu has taken 750 for Placentia, leaving 22507. applicable to Port Royal, 
as they have enough for what is wanted to be done at St. John, now a temporary 
work. He sent four men to Mines to a cliff for copper. They were ten or twelve 
days there. It cost 47 livres. Produced but little of it. Sends home specimens 
for examination. In the end of August, a pirate appeared on our coasts, and near 
cape Sable. She captured a vessel going from New York to London. The 
pirate was pierced for 46 guns, and had but 26 mounted. They killed cattle at 
port Razoir, but paid for them. He mentions a M. Diereville, who brought out 
letters of recommendation and promises to show him attention. Diereville ap- 
pears to have been a botanist, for Villebon adds, " there are in this country " 

History of Nova-Scotia. 245 

" very curious plants which the Indians make good use of in their ailments." 
(Diereville published a book giving an account of his visit to Port Royal, &c.) 
Villebon describes the farming, &c., at Port Royal. They feed themselves and have 
surplus to sell. Hemp and flax prosper. Some use no other cloth but homespun. 
The wool is good and most of the inhabitants are dressed in their own woollen 
homespun. Fruits, pulse, and garden stuff are excellent. Provisions are cheap. 
Wheat 40 sous a bushel. The bushel weighs 41 1-2 Ibs. Beef is 2 sous a pound, 
cattle 40 to 30 livres each. Sheep, some weighing 100 Ib. for 7 livres, to 7 livres 
10 sous, and mutton 3 sous a pound. Lard 2 or three sous. A pair of chickens 
to sous, &c. Eggs 5 sous a dozen. Hares and partridges 4 or 5 sous a piece. 
Game plenty. " The founders of Port Royal knew the country well before they 
" selected it as their fortress. They had forts at Port Latour, at Laheve, Mus- 
" coudabouet, where there is one now, (1699.) River St. Mary, yet fortified, and 
" establishments in cape Breton. These all belonged to individuals, and when a 
" good understanding existed among them, which was but rarely, they used to 
" come to Port Royal to seek refreshments, as did those of Pentagouet on the 
" west shore, which was also fortified, also the river St. John. But it is to be re- 
" marked, that except Port Royal and Laheve, where they cultivated land and 
" carried on fishery, the other posts were only kept up for trading with the savages. 
" Port Royal is then the general store of the country, and fortifying it protects 
" Mines also, where corn is now raised, and cattle." States it as necessary 
against the English and pirates. He gives the details and proposed site of the 
fort and means of building. It should be for a garrison of 30x3 or 400 men. 

246 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 700 


1700. M. de Fontenu had been sent out by the king of 
France to examine into the circumstances of Acadie, and 
after an exact inspection of the country, he advised the gov- 
ernment to abandon the fort of Nachouac. His reasons were 
that the frequent inundations of the river St. John, and the 
difficulties of navigation at its mouth, with the contracted 
space of its harbor, made any fixed establishments there open 
to objection. It was, in consequence, resolved to transfer the 
head quarters of the government and the garrison to Port 
Royal ; but no pains were taken to make a strong post in 
case of war, nor were the advantages of Laheve or Canceaux 
attended to ; places esteemed by many of greater commercial 
and military importance. [3 Charlevoix, 375, 876.] It is said 
in Charlevoix that three vessels could not anchor in St. John 
harbor without inconvenience to each other, but this seems 

Captain John Alden, of Boston, addressed a memorial 
to his excellency the earl of Bellamont, dated Boston, 
April 9, 1700. He states, that for 30 years and upwards 
he has frequently made voyages and traded between Boston 
and Acadie, or Nova Scotia. That it was understood and acted 
on, by both French and English, that the river St. Croix, (and 
Passamaquoddy bay, into which that river falls), was the boun- 
dary between the two nations. The English fish in that bay, 
and make fish on its shore, in the time of peace, without hin- 
drance from the French. 

1700. History of Nova-Scotia. 247 

On the 5th of July, M. de Villebon, the governor of 
Acadie, died there. He was one of the sons of Charles 
le Moyne, seigneur of Longueil, near Montreal, of Norman 
extraction, who is called by Charlevoix the baron de Bekan- 
court M. de Brouillan, governor of Placentia, was appoin- 
ted to succeed M. de Villabon. In the summer of 1700, 
M. de Villieu and M. de Fontenu, (commissaire de la marine), 
visited Port Royal, and, having assembled the inhabitants, 
gave them orders to get ready a quantity of palissades for the 
fortifications of the place. The command of the country 
appears to have devolved on M. de Villieu, from the death of 
Villebon until the arrival of Brouillan, in June, 1701. In the 
autumn of 1700, M. Bonaventure made a voyage along the 
coast, exploring for copper and iron mines, with little success. 
Two-thirds of the isle of St. Paul was granted to the sieur 
Lebert by Duchesneau, intendant, in 1676, confirmed as a 
fief and seignory by royal brevet, 23 April, 1700. 

1701. The earl of Bellamont, governor of New York and 
New England, died in March, 1701, at New York. Lieutenant 
governor Stoughton, of Massachusetts, died in July, 1701, after 
which the council at Boston exercised the government of that 
province. They claimed that the English had a common right 
with the French to fish on the coast of Acadie. They also 
claimed title to the province of Sagadahock. In January, 
1701, Basset returned from Boston, and in March went back 
there. Villieu seized his effects at Mines. 25 June, Basset 
returned without his family, and Villieu on the 28th arrested 
him, and sent him to the river St. John. The next day, 2Qth 
June, Brouillan arrived and took charge. Brouillan, on reach- 
ing the coast, landed at Chibouctou, (Halifax harbor), on 
account of contrary winds. Of this place, he says, " This " 
" port is one of the finest that nature could form. It is true " 
" that to make it secure would cost rather dear, because its " 
" entrance is wide and very easy. I found there two or three " 
* hundred savages, who represented to me the grief they felt in " 
" having received the knowledge of the true religion, without " 
" having the means of cultivating it, bestowed on them. I " 
" gave them to understand that they should receive satisfac- " 

248 History of Nova-Scotia. 1701. 

"tion on this subject by-and-bye."* To save time, as the 
wind was still unfavorable for getting out, he took some 
Indians with him, and went overland to Port Royal, visiting 
Laheve and Mines in his route. He recommends the building 
a fort at Laheve, " already fortified by its happy situation." 
He thinks it should be immediately occupied, and become the 
principal place in the province. On his way thence to Mines 
he crossed many fine streams of water, and noticed many good 
places for settlement, and excellent wood for masts. At 
Mines he found the people very comfortable and independent, 
possessed of a great number of cattle, and able to export or 
spare 700 or 800 barriques (hogsheads) of wheat (b!6) yearly 
beyond their own consumption. He says " they lived like " 
" true republicans, not acknowledging royal or judicial autho- " 
" rity," and it required a subsequent visit from M. de Bona- 
venture to bring them to order. He induced them to obey 
some judgments of M. des Goutins, which they had previously 
disregarded. Brouillan says " I proposed to those demi- " 
" republicans to make a road for ten leagues across the woods " 
" to get to Port Royal. They have engaged to execute this " 
" project as soon as the harvest is over. They can subse- " 
" quently make a like one to Laheve. I arrived at this place " 
(Port Royal) " on the 2Oth of June, and I assembled all the " 
" inhabitants there two days after." In this meeting he urged 
on them the duty of supplying palissades for the fort, which 
they had neglected. He had been informed that the people 
had gone for orders to M. Mandoux, the cure" of Port Royal, 
and he attributes to this the disinclination they showed to 
his proposal. They expressed apprehension that the province 
would be put under the control of a company, and openly de- 
clared, that in such an event, they would do nothing for its 
defence, but would rather belong to the English. Brouillan, 
however, by mild remonstrances, brought them round, and 
they agreed to do what he requested. Immediately after this 
he went over to St. John, where he " found the fort in good " 
" condition, but of little use for the glory of the king and for " 

* The minister's marginal note directs a missionary to be sent to them. 

1701. History of Nova-Scotia. 249 

" the preservation of the country. Besides these two essen- " 
" tial things, this fort was extremely small, and commanded " 
" on one side by an island, at the distance of a pistol shot, " 
" and on the other by a height, which commanded it entirely, " 
" at the distance only of a hundred and odd fathoms," (toises), 
" with the disadvantage of having no water to drink, without " 
" going to seek it beyond the torrent of the river St. John." 
" All these reasons have determined me to abandon it. I " 
" have caused all the fortifications to be razed, and have de- " 
" molished the houses, of which the timber may be of use to " 
" us. I likewise had the planks " (madriers) " saved which " 
" were at the gun batteries. I should have had much diffi- " 
"culty in transporting all these materials in our barques, if" 
" M. de Moreille had not laden as much as he could on board " 
" the Gironde. The guns, arms and ammunition were also " 
" embarked in her, as well as the officers and men of the gar- " 
" rison." He expresses his gratitude to the captain of the 
Gironde. He then shews the superiority of the site of the fort 
at Port Royal. He says, " It is scarcely possible that the " 
" enemy could make a descent, except at the foot of the " 
glacis, under the fire of cannon, or in places where one " 
" could dispute the ground with them, foot by foot, even " 
" wilh the small force kept here, all the environs of the fort " 
" being marshy, and cut by good trenches of earth and " 
" ditches impracticable enough. I might have made a more " 
" regular fortification, had I not thought it more advanta- " 
" geous to avail myself of the ground as it is, which, without " 
" adding much to nature, forms a fine glacis around two- " 
" thirds of the place, elevated thirty-five feet from the level " 
" of the rivers which wash its foot to the palissade of the " 
" covered way ; so that in raising, as I have done, the ground " 
" of the covered way four feet and a half, I find, by means of" 
" the declivity, a terrace of more than a fathom at the foot of" 
" the rampart, which will thus be raised more than eighteen " 
" feet, by casting there the earth taken out of the covered " 
" way." Adverting next to the great extent of territory in the 
province, and its distance from Quebec, he suggests that the 
governor should have the dignity of lieutenant general of the 

250 History of Nova-Scotia. 1701. 

king. He urges his services for 32 years his success in 
driving the enemy from Placentia, and his capture of the 
English forts in Newfoundland, his wounds, &c. ; says he has 
received no other recompense, and refers to his experience, 
vigilance and fidelity, all as reasons to obtain this distinction, 
and closes his letter thus : " I avow to you, my lord, that " 
" independently of the Gascon vanity, of which the people of " 
" my country make profession, mine is delicate enough to " 
" prefer honors to my individual interest, not asking of you " 
" on this subject anything but wherewith to live simply, " 
" which I shall do nevertheless very badly this year, although " 
" I have taken up considerable loans, and I have used all " 
" possible economy in the expenses I have been forced to " 
" incur up to this moment." 

Brouillan, in a memoire of 6 Oct., 1701, recommends the 
building the fort at Port Royal in masonry, and sends an esti- 
mate of 68,635 Hvres as the probable charge. Requests to 
have i master mason, 6 stone cutters, with their tools, 12 
rough walling masons, 2 house carpenters, i lime burner, 
2 brickmakers and tylers, 2 quarrymen, crowbars, hammers, 
&c. &c. He has built already a lime kiln and made a brick 
yard, the clay being excellent. He proposes to bring lime- 
stone from St. John ; recommends limestone to be sent from 
France as ballast. He requested augmentation of troops. 
(The minister ordered two companies, each 50 men, to be sent, 
in addition to the two companies there of 30 men each.) 
Brouillan recommends his nephew St. Ovide de Brouillan, 
captain at Placentia, to be major of Acadie ; also recommends 
for promotion Neuvillette, Tinville, Denis, (son of M. Bona- 
venture), des ChaufFours and de Plenne. Sr., Baptiste and his 
own nephew, the chevalier de Noe, Puissens, Dupouy and des 
Salles, for promotion. He suggests the erection of a little 
redoubt at the entrance of Port Royal basin, where a guard 
could be kept to give notice of an enemy's approach. Thinks 
it useless to fortify Goat Island, (isle aux chevres.) The inha- 
bitants clear small spots, but hold large grants. The militia 
in and near Port Royal form six companies, but badly armed 
and destitute of ammunition. They were 328 in all, including 

1701. History of Nova-Scotia. 251 

Port Royal, Mines and Beaubassin. Goods are sold at Port 
Royal much dearer than at Boston. The people at Placentia 
were allowed to trade with Boston, while those of Port Royal 
were not. The Port Royal people are more afraid of a com- 
pany than of the English. The cur6 Mandoux is a man of 
intellect, but desirous to rule in temporal as well as spiritual 
affairs. The cur6 of Mines has 8oq livres, salary. There is 
no priest at Piziguy (Windsor) nor at Beaubassin (Cumberland.) 
There being no fort chaplain, he has retained a Recollet from 
Placentia. Guay, who was fort chaplain, received 75 livres for 
a year's service. The missionary to the Malecites has remo- 
ved, with Brouillan's consent, from Medoctec to Pesmokady, 
(18 leagues from Port Royal.) He speaks in praise of M. 
Gaulin, missionary at Pentagoet. He doubts about M. Bigot, 
missionary at Kinebequy, as the Indians there have made 
peace with the English received presents from them, and 
buried the hatchet under a pile of masonry. He also says 
there is a missionary at Richibuctou. He sent to St. Castin, 
who came to Port Royal to explain his conduct in dealing 
with the English ; and that he hopes through him to fix the 
Indians in that direction in the French interest. He says the 
presents he has given the Indians are handsome, as those of 
1699 and 1700 have been added to the gifts of 1701. He has 
also sent them French flags for their forts, and a gun and a 
sabre for each man, which they accepted. He says the Eng- 
lish sell their goods below value to buy the friendship of the 
Indians. He urges the building a fort at Laheve. The 
pirates ruin the people on the coast. " I send an account of 
" the cannon I found at the foot of the river St. John, and at 
" Natchouak, where I have sent to look for eight left there 
" when it was abandoned." " Madame de Freneuse, requests " 
" him to state that the death of her husband, a nobleman " 
" (gentilhomme) of this country, was owing to ill health con- " 
" tracted in the king's service. He threw himself into the " 
" fort of Natchouak when it was attacked." In consequence 
of this, the English burned his house and ravaged all that be- 
longed to him. She had been left a widow with a large family, 
two of whom were now cadet-soldiers of the companies in this 

252 History of Nova-Scotia. 1701. 

garrison. She prays the king to please to grant her the small 
pension allowed in Canada to persons in her situation. It 
was a charity that would not extend further, there being 
no other widows in the country at present. Madame Louise 
Guyon had been the wife of Mathieu d' Amours de Freneuse. 
Brouillan objects to des Goutins, the judge, that being "rela- 
ted to more than half the people of the country," he is thereby 
disqualified to do justice. Basset's effects, (his vessel inclu- 
ded), were valued at 4177 livres, 15 sous. He sends him to 
France in the Gironde, and begs for the proceeds of his effects 
for his own use. La Verdure, first captain of the militia of 
Mines, an old inhabitant, honest, loyal and poor, is debtor to 
Basset 1400 livres ; recommends its being released in his 
favor. Bonaventure had visited most parts of the province for 
information. Two places were yet unvisited, where lead mines 
are said to be. He thinks the fur trade injurious to settle- 
ment. Plank, wood, coal and fish could be exported to the 
West Indies, and masts procured for the navy. Recommends 
the whole Eastern coast to be granted in seigneuries. Asks 
for Rossignol and Petite riviere for himself. Bonaventure 
wishes a grant from the S. E. point of the Belle anse, as far as 
the river Chichimiskady. Brouillan asks for his nephew St. 
Ovide, if he is sent out, a grant from the N. E. point of port 
Mouton to the river St. Catherine, inclusive. M. Bereau 
Monsegur came to Port Royal, as agent of merchants of St. 
Jean de Luts and Bayonne, offering to settle a company. 


Captain John Alden, of Boston, in a memorial to His Excellency, the earl of 
Bellamont, dated Boston, April 9, 1700. He traded between Boston and Nova 
Scotia for above 30 years. The river St. Croix and Passamaquody bay was the 
boundary between the French and English understood and acted on. 


M. Brouillan. In 1685, the French fortified Placentia in Newfoundland. In 
1690, it was taken by surprize by the English flibustiers. In 1692, Brouillan was 

History of Nova-Scotia. 253 

governor there. It was attacked in September by five English ships of war, who 
eventually abandoned the siege. LaHontan was commander of a detachment of 
the garrison. In 1696, the garrison of Placentia comprized only 18 soldiers, to 
whom 80 resident fishermen might be added on emergencies. Brouillan in the 
summer went with a flotilla, to attack the English settlements, doing them much 
mischief and capturing 30 merchant and fishing vessels, and on d'Iberville's coming 
to Placentia after the siege of Pemaquid, they with their joint forces besieged St. 
Johns, N. F., which place surrendered 3Oth Nov. 1696. Although the site was 
strong, the defenders were not soldiers, but poor fishermen only, who fought 
bravely and capitulated on favorable terms. The victors burned the buildings 
and abandoned their barren conquest. Bonavista and Carbonniere were the only 
places in the island that were not overrun by the French, but it was not long 
before the English recovered their positions. Brouillan and d'Iberville, quarrelled 
about the conduct of their expeditions. Charlevoix evidently favours d'Iberville 
and blames Brouillan. The latter had an angry temper and was incessantly in 
difficulties in consequence. [See 3 Charlevoix, 108, 171, 272, 288.] Brouillan was 
remarkably brave, diligent, and industrious. The defects of his temper and 
judgment kept him in difficulties with the officers who served with and under him. 
LaHontan, who had taken part in the defence of Placentia in 1692, was then 
casually on his way to France from Canada, and eventually sailed from Placentia 
on the 6th of October in that year, and arrived at St. Nazere in France on the 
23rd of the same month. The king appointed him to be lieutenant in Newfound- 
land, an office subordinate to the governor of Placentia. He arrived there in that 
capacity on the 20 June, 1693. [LaHontan v. I.,/. 194.*] "After I landed, I " 
" went to salute M. Brouillan, governor of Placentia, and declared to him how " 
" glad I was to obey the orders of so wise a commander. He answered that he " 
" was much surprized to find that I had solicited to be employed there, without " 
" acquainting him with it in the preceding year ; and that he now plainly per- " 
" ceived that the project about the lakes of Canada, (which I had mention'd to " 
" him), was a mere sham pretence. I endeavored in vain to convince him to " 
" the contrary ; for it was not possible for me to undeceive him. Nevertheless " 
" I landed my goods, and hir'd a private house till such time as I could build " 
" one for myself, which I carried on with so much diligence that it was " 
" finish'd in September, by the assistance of the ship carpenters, who were lent " 

" gratis by all the Biscay captains." " But now I return to the quarrel the " 

" governor had with me. Fancying that I had solicited my employment with- " 
" out taking notice of him, he treated me with all manner of reproaches and " 
" outrages, from the time of my landing to that of my departure, and was not " 
" satisfied with appropriating to himself the profits and advantages of the free " 
" company, that was given to me, but likewise stop'd, without any scruple, the pay " 
" of the soldiers that were employed in the cod fishing by the inhabitants, and " 
" made the rest work without wages. I shall take no notice of his extortion, " 
" for tho' he has formally counteracted the ten articles contained in the orders " 
" of Lewis the loth, yet he had so many friends in all the courts that he could " 
" not be found guilty. There's some pleasure in making presents in his way, " 
" for by them he has made 50,000 crowns per fas et nefas, in the space of three " 

* I have only had his work in the English translation, from which I extract in 
the old phraseology. 

254 History of Nova-Scotia. 

" or four years. I should never have done, if I offer'd to give you a particular " 
" account of all the trouble and vexation he gave me. I shall only mention " 
" three instances which crown'd all the rest. On the 2Oth of November, i. e. " 
" a month after our fishermen set sail, while I was entertaining at supper some " 
" of the inhabitants, he came mask'd into my house, with his servants, and " 
" broke the glass windows, bottles and drinking glasses, and threw down the " 
" tables, chairs, chests of drawers, and everything that came to hand. Before I " 
" had time to get into my 9hamber and take my pistols, this insolent mob dis- " 
" appeared very seasonably, for I would have loaded my pistols and pursued " 
" them, if my guests had not hindered me. Next morning his servants fell " 
" upon mine, who expected nothing less than to be thresh'd to death with " 
" clubs." The Recollets interfering, appeased La Hontan. " The third trick " 
" which he play'd me, at the end of three days, was this : He sent to arrest two " 
" soldiers, whom I had employ'd to cut down some grass in the meadows, about " 
" half a league from the garrrison. They were seized while they were mowing, " 
" bound and carried away prisoners, under the pretence of being deserters, be- " 
" cause they had lain two nights out of the garrison without his leave ; and " 
" which would have prov'd still more fatal to these innocent men, he had cer- " 
*" tainly caus'd them to be knocked on the head, on purpose to vex me, if the " 
" Recollets and his own Misse had not earnestly interceded on their behalf." 
The Recollets made efforts to reconcile the governor and La Hontan, but altho' 
the latter made concessions, it could not be effected, although an outward show 
of reconciliation appeared. La Hontan says he ascertained, by a sight of papers 
Brouillan was preparing, which were also seen by the Recollets, that severe mea- 
sures were contemplated, and he expected to be sent to France by the next ves- 
sels that came out, and to be imprisoned in the Bastille. To avoid this, he fled 
to Portugal in a merchant vessel bound to France, which left Placentia on the 
fourteenth of December, 1693, the master of which landed him at the city of 
Viana, in Portugal, from which he dates January 31, 1694, letter 25, and he says 
in it "from the year 1693 up to this very day, I have renounced all manner of" 
" ties to my country." 


M. d'Iberville was one of the sons of Charles le Moyne, seigneur of Longueil, 
near Montreal. The family was of Norman extraction. D'Iberville was a cap- 
tain in the French navy. He was occupied from 1700 to 1706 in founding a 
French colony at Biloxi and Mobile. He was born in 1662, at Montreal, and 
died 9 July, 1706. See Garneau, History of Canada, (Bell's translation), v. 2, 
p. ii. 1860. 


The population of Port Royal, Beaubassin and Mines, in 1701, was, by the cen- 
sus of that year, 1134. [Rameau,p. 129.] 


The garrison consisted (1701) of two companies, one of 28 men, the other of 
29. Masts sent to France : 53 by the Gironde, 40 1'Avenant, 1 1 remain over, 
in all 104 masts ; cost 5,665 livres. 

1702. History of Nova-Scotia. 255 


1702. King William the third died in March, 1702, and was 
succeeded by queen Anne. On the 4th May, o. s., I5th, n. s., 
1702, war was declared by queen Anne, the emperor of Ger- 
many, and the united provinces of Holland, &c., against 
France and Spain. The Indians of Acadie seized three fish- 
ing vessels belonging to Massachusetts, of which two, if not 
all three, were restored, through the interposition of M. de 
Brouillan. [2 Hutch, Maine, 135.] The Bostonians had cap- 
tured many French vessels on the coast. The French prison- 
ers they had made were said to be treated very severely ; and 
it was stated that they had orders from the queen not to allow 
any of them to be exchanged ; and further, that they intend- 
ed to hang captain Baptiste, an officer of the garrison of 
Port Royal who had been made prisoner in the previous 
time of peace, and who had then failed to recover his freedom, 
on the ground of his being a pirate, (corsair.) On hearing 
this, M. de Brouillan sent an express messenger to Boston, to 
declare to the governor that he should exercise reprisals in 
case this menace was carried into effect. This saved Bap- 
tiste's life. The messenger reported to Brouillan that vessels 
from England were expected at Boston, on whose arrival they 
meant to besiege Quebec, and to cruise in the Saint Lawrence, 
to stop the entrance of French vessels. Brouillan immediately 
sent off the same messenger to M. de Callieres, the governor 
general of Quebec, to inform him of the intended invasion. 

The bishop of Quebec, being this year in France, endeavor- 
ed to engage the friars, called the Benedictines of St. Maur, to 
send missionaries to Acadie, but without success. 

256 History of Nova-Scotia. 1702. 

Mr. Stoughton, lieutenant governor of Massachusetts, died 
May, 1702. (M. de Callieres died in May, 1703.) 3 Charle- 
voix, 423, 424. 

Brouillan made his fort of earthworks lined with turf and 
of a moderate extent to be defensible by his small garrison 
of 4 companies, probably not over one hundred men in all. 
He wished to have a fort at Laheve. He offered to take 
Boston, if ten or eleven men-of-war were sent him, and 800 
men from Canada. He engaged the people to carry on fish- 
ery, and 15 or 20 barques would have been so employed, but 
the first one equipped was captured by an English corsair. 
He armed a vessel to oppose the English one, but lieut. Neu- 
villette, the commander, was killed, and the corsair escaped. 
A storeship was taken at Laheve. The Indians of Kennebec 
appear disposed to neutrality. The French do not buy their 
furs, so they are dependant on the trade with the English. 
On the report of an intended invasion, from 60 to 80 Indians 
came to Port Royal, and they had to be maintained while 
there. Brouillan built a house for an hospital, and had two 
surgeons, M. Sponty and another. He requested 4 masons, 
2 lime burners, 2 brick makers, I quarryman, 2 turf cutters and 
i house carpenter. He complains of Villieu, as peevish of 
Mandoux, and of the cur6 of Mines. Recommends Bonaven- 
ture, de Boulaye, Tinville and Pensens, for different posts. 
Des Goutins, as commissary, does his duty well. Alludes to a 
quarrel between the count d'Arquien and M. de Chacornacle ; 
the latter is sent home to France. Brouillan expects com- 
plaints against himself, " as Acadie is a land of discord always." 
\LetterofM. de Brouillan to the minister, Oct. 21, 1702. Paris 
mss.~\ In the latter part of this year, Brouillan received infor- 
mation that the English intended to attack Port Royal in the 
coming spring. Grangeau arrived with his privateer and 
twenty-five men to cruise against the English, and Brouillan 
lent him a king's sloop to help him. Grangeau passed the 
islands of St. Pierre while the enemy was burning the place, 
and had learned from his prisoners that the English had eleven 
men-of-war on the north of Newfoundland and the coast of 
Chapeau rouge. The Indians offered their services. In addi- 

1702. History of Nova-Scotia. 257 

tion to 4000 livres, the value of the annual presents from the 
king, Brouillan proposed to give them flour. He also planned 
to station look-out parties at Chibouctou and Laheve, that 
they might speak the French man-of-war in the spring, and 
give him news. He thought the eastern Indians in danger of 
making an alliance with the English. As the navigation of 
the bay of Fundy would be closed by the English cruisers, he 
would not be able to get limestone from St. John. The stone 
he had was difficult to cut, so he requested stone and limestone 
for the fort to be sent out as ballast. In his letter to the min- 
ister, 30 December, 1702, he says that Dechauffour is just re- 
turned from being prisoner to the English, and confirms what 
Le Fevre wrote him as to the design of the English to at- 
tack him. He urges a small succor of men, and of muni- 
tions of war. It appears to have been usual at this time for 
the officers, and others, to write once or twice a year to the 
secretary of state in France, then M. Pontchartrain. The 
governor of course corresponded with him ; so did M. de Gou- 
tins, in his double capacity of judge and of commissary. The. 
agent of the French commercial company did the same. The 
cur6 wrote sometimes. Most of the army officers also wrote, 
frequently. The government seems to have allowed the 
greatest latitude to all these correspondents, who give their 
views and opinions freely of public matters in the fort and 
colony of the conduct and actions of the governor, and of 
each other, both in public and private matters. The indivi- 
dual services, grievances, wants, wishes and claims of the res- 
pective writers, are generally detailed with care. This corres- 
pondence became very voluminous. Sometimes an abridg- 
ment of it all for the current year was prepared, and the min- 
ister made marginal notes on it, directing the answers to be. 
given, and measures to be adopted. Among the papers re- 
ceived from Quebec, copied from the archives of the French, 
marine, the letters are mostly to be found, as well as some of 
the abridgments of their contents with the marginal notes of 
the minister. There is an incessant reiteration of complaints 
against the governors, beginning with Villebon,, but culmina- 
ting during the administration of Brouillan.. Some of the char- 

258 History of Nova-Scotia. 1702. 

ges are seriously proffered, but very many of them degenerate 
into petty slanders and garrison gossip. Villebon kept a jour- 
nal of all occurrences, from which facts of importance can be 
easily selected and arranged in narrative form. Brouillan, 
though full of details and remarks, does not seem to attend to 
dates or to the order of events. Brouillan'is charged by M. de la 
Touche with ruling harshly. He says " Everybody trembles, " 
" and no one dares to speak. Even those who write dare not " 
" sign their names, because they would be ruined inevitably, if" 
" known. Thus they say, one to another, in a low voice." He 
charges him with coveting a piece of land for a poultry yard, 
and using intrigues, menaces and coercion to obtain deeds 
from the owners, who considered its sale a great injury to 
them. " This acquisition of M. de Brouillan is called Visle " 
" aux cochons, (Hog island.) In the deed of forty years ago, " 
" or upwards, from the late M. d'Aulnay to Jacob Bourgeois, " 
" it is bounded by the road and the river Dauphin, the num- " 
" ber of feet in width being left in blank. The road did not " 
" suit Brouillan, as he wished to erect a building which he " 
" could see from the fort in perspective. To effect this, he " 
"proposed to continue the rue St. Antoine, and lay out a" 
" town in that direction. Three or four owners, whose land " 
" would be severed by continuing this street, opposed the " 
" notion : but he got Bonaventure and Goutin to take a title " 
"of the opposite lands from the lady of the manor, &c." 
Charges of immoral conduct are made against Brouillan and 
Bonaventure. The former is accused of affronts to officers, 
and of meddling for private gain with the trade in provisions. 
Bonaventure is charged with sending no quarts of brandy for 
sale to Boston in 170x3 trading with Indians, and misconduct 
with sauvagesses. The Indians are said to have made songs 
on the subject, which they sing in the woods. There are 
many other petty charges in la Touche's letter. In another 
memoir of this year, supposed to have been written by Man- 
doux, the cure", it is said that " he took possession at his com- " 
" ing of the land of an individual to build there a neinaquie- " 
" quoi, (perhaps jene saisquoi), which land the owner did not " 
" wish to part with, as it served to support a large family." The 

1702, History cf Nova-Scotia. 259 

other charges made by la Touche are reiterated, as well against 
Brouillan as Bonaventure. Labat, engineer, and Villieu, com- 
plain of Brouillan. Villieu mentions his having undergone 
two year's imprisonment, and suffered much from fatigue in 
command of war parties both in Canada and Acadie, where he 
slept six months in the woods, without any other nourishment 
but some corn and fish, which failed him often when needed. 
Owing to all this, he had now a very severe asthma, that had 
confined him to an arm chair for more than three months in 
the summer of 1701, and as long as that in 1702. In another 
letter he prays for employment elsewhere pleads his ill 
health his sufferings in the woods, and thirty years' faithful 
service. Complains that he was not allowed to review his 
company. Children are put in as cadets instead of soldiers. 
Complains of several acts of injustice towards him on the part 
of Brouillan. De Goutin writes to the minister 20 Oct., 1702. 
He sends him 12 different accounts and documents, including 
accounts of pay of troops, provisions, ammunition, merchan- 
dizes, funds of fortification how expended, masts cut and sent 
to France, flour furnished to men-of-war, and an estimate for 
the year 1703, Describes Villieu's attempt to bring the set- 
tlers of Chipoudy and Precoutiac (Petitcodiac) to pay him rent 
as seigneur. (Elsewhere he calls it Peckoukiac.) " For fif- " 
" teen years past the sieur de la Valliere has had neither " 
" house nor home there, (n'y tient plus ni feu ni lieu), and " 
" the inhabitants have had recourse during this time to Mr. " 
" Nelson, an Englishman, to have a mill ; and it was the late " 
" Jacob Bourgeois who led there the first settlers, when the" 
" chevalier Grand-fontaine commanded at Pentagoet, and " 
" Pierre Arseneau took others there some time after." La 
Valliere claimed Mines, and thus obstructed its settlement for 
three years, until the intendant de Meulles came here, and on 
the remonstrances of le Borgne, set aside his pretensions. 
Pierre Theriot, Claude and Antoine Landry, and Rene leBlanc, 
then continued their settlements. Theriot " having where- " 
" withal, and especially much wheat, which he had amassed at " 
" Port Royal, distributed it among the others, who have re- " 
" paid him without interest ; and the sr. le Borgne, who was " 

260 History of Nova-Scotia. 1702. 

" seigneur of the place, contributed nothing:" He asks for a 
grant of Chipoudy, to Thibaudeau, and one of Peckoukiac, to> 
Guillaume Blanchard. He describes the work they have done 
there : 700 toises of dike, corn mill, saw mill, &c. Villieu, as 
attorney of Valliere, has oppressed the tenants of Beaubassin. 
Des Goutins says he himself had served five campaigns in the 
regiment de la Couronne, He has to work Sundays and holi- 
days at the king's stores, five or six hours in a place without a 
fire, in the coldest severity of winter. (Madame des Goutii* 
was a Thibaudeau.) He says Acadie can furnish four cargoe* 
of masts yearly. 

1703- History of Nova-Scotia. 261 


1703. Among the manuscripts obtained by the record com- 
mission, there is a copy of a decree passed at Versailles on the 
20 March, 1703. The title is Arrest du conseil d'Etat du 
Roy, concernant les concessions faites des terres de la pro- 
vince de L'Acadie dans la Nouvelle France. (Judgment of 
the king's council of state, concerning the grants of land made 
in the province of Acadie, in New France.) This document, 
which is very voluminous, recites and refers to a great many 
grants and other transactions, and previous legal proceedings. 
D'Aguesseau, Amelot and Deshaguais, commissaries, are 
named as advising the decree. The chief points in the judg- 
ment are That the province of Acadie shall remain reunited 
to the Royal domain, in its whole extent. It then sets aside 
the claims of the duke de Venddme, le Borgne, Latour, Roublet, 
Brevedent, &c. ; but in consideration of le Borgne's outlays, 
grants to him Pentagoet, &c., with ten leagues on each side of 
the river, to the river St. George, the boundary of New Eng- 
land. (Andre" le Borgne du Coudray was party in this cause.) 
To Latour and his family, born in and always residing in 
Acadie, the king gives Vieux Logis at cape Sable, with six 
leagues square, and the islands in front ; also port Latour, with, 
four leagues on each side, and six leagues in depth. Both, 
grants of cape Sable and port Latour to be equally divided 
among I. Charles de St. Etienne de la Tour, and his heirs. 
2. Anne Melanc,on, widow of Jacques de St. Etienne de la 
Tour. 3. Marie St. Etienne, widow of Alexander le Borgne 
de Belleisle. 4. Anne de St. Etienne, wife of Jacques Muis 
d'Entremont 5. Marguerite de St. Etienne, wife of Abraham 

262 History of Nova-Scotia. 

Muis de Pleinmarais, and their heirs. His majesty then grants 
the seigneurie of Port Royal, to begin at 2000 geometric paces 
(pas) from the fort, extending five leagues up the river, embra- 
cing two leagues wide on each side of it ; also the seigneurie 
of Mines, extent six leagues, with mines and minerals. Both 
seigneuries are to be divided into seven equal parts, as follows : 
i. Charles Latour. 2. Madame Melan^on, (Anne), widow of 
Jacques Latour. 3. The widow of le Borgne de Belleisle, 
Marie de Latour. 4. Madame d'Entremont, Anne de Latour. 
5. The widow Pleinmarais, Marguerite de Latour. 6 & 7. The 
6th and 7th parts to the children of madame Belleisle, widow, 
to be divided among them in such manner as they shall think 
fit, in an- amicable manner on the spot. All these fiefs shall 
be held under his majesty as of his chateau of Port Royal. 

The five children of Latour, by madame d'Aulnay, (accord- 
ing to their statements in 1 703), were parties to this suit, viz. : 
i. Jacques, the eldest, who died about 1699, represented by his 
widow and four children. 2. Charles, unmarried. 3. Marie, 
madame Belleisle, who had then (1703) seven children, of 
whom two daughters and one son were married, and had issue. 
4. Anne madame d'Entremont de Poubomcou, n"ad 9 chil- 
dren living, 4 sons and 5 daughters. 5. Marguerite, madame 
d'Entremont de Pleinmarais, had seven children living. (In 
1732, of the four children of Jacques Latour i. Agatha, Mrs. 
Campbell, and 2. Anne Marie, Mrs. Porlier, were in Acadie ; 
3. a son, and 4. Jeanne, madame Pontif, had retired to the 
French dominions. Charles Latour had also retired to the 
French dominions.) [Lieut, governor Armstrong's letter to the 
board of trade, dated Annapolis Royal, 10 June, 1732.] The 
fiefs of Port Royal and Mines were partitioned, according to 
this Royal decree among the widow and children of M. de 
Belleisle, and those of the late M. de St. Etienne. 

Pedigree of the family of Latour : 

Claude Turgis de Saint Etienne, sieur de LaTour. His son 
was Charles Amador de LaTour, who, by his first marriage, 

1703. History of Nova-Scotia. 263 

had children, viz.. Jeanne, born 1626, married to Martin 
d'Aprendistique", and sons. In 1653, Charles Amador de la 
Tour married Jeanne Motin, the widow of M. d'Aulnay, of 
which marriage five children survived, viz. : 

Marie, born in 1654. 

Jacques, " 1661. 

Charles, " 1664. 

Anne, " 1664. 

Marguerite, " 1665. 

1. Marie was married to Alexandre le Borgne de Belleisle. 
Their children were : 

Emanuel, born in 1675. 

(a) Marie, " 1677. 

(b) Alexander, " 1679. 
Jeanne, " 1681. 
And two more. 

In 1703, M. de Belleisle was dead, and his widow had seven 
children, of whom two sons and one daughter were married, 
and had issue. 

(a) Marie le Borgne was married to Louis Girouard, dit le 
Ru. They had children, viz. : 

Louis Girouard, born in 1705. 
Mary Ann Girouard, " 1707. 
Pierre Girouard, " 1718. 

Cecile Girouard, " 1721. 

(b) Alexandre le Borgne was married to Anastatia St. Cas- 
tin 4 December, 1707. 

(c) Anne le Borgne was married to Jean de Fonds 5 March, 
1707. They had children, viz. : 

Joseph de Fonds, born 1708. 
Michel de Fonds, " 1710. 

2. Jacques de LaTour, born 1661. (Died about 1699.) 
Was married to Anne Melangon. They left four children, viz. : 

(a) Agathe de Latour, who was married firstly to lieutenant 
Edmond Bradstreet, by whom she had a son, Jean Baptiste 
Bradstreet, born 21 Dec'r., 1714. She was married again to 
ensign James Campbell, and became again a widow. 

264 History of Nova-Scotia. 

(b) Anne Marie de Latour, who was married I Sept., 1712, 
to Jean Baptiste Porlier, by whom was born Claude Cyprien 
Porlier, born 27 April, 1726. 

(c) A son. 

(d) Jeanne de Latour, married 19 Nov., 1703, to Jacques 
Pontif, chirurgien. Their daughter, Jeanne Pontif, was bapti- 
zed 9 November, 1706. 

5. Charles de Latour, born 1664; was unmarried in 1703. 

4. Anne de Latour, born in 1664 ; who was married to 
Jacques Muis, sieur de Poubomcou. In 1686 they are stated 
to have three boys ; and in 1707, to have four sons and five 
daughters : of which children 

(a) Jacques d'Entremont, in 1723, was married to Margue- 
rite Amiraut. 

(b) Philippe d'Entremont, married Therdse de St. Castin, 
4 Dec., 1707. 

(c) Anne d'Entremont, married ensign de Saillan, 18 July, 

(d) Jeanne d'Entremont, married to M. de Chambon, n 
Feb'y., 1709. 

(e) Charles d'Entremont, married Marguerite Landry, I 
Sept., 1712. They had a son, Charles, born in 1716. 

( f ) Joseph d'Entremont, married Cecile Boudrot, 14 Oct., 
1717. They had a son, Joseph, born in 1719. 

Marie Muis, daughter of Jacques Muis and Anne St. Etienne, 
was married 12 January, 1705, to Francois du Pont du Vivien 

5. Marguerite de Latour, born in 1665, who was married to 
Abraham Muis, dit Plemarch, or Pleinmarais. In 1703 she 
was a widow, and had seven children living. 27 June, 1705, 
she was again married to sergeant J. F. Villate. The children 
of Marguerite, by her first husband, Abraham d'Entremont : 
Marguerite, born 1681 ; Charles, born 1683; Philippe; Made- 
laine, (married April, 1707, to J. F. Channiteau) ; Marie Joseph, 
(married to Rene" Landry, October, 1717) ; Anne, buried in 
1704, at 6 or 7 years old ; and another child. 

1703. History of Nova-Scotia. 265 

The chevalier de Callieres, governor general, died at Quebec, 
26 May, 1703. The marquis de Vandreuil, who had distin- 
guished himself in 1677 at the surprize of Valenciennes by the 
king's musqueteers, of whom he was one, was appointed to 
succeed him. 

Joseph Dudley, a native of Massachusetts, arrived 1 1 June, 
1703, at Boston, with a commission appointing him gover- 
nor of Massachusetts, Maine and New Hampshire. Lord 
Cornbury was at this time governor of New York. On 
the 20 June, 1703, governor Dudley held a conference at 
Falmouth, upon Casco peninsula, with Indian chiefs from 
Penobscot, Kennebec, Norridgewock, Androscoggin, Saco and 
Penacook. Two hundred and fifty Indians, who came in sixty- 
five canoes, were present. The proceedings ended in great 
assurances of peace and friendship between the French and 
English. The settlers in the eastern parts of New England 
were thereby lulled into a false security. (At this time the 
population of New England was counted at 150,000.) After 
this, some mischief was done by Indians at Kennebec, and a 
small party of English retaliated by plundering St. Castin's 
house at Pentagoet. [2 Williamson, Maine, 41, 42.] The 
Indians who had met governor Dudley in seeming friendship 
in June, at Casco, appeared in arms, to the number of 500, 
under French leaders, by order of M. Vaudreuil, on the 10 
August, and attacked the English frontier settlements from 
Casco to Wells. M. de Beaubassin, lieutenant, (probably the 
son of la Valliere), was the leader, and they besieged colonel 
March, and his garrison at the fort in Casco. In those affairs 
the English lost 155 men killed and prisoners. Charlevoix 
makes the number of English killed to be 300. The English 
were induced not only to retaliate, but to offer large rewards 
for prisoners and for scalps. The skirmishes and depredations 
were continued through the autumn, and even in the winter 
season. A petty war was also going on at this time between 
the French and English settlements in Newfoundland. The 
horrors and atrocities perpetrated in this savage border war- 
fare were incessant. Many details are to be found in Church's 
book, already mentioned in Belknap's history of New Hamp- 

266 History of Nova-Scotia. 1703. 

shire, and other early American works. Belknap, (N. H. 282, 
283), gives a most accurate and graphic description of Indian 
warfare, as then conducted. Their skulking behind trees and 
bushes, never shewing themselves in open fight, their night 
attacks, their slaughter of the unarmed, their murders of 
women and children, their torture of prisoners. These, and 
other like features of their usual mode of fighting, are well 
pourtrayed. So is the practice of giving them presents and 
arms to induce them to war upon and destroy the English, 
a practice not confined to the periods when hostilities existed 
between the two crowns, but followed by the French in Ame- 
rica, and especially by the governors at Quebec, while pro- 
found peace existed between France and England. From the 
same quarters came the pressure on the missionaries to train 
and lead their Indian braves to war against the English. 
While Ralle, Le Loutre, and one or two others were conspicu- 
ous in this work, the Quebec governors expected of all the 
missionaries that they should take an active part in it. 

The English, whose frontier settlers were constantly expo- 
sed to such suffering and terror, imbibed a strong and rooted 
desire to expel the French power from America ; and their 
exertions, often put forth with that view, were at length success- 
ful in the war of 1756-1763, when Acadie became finally and 
entirely an English province, and Canada was conquered as 
well as cape Breton. 

M. de Brouillan, in his letter of 29 Nov., 1703, says that the 
king had granted last year 20,000 livres for the fortifications of 
Port Royal. This sum was expended at Rochefort, (except 
2600 livres) in supplies for the colony. The balance being 
insufficient to carry on the work, the governor issued paper 
money as he had seen it done in Canada. (This was consider- 
ed wrong, and forbidden by the French government.) Brou- 
illan hopes to complete the works of the fort in 1704. The 
inhabitants work cheerfully at it, and he pays a small allow- 
ance to the soldiers for their work. He had distributed the 
king's presents to the Indians. The people at Port Royal 
subscribed 800 livres for building a new church. He asks 
loo pistoles for this from the king, which is granted. Brou- 

1703. History of Nova-Scotia. 267 

illan proposed himself to the meeting as marguillicr tfkonneur, 
(honorary church warden.) He tells the minister that Pelerin, 
whose lands he was accused of taking wrongfully, declared he 
had no complaint or demand to make, and that he and his 
wife were satisfied. (The ministerial note is " to explain to " 
" him that this deceives no one, but that he should correct " 
" himself, and to tell him so smartly" vivementl) He recom- 
mends that Alain be paid for the plank (madriers) which Ville- 
bon bargained for, and which were burned by the English. 
Being informed that the people of Mines said " If the Eng- " 
" lish should appear they would join them," he sent a detach- 
ment of the garrison of Port Royal there, under sieur de la 
Boularderie. This had a good effect upon the ' republicans,' 
for they sent a working party to assist in building the fort. 
La Verdure had acted as a chief man at Mines, the governors 
addressing all their orders to him to have them executed. He 
recommends his being continued, (to which the government 
agreed.) He proposes to supersede des Goutins as judge, as 
his wife's relations are so numerous. The note of the minister 
is, " pass that for the present." He has granted to sieur 
Perroscan des Sables d'Olonne, the place called port Mouton. 
He has employed the king's workmen, paying them as a pri- 
vate individual. (He is forbidden to do so any more.) Vil- 
lieu's health is so bad that for fifteen months he has not been 
out of his room fifteen days. M. Juin, a private person from 
Bourdeaux, came to this coast for privateering purposes. He 
took some canoes, with which he went to the New England 
coast, and captured three English barques. Two of the prizes 
came into Port Royal, but Juin himself being in the third with 
his English prisoners, the latter killed him and retook the 
vessel. Another ( man coming from Placentia on a similar 
errand with a double shallop, Brouillan gave him the king's 
corvette La Gaillarde, on condition that the king should have 
one-fifth of the prizes. She took a prize, and the one-fifth 
was paid to des Goutins. Has a wound in his cheek, affecting 
his health by a bone coming out. Is recommended to go to 
the waters of Bar6ge. Asks leave to go to France next 

268 History of Nova-Scotia. 

Brouillan, this year, is accused of torturing two soldiers, 
by burning matches on their fingers of interfering with 
the engineer, and causing over expenditures, of exacting fees 
from the prisoners in the guard house, viz., 30 sous on an 
inhabitant, 10 sous on a sergeant or corporal, and 4 sous on a 
private, for release, for sending his servants to the surgeon 
Pontif 's house, under pretext of a charivari, and making a dis- 
turbance, (Pontif was married 19 Nov., 1703), of an improper 
connection with madame Barrat, who followed him to France 
and to Acadie. The letters of des Goutins, Pontif, the engi- 
neer Labat, M. de Chacornacle, and the bishop of Quebec, 
give the details of these charges. Some appear well founded, 
while others are frivolous, and they all seem to originate in 
the jealousies and rivalries that arise in a small and isolated 

Bonaventure, who had been captain of a man-of-war on 
the station, and was now an officer of the garrison in the 
confidence of governor Brouillan, and who seems to have 
belonged to the family of Denis de Fronsac, had at this 
time fallen into an illicit connection with madame Freneuse. 
She was the widow of Mathieu d' Amours de Freneuse, who 
had died from suffering and fatigue encountered in the defence 
of Nachouac, in the siege of 1696. A child was born from 
their intercourse, 7 Sept., 1703, and baptised by the name of 
Antoine, (register of parish of Port Royal.) Great scandal 
arose out of this affair, insomuch that the bishop of Quebec 
was induced to write to the minister at Paris, and request an 
order to send madame Freneuse to her children, who were in 
Canada. Bonaventure wrote for leave to go to France to jus- 
tify himself ; or if not, that a pass might be given to his wife 
and family to come out to him. 

M. de Latour asked the government for rent for the reser- 
ved 2000 geometrical feet included in the fort, it being within 
his lands. In this year letters to the minister were sent from 
14 different individuals of the small garrison of Port Royal, all 
filled with complaints, grievances, and requests for pay or pro- 

History of Nova-Scotia. 269 


M. du Brouillan, 4 Oct., 1705. " M. de Vaudreuil, to whom I had given infor- 
" mation of the good understanding which our Canibats and Malecites, Indians, 
" had with the English of New England, has thought fit to send some Canadians 
** to Kinnebequi, to try and induce these Indians to break with these Bostonians, 
" who daily learned through them all that was going on at Quebec and here. 
** They departed from their village the 2Oth of the month of August, and on the 
' 26th fell upon the English who inhabit the shores of Casco bay, and Houel and 
M of Saco, which they put to fire and sword" (ont mis a feu & a sang) " during 
" several days. This expedition has put Boston and their countries into a verita- 
** ble consternation. They say that the Iroquois remain neutral, and even shew 
" a leaning to our side." 


In 1703, Sir John Leake arrived in Newfoundland with several ships of war- 
destroyed three French men-of-war, and upwards of 30 merchant ships in the 
bay of St. Peters, where the English, under the command of colonel Richards, 
landed, attacked, took, and levelled with the ground, the French fort in that bay. 
[Hist. B. Empire in America, p. 144.] 


The following letters possess an interest from their contents as connected witk 
the state of these countries at the time they were written. The writer, Southack. 
was appointed in 1720 one of the council at Annapolis Royal when that body was 
first constituted under governor Philipps. These letters were published in the 
Collections of the Maine Historical Society, vol. 3, Portland, 1853, pages 344-347. 

Casco Bay, Maye the 10: 1702. 

Sr. this morning at 4 o'clock I came to saille being dissatified in my Dreme 
Last Night & Turned up the bay with in 2 Milles of Copones Island the wind at 
E S -E. very strong Gale and much Raine & this wind I have had 3 Days to 
Geather with Rainc and foage so I could not Pessead Estward. Sr. att 7 clock 
in after Noone came a board of me from Majr. March one Newman master of 
a sloop that was taken this morning at Copones Island a bout 9 clock in the 
morning by 2 Indians connews being 3 french men and 3 Indians. Newman and 
his men being a Shore att Work they shott one of his men Ded, this they carred 
away they Plundered the Sloope of all Provisions and Closs & bid the said New- 
man Goe Down to Casco fort with his Sloope, which he Did. 2 hours After came 
a Nother Sloope by the said Island, Whear the french & Indians ware but they 
said Nothing to Them but came Down to Casco fort. Sr. I have had servall 
Indians on board of Mee Sence I have benn hear & I have showed Them the 
Prisners and the Goods they Took from the french and Indians Estward & all 
the hole intenc of my Voyage & they one and all ware Very well Statified the 

270 History of Nova-Scotia* 

Govft. should Take soe much care of Them. Sr. at 9 Clock Night I came t* 
Saille & want Doun to fort & went a Shore to Majr. March n clock at night to 
Agree about Same Matter to fich the Ded man ofe at 2 clock at morning I came 
ofe being a violent storm at E. S. E. & much Raine. 1 1 instance 4 Clock this 
morning I took Newman Sloope & one Shallope & Major March & Our 35 men 
on board of them & Soe Came to Saille and Turned up Bay for Copones Island 
the small vissells for Showell water and the Galley to Card them. Sr. hear is 
one Indian a Shore which we are Sending to the Sagmores to Signefie what has 
happened & to Give us a metteinge forthwith. 

Pleass yr. Excellency. 

My sentiment of this Acction is that these three franch men & 3 Indians Came 
a Perposs from the Estward to Ballance what Capt : Chadwell had committed in 
those Parts which the Majr. & I shall no in a Small Time : & I shall imbrass the 
first Winde & Watter to saile Estward & I shall Give yr Excell : acct : of all my 
Prossedengs by all opp'ts Soe I most affectionately Kiss yr. Excellency hand and 


yr. Verey humbl and Ready Servitor, 

to Gov'r. Dudley. 


Sr. the II Maye at 2 clock After Noone we Gott ofe the Dedman from 
Cosine's Island & No Sine of any franch or Indians about the Bay at 7 clock after 
Noone Came Down to forte & the next morning we bueared the man at our heap 
of stones. 

Sr. Sence I Rrett to yr. Excellency I have had sume Discours with Newman 
Mr. of the Sloop Taken & one of the franchmen Took him by the hand and Said 
what Shear brouther Captain I am a Captain as well as you : & by the Description 
Newman gives me of him Chadwell says that it is the captain of the Barke they 
Burnt at Passamaquoddy & Sume of his men. Sr. Chadwell farder says that 
when he Took the Barke the captain & five Franchmen & 2 Indains Gott a Shore 
in to the Woods. Which I believe to be Same men that took Newman. 

Sr. the 15 Instance at 4 clock After Noone came in to this Port a Marblehead 
Shallop this morning from Saccadhaook haveing Layine wind bound their 14 
Days & that he had not sen any franch or Indians all the Time they ware their : 
Nor heard of any but that all the Inhabtances their ware Very well haveing a 
Shallop their a fishing & Every Day up Kenneback River a Gunning but See no 

Sr. Pray Pardon me I am of the mind Since the Govt. of Port Royale have 
been at soe Great Charge in Getting in all the Indians from Shanctio, Menness 
& Cape Salles (Sable) & all the Places Agesant & in Cloathing of them In Expec- 
tion of the English Attacking Port Royall, but now finding by the English Prison- 
ers that their is no such Attempt to be made. of the mind that in Mounth 

of June hee will send sume of those Indians this sid the baye to Due us sume 
Mischiefe, but they cann not come into yr Excellency Govfernment with Outt the 
Knowlage of Estrenn Indians. Sr. Magrs. March & I shall Give Estrean Indians 
Such a Charge in Givenn Due Information to yo'r Excellency of any Strang 
Indians or franch that shall come in to yr Excellency Govfmt. or Ells they all 
bee come Gilty. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 271 

the wheather have Been soe bad that wee have had no Indians Down as yett 
but expect them in 3 Days Time : they are Verv busey in Planting. 
Sr. No More but come faire weather I shall be Sailling. 

Yor. Excellency faithfull Servitter, 

Casco Bay, Monday 
May the 17 : 1703. 
from on board the 
Maj'ty's Ship Proviance 
Galley att 6 Clock This 

For his Excellency Joseph Dudley, captain general & Governor in Chief of her 
Maj'tys Proviance Massachusetts Bay, &c. 
For her Majty's Especial servess. 

He, Newman or Norton. 
Just now a fair Wind & am Sailing. 

Sir yours 

C. S. 

272 History of Nova-Scotia. 1704- 


1704. About the end of May, 1704, an expedition left Boston 
to scour the Eastern coast, and punish the Indians and the 
French. [2 Hutch., Mass., 143.] It consisted of the Jersey, 
captain Smith, of 42 guns the Gosport, captain Rogers, 32 
guns the province Galley, fourteen transports thirty-six 
whale boats, and a scout shallop. On board these were five 
hundred and fifty men, (inclusive of some Indians), under the 
command of colonel Benjamin Church, a celebrated partizan, 
already noticed for his proceedings at Beaubassin, &c. in 1696, 
who was now making, what he terms in his book, his fifth and 
last expedition East. With these forces he ranged the coast, 
visiting Penobscot and Passamaquoddy, killing and making 
prisoners of the French settlers. Among the prisoners made 
are named a M. le Feboure, or Lafaure, and his sons M. Gour- 
dan, Sharkee Castin's daughter and her family, (her husband 
and father being absent in France, where Castin had an estate 
on which he lived after he left America), and a Canada Indian, 
M. Lotriell and his family. A monsieur Chartiers escaped 
him. This armament divided in the bay of Fundy, the men- 
of-war proceeding to Port Royal, while Church and his soldiers 
went in their smaller vessels and whaleboats to Mines. There 
he caused the dykes to be cut, to destroy the marsh lands. 
For this piece of mischief, Church is not himself solely answer- 
able. It was expressly enjoined on him in the written instruc- 
tions from governor Dudley to burn and destroy the enemies' 
houses, break the dams of their corn grounds, make what 
spoils he could, and bring away prisoners. After spending 

1704. History of Nova-Scotia. 273 

some time in this neighborhood, Church and his army embar- 
ked again, and meeting the ships of war, they all rendezvoused 
at the entrance of Port Royal basin. There it was decided, by 
all the officers of the expedition, both naval and military, that 
it would not be prudent to attack the place, and they signed a 
paper to that effect, dated 4 July, 1704, (15 July, n. s.,) which 
Church gives in his book. 

It would seem that M. de Brouillan, although he had before 
received information of an intended attack, had paid but little 
regard to it, and that he was in some measure taken by sur- 
prise, owing perhaps to his confidence in the new fortifica- 
tions. On the 2 July, at sunrise, it was observed that there 
were English ships in the basin, [3 Charlevoix, 439], that they 
had even landed troops, carried off the guard at the entrance, 
which consisted of only three men, and taken as prisoners two 
of the inhabitants, and two boys who were fishing at the 
entrance. The English made a descent at the distance of 
about a league from the fort, with about fifty men carried off 
one family, pillaged three others, and having heard musket 
shots, re-embarked in haste. By noon on the 2 July, the num- 
ber of the enemy's ships had increased to ten, viz., the Jersey, 
48, Gosport, 32, the Province Galley, 12, and seven brigan- 
tines, which were anchored about two leagues from the fort, at 
the entrance of the (inner ?) basin. 

On the 4 July, Brouillan was informed of this invasion, and 
on the 5th, that all the inhabitants of Port Royal had been 
summoned to surrender, with threats of giving no quarter, and 
that the English stated their troops at 1 300 men, besides 200 
Indians, a number that seems exaggerated. Brouillan finding 
that the English squadron made no further approach towards 
the fort, sent out detachments, which had some skirmishing 
with the English, (Charlevoix says an English lieutenant 
colonel was killed, Hutchinson that lieutenant Barker was 
killed at Mines), but the English accounts do not speak of any 
fighting having occurred at or near Port Royal ; nor is it likely, 
after the resolution not to attack the place was adopted, 
that any large force was landed. The English re-embarked 

274 History of Nova-Scotia. 1704. 

such men as were on shore, and sailed off on the 2Oth or 2ist 

Colonel Church, with his transports and men, again parted 
company from the men-of-war, and went to Beaubassin, (Chig- 
necto), where he landed 28 July, n. s., and skirmished with the 
inhabitants. The latter retreated, taking away with them 
whatever they could carry off, and Church destroyed and wast- 
ted the settlement, " did them what spoil he could," according 
to his instructions. On this occasion he burned twenty 
houses, killed one hundred and twenty horned cattle, besides 
sheep, but did not touch the corn. After three days' stay on 
shore, he set sail again, and visited the coast at Mount Desert, 
Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, &c.,, and thus found his way back 
to New England. 

In the winter a party of two hundred and fifty English and 
twenty Indians, under colonel Hilton, who had served under 
Church, went on snow shoes to attack Norridgewock (Narant- 
souack), but they found only a chapel and some wigwams 
empty, which they burned. [2 Williamsons Maine, 49.] 

M. Bonaventure, lieut. du roi r wrote to the minister, 1 2 Dec., 
1704. He complains of calumny, and declares himself inno- 
cent, and prays that a commissaire may be sent at his expense 
to take information. He had gone to Mines, when the Eng- 
lish came to Port Royal, and heard of it at sixty leagues off. 
(This seems an over-measure of the distance.) " M, de Brou- " 
" illan, who is going to France, will inform your Excellency " 
" of the bad state of the fort, which is almost all shaken." He 
blames the engineer for putting in the fascines improperly. 
He says that there are only eight officers left in the garrison, 
all young, and of little experience in war. Some of them had 
shewn insubordination. " The soldiers are not more inured " 
" to war. The recruits who have come last year and this, are " 
" so bad, that part of them have been necessarily sent back." 
He recommends that a ship of 40 guns be sent out early, to be 
here before the last of May to oppose an enemy's landing. 
Brouillan has granted him a piece of land near Laheve ; he 
wishes to have it confirmed to him. Asks for an ensign's 
rank for his son, who has already served three campaigns at 

1704. History of Nova-Scotia. 275 

sea in a king's ship. He, Bonaventure, has made several voy- 
ages to inspect the coast and look for mines, without any extra 

1 8 December, the Loire sailed for France, having, it seems, 
M. Brouillan, passenger. M. Bonaventure took command of 
the troops the same day. He then reviewed the troops, con- 
sisting of 185 men, of whom 52 appeared to be weak and 
infirm. These invalids he quartered for the winter among the 
inhabitants, under charge of a captain and an ensign. Being 
well fed, and warmed, and free from care, they grew strong 
and fit for service. \Bonaventures letter to the minister 30 
Novr,, 1705.] The harvests of 1703 and 1704 in Acadie were 
bad. The fort remained unfinished. About 100 fathoms of 
the rampart had tumbled down, and mutual blame was cast by 
Brouillan and the engineer Labat on each other. At this 
period Brouillan seemed to have contrived to be at variance 
with most of the people about him. He writes severely against 
Goutins. He accuses Chacornacle, Labat, Tibierge and others, 
of caballing against him, and of producing mutiny and deser- 
tion among the soldiers. Chacornacle and Latour had quar- 
relled on the voyage from France, and Brouillan placed both 
in arrest, Chacornacle in the fort and Latour in his own house.. 
He punished ten soldiers for refusing to work on the fortifica- 
tions. (They seem to have disobeyed because their additional 
pay for the work had been stopped.) He got the idea in his 
head that some of the soldiers had formed a plan to stab and 
rob him, and then to go off to Boston in a barque belonging to> 
to the king. He says he and his domestics had to watch all 
night, as he could not rely on the sentinels. At a review of 
the garrison, he drew out three of those he called mutineers,, 
and harangued them on the intended assassination. He also 
put Labat, the engineer, under arrest. He caused proclama- 
tion to be made (battre un ban) at the head of the troops, for- 
bidding the soldiers from stealing from the inhabitants, under 
pain of death.. He arrested a soldier charged with stealing,, 
and was holding a court martial on him, when des Goutins. 
interposed as judge, and claimed the prisoner. This claim of 
jurisdiction the court admitted, and des Goutins set the soldier 

276 History of Nova-Scotia. 1704. 

free without punishment,, Brouillan says " thus encouraging " 
" robbers and mutineers-."" He makes charges against des 
Goutins as commissary, but they seem groundless insinuations. 
" All arms, ammunition, &c., sent since 1701, have been paid " 
"for out of the fortification funds; also a vessel of 12 or 14" 
" guns was built out of the same." \Brouillaris letter to the 
minister, abstract, dated Versailles, 5 March, 1705.} Brouillan 
complains that des Goutins kept back all information about 
money from him. Referring to madame Freneuse, he says he 
had no opportunity of sending her to Quebec, or to oblige her 
to go and live on her alleged property, which has been reunited 
to the Royal domain, although she had a good title, and has 
received no compensation. This has deprived her of the 
means of supporting herself and her five or six children. He 
could only send her to Mines, to put her at a distance from 

M. de Bonaventure. Brouillan says that he thought his 

character and birth would have protected him from such a 
charge as that of having sold wine and brandy retail, and he 
closes his reply to the minister thus : 

" Behold my lord, on this article and all others, the truth, " 
" entire and pure, which may be believed on the honesty of the " 
" sieur de Brouillan, after his having served the king 36 years " 
" without having had a reproach, who now finds himself obli- " 
" ged to defend himself before your Grandeur^ informations " 
" proems verbaux and certificates to clear bis life and morals, " 
" to prove that the woman Barat never lodged with him, or " 
"caused scandal; that he has wronged no man, and that if" 
" he could not manage to bring: into order a few busy bodies, " 
" it has not been his fault, that he should forget the soldier's " 
" trade, or not have met the enemy for a long time. It might " 
" be said, on seeing him with such a rubbish of papers, that " 
" his mind had taken a turn for law and chicanery, and as " 
" that would not suit him, and is not to his inclination, he " 

" begs my lord to establish his integrity," 

Fait a Versailles le 5 March, 1705. 

There is some ground for thinking that while de Brouillan 
was really the honest, brave Gascon soldier he professed him- 

1704. History of Nova-Scotia. 277 

self, yet he had an inaptitude for civil command, and an 
extreme irritability, disturbing his mind, and that he con- 
jured up ideas of assassination, conspiracy and cabal, with 
little foundation. The wound in his cheek he speaks of may 
have added physical to mental torture. He might be, and 
no doubt was, brave, generous and kind to his friends ; but 
there lurked apparently in him a tendency to play the tyrant, 
and the petty quarrels and scandals of a remote, small garri- 
son, gave unfortunately too much cause of provocation to so 
sensitive a governor. 


July 20, 1704. Died at Marshfield, Peregrine White, aged 83 years and 8 
months, the first born in Plimouth colony. [2 Hutchinson. Mass., 148.] The de- 
scendants of this person are among the gentry of the county of Shelburne, Nova 
Scotia, being the offspring of loyalists who removed to this province in the time 
of the American revolution. 

August 18-29, 1704, about 140 French and Indians from Placentia landed in 
the harbor of Bonavista, N. F., where they burnt four English vessels and des- 
troyed the settlement and fishery. [Douglas Summary, 294. History of the 
British Empire in America, 145.] 

278 History of Nova-Scotia,. 1705. 


1705. On the 3 January, at n o'clock, p. M., father Felix, the 
almoner of the fort of Port Royal, requested Bonaventure to 
have the gate opened for him, in order, as he said to adminis- 
ter the sacraments to a sick man. He did so, and even with 
eagerness. The next day he was much surprized to learn 
that the priest had gone out only to marry le sieur Duvi- 
vier, nephew of M. Gourville, against the will of his relatives 
and of the governor. Bonaventure orders M. de Falaise 
on his part to hinder the celebration of this marriage. He 
arrived in good time, and returned with du Vivier, whom 
Bonaventure blamed severely for his conduct, and urged him 
to give his word of honor not to marry without the permission 
of the court, or at least of that of M. Vaudreuil. He request- 
ed two days to consider, after which he told Bonaventure that 
he could not pass his word, alleging for his sole reason that 
the clergy (les phes) wished him absolutely to marry. Bona- 
venture, having exhausted his remonstrances, ordered du 
Vivier not to go out of the fort, and gave orders at the gate 
that the girl should not be let in. The fathers then wrote 
Bonaventure a letter, which, he said, was full of abusive lan- 
guage, (pleine d'injures.) His reply was to forbid them in the 
king's name to do anything of the kind. Scarcely had they 
been forbidden, when they married him. (Francois du Pont 
du Vivier, enseigne de vaisseau et capitaine, &c. t was married by 
frere Justinien Durand, to Marie Muis de Poubomcoup, 12 
January, 1705. 25 April, 1705, their daughter was baptized, 
being born the same day. Register of Port Royal.) The 

1705. History of Nova-Scotia. 279 

priests replied to Bonaventure that when they had undertaken 
to do anything, no one was capable of turning them from it, 
not being willing to depend absolutely on any one. Bonaven- 
ture notified father Felix that his presence might be necessary 
at the fort, and requested him to remain there. His reply 
was in the negative, and that he cared for Bonaventure as 
little as for the mud on his shoes, and that he made no account 
of his forbiddings or permission. F. Felix left at once for a 
place 30 leagues off, where the relations of the girl lived. (This 
must have been at Poubomcoup, now called Pubnico), as Bona- 
venture suggested, to obtain applause for the marriage he had 
effected. He did not return till the end of two months said 
one mass at the fort, and then went off to Chibouctou, from 
which he did not come back until the arrival of the vessel, 
(the king's ship.) Bonaventure says, " I cannot contemplate " 
" without pain the pitiable state into which the officers plunge " 
" themselves, who take into their heads such marriages mar- " 
" rying girls without property, without birth, who entirely " 
" derange their affairs, and weaken the attachment which " 
' they should have for the service of his majesty." This re- 
mark seems strange, for the young lady in question was grand- 
daughter of Charles Amador la Tour, and daughter of sieur 
d'Entremont, seigneur of Poubomcoup. M. Belleisle, seigneur 
of Port Royal, M. Charles la Tour and M. des Goutin sign the 
register of the marriage as witnesses. 

Bonaventure also states that eight of their people who were 
prisoners at Boston made their escape in a vessel which they 
carried off. They reported an intended attack of the English 
on Port Royal, only waiting aid from England that MM. de 
Chauffeur and Baptiste were close prisoners in the fort on the 
island, and that an exchange of prisoners was denied until 
Vaudreuil should send back those he had at Quebec. They 
brought two Englishmen, prisoners, with them. Bonaventure 
bought this prize, and sent her with despatches to Subercase, 
at Placentia. 

Bonaventure sent an inhabitant with four soldiers to Mines, 
to bring back the king's bark la Gaillarde, lading it with wheat. 
The soldiers got drunk and misbehaved, and Bonaventure sent 

280 History of Nova-Scotia. I 75- 

an order that they should not go on board ; but they coaxed the 
' habitant] and he let them into the vessel. When there they 
compelled the sailors to take her to Boston, where they gave 
themselves up to the enemy. He is anxious to have those 
soldiers brought back and punished. 

He says a small privateer from Boston had burned the dwel- 
lings and almost the inhabitants who had begun to settle at 
port Razoir, (Shelburne), and Laheve. He remarks on the 
want of protection to settlers on the Eastern coast. 

The chief of the Indians of Pentagoet arrived at Port Royal 
with a Boston bark that he had taken. He had two bark 
canoes and twelve men to effect this capture. Bonaventure 
was obliged to give them brandy to promise them powder 
and lead, and to supply them with a feast, at which the Cani- 
bas and the Micmacs met and fraternized. The Micmacs pro- 
mised to join them in war, and the Canibas gave the Micmacs 
the prisoner, whom the latter were going to eat, (apparently ?) 
until Bonaventure appeased them by a gift of four pots of 
brandy. He states that he now has 33 prisoners taken by 
privateers and by Indians on different occasions. He pro- 
poses to send an officer with a party of soldiers to Grand-pre", 
and to build a fort (reduit) there. He has given to the church 
at Mines, as the royal gift, un ostensoir, un calice, un ciboire et 
un ornement complet, (ostensorium, pyx, chalice and complete 
ornaments for the Eucharist), in order to replace what the Eng- 
lish had taken off. (Probably when colonel Church was there 
in 1 704.) Bonaventure says, " I do not think the inhabitants " 
" of St. Malo, or of other places, would engage to settle a " 
" place like Chibouctou until they see that his majesty has laid " 
" the foundations of a fort." He had ordered the seigneurial 
rents of la banliene (the suburbs) to be paid to des Goutins for 
the king, in opposition to the claims of M. de la Tour and 
other seigneurs, and recommends that this money be given for 
an hospital in Port Royal. He complains of the accusations 
against madame de Freneuse and himself. Wishes to be tried 
and punished if found guilty. Asks if it be just that the lady 
should be banished as a wretched criminal if she be innocent. 
She cannot go to live at the river St. John, which is wholly 

1705. History of Nova-Scotia. 281 

deserted. She has the children of the sieur des Chauffeurs, 
her father-in-law, (perhaps it should be brother-in-law, see 
census of 1686), who has been nearly two years a prisoner at 
Boston. She is bringing them up as her own. Although she 
has little property, by her great management she maintains 
all her family. Prays that he, and not she, may be removed. 
Send him back to the navy, and let her remain. Such are his 
remarks on this delicate subject. It seems to me that he 
was unaware of the baptism of the boy having been formally 
entered in the church record. 

He suggests that the Indians should be taught fishing and 
trades, as the New Englanders had done with their Indians ; 
and that if they were settled, it should not be too far from the 
fort, in case their aid should be wanted for defence. 

In Sept'r., 1705, M. de Brouillan died at sea, (on his return 
from France to Port Royal), near the entrance of Chibouctou bay 
(Halifax), on board the king's ship le Profond, commanded by 
M. Cauvet. His body was buried in the sea, but his heart was 
taken out ; and on the 2 October, the Profond arrived at Port 
Royal, where Bonaventure caused the heart to be interred on 
3 October, with suitable honors, near the cross on the cape 
where it was intended to build a chapel. Des Goutins writing 
to the minister, 4 December, 1705, repels the charge of being 
the head of a cabal against Brouillan. He says " three or " 
" four friends, honest men, united by friendship for the plea- " 
" sure of society, incapable of any kind of duplicity, on " 
" account of their refusal to fall down and worship the Beast, " 
" have been called caballers. I know that it was dangerous " 
" to provoke a tyrant, at least if one is not in a position to " 
" ruin him/ and that it is base to speak of it after he is no " 
" more. On this account, my lord, I shall not tell you that " 
" the public were unable to conceal their joy at his loss." He 
speaks of his own services, and says he has six boys, the eldest 
is 1 6, and assists him in all his duties. The sieur St. Aubin 
died in the beginning of this year, at the house of an inhabi- 
tant, who had received him through charity. Bonaventure, he 
says, has not spared his purse or his provisions for the comfort 
of the soldiers. He exclaims against the purchase of Villieu's 

282 History of Nova-Scotia. 

house for the king at 3 or 4000 livres. It cost only 850 livres. 
He says, the country is well rid of Villieu, who could always 
be sick to escape duty, while he was at work at home at 
carpenter and joiner's work. Bourgeois and Allain, who were 
sent to Boston for French prisoners, brought back only two 
Frenchmen and part of Castin's family, whom they left at Pen- 
tagoet. Bonaventure, as commandant, going out of church to 
light a bonfire on the public square, made des Goutins take a 
torch to assist in doing so. This honor caused envy, jealousy 
and discord. Madame Freneuse is going to France. She has 
remained near a year up the river with an inhabitant. The 
frigate la Biche was launched i December. 


Subercase set out from Placentia over land 15 January, 1705, with 450 men 
soldiers, Canadians, flibustiers and Indians to attack the English settlements in 
Newfoundland. Each man carried his arms, a rug, and 20 days' provisions. 
26 January they reached Renous and little harbor. They besieged St. John for 
five weeks. It was defended by capt. Moody and 40 soldiers. They had to 
raise the siege for want of powder, much having been spoiled in fording four 
rivers. They burnt all the houses round the harbor. On 5 March they decamped, 
and on their retreat burnt Ferrillon, and made the people prisoners. They car- 
ried off 140 prisoners in all, besides doing much mischief in the small settlements. 
[3 Charlevoix. 442. Douglas 1 Summary, 294. Hist. B. Empire in America, 145.] 


Le vaisseau du roi, le Profond, commande par M. Cauvet est arrive au Port 
Royal le 2 Octobre. II m'apprit que la 22 Septembre, M. de Brouillan etait mort 
a 1'entree de Chibouctou. I'ai rendu a son cceur, qui m'a etc apporte les hon- 
neurs que j'ai cru devoir lui appartenir. 

[Letter of M. Bonaventure^ 

Ce troisieme jour d'Octobre de 1'annee mil sept cens cinq, a ete enterre le 
cceur de messire Jacques Fra^ois de Brouillant, gouverneur de la province, 
aupres de la Croix du cap, ou Ton doit batir une chapelle. II est decede quinze 
jours auparavant dans le vaisseau nomme le Profond, a une journee de Chibouk- 
tou. Les funerailles se sont faites avec les ceremonies accoutumees par moy 
soubsigne faisant les fonctions curiales a Port Royal de 1'Acadie. 


Recollet missionaire. 
[From the register book of Port Royal.} 

1706. History of Nova-Scotia. 283 


1706. In this year, 1706, a small vessel was sent from New 
England to Nova Scotia, as a flag of truce, and William Rowse 
was directed to effect an exchange of prisoners. After a long 
stay there, he brought back seventeen prisoners, and on a 
second voyage thither returned with seven more. Rowse, 
Samuel Vetch, (afterwards a colonel and governor in Nova 
Scotia), John Borland, a merchant of Boston, Roger Lawson, 
John Philips, junior, and Ebenezer Coffin, were accused of 
carrying on an unlawful trade with the enemy, and supplying 
the French with ammunition and stores of war. Even gover- 
nor Dudley was implicated in these statements. Instead of a 
legal trial, the accused were brought before the council and 
assembly, who assumed the jurisdiction. Governor Dudley 
was declared innocent, by a resolution. His son, Paul Dudley, 
was attorney general, and conducted the prosecution. The 
result was, that bills of pains and penalties were passed by the 
legislature against all the accused, who had been kept in close 
custody. By these acts, William Rowse was sentenced to pay 
a fine of ; 1200, and to be incapable of holding office. Bor- 
land was fined ^noo; Lawson, .300; Vetch, ^200; Phi- 
lips, ;ioo ; and Coffin, ;6o. All of these were to stand com- 
mitted until the fines and costs of prosecution were paid. Six 
separate acts passed to enforce this judgment. The acts were 
all set aside by the Queen in Council, at Kensington, 24 Sep- 
tember, 1707, as being an usurpation of the powers of the 
ordinary courts of justice. The fines that had been paid were 
also ordered to be restored. Rowse had suffered eighteen 

284 History of Nova-Scotia. 1706. 

months imprisonment for want of security. [2 Hutchinson, 
Mass., 154, 160.] The only proof against Dudley was that at 
the request of the governor of Port Royal he had allowed 
100 m. of nails to be shipped. On the 18 September, 51 pri- 
soners were received from Boston at Port Royal, among whom 
were d'Amboise and his family, and M. Gourdault, who had 
some claims to the lands of the late M. St. Aubin. They were in 
a condition of absolute destitution. Subercase was appointed 
governor, and he and des Goutins appear to have got on ami- 
cably. Madame Freneuse had been away, but returned to 
Acadie in this year. Subercase sent her to a distance from 
Port Royal. Des Goutins says: "There has not yet been" 
" so much wheat collected in this country as during this year. " 
" The inhabitants see more than ever the necessity there is " 
" of attending to the uplands, and that if they had done so at " 
" first, and worked as much on them as they have done on " 
" the marshes, they would be incomparably more advanced, " 
" and would not have been subject to the inconveniences " 
" that happen to the marshes. The tide was so great on the " 
"5th November last, that it overflowed all the marshes of" 
" this country without exception, an occurrence that had not " 
" taken place within the memory of man. This determines " 
" them to think of the uplands. They know now that the " 
" marshes, when abandoned, will yet produce hay, whereby " 
" they may increase the number of their cattle, and obtain " 
" manure for the uplands." Bonaventure was dissatisfied that 
he had neither been confirmed as governor, nor promoted or 
reappointed to his former naval command as he had solicited. 
He says of Subercase, " His generous and obliging manners " 
" attach every one to him in this country." Bonaventure com- 
plains of Louis Allein for duplicity respecting the exchange 
of prisoners, interfering by false representations to the gover- 
nor at Boston. He further says, " This is not the only fault " 
" he has committed. In the time of M. de Menneval he had " 
" the audacity to take M. Perrot by the cravat and the hair, " 
" and pull him to the ground at the very gate of the church " 
" to strike madame Belleisle, the lady of Port Royal, and to " 
" treat her in so unworthy a manner, that the priest who was " 

1706. History of Nova-Scotia. 285 

" at the altar was constrained to quit it to tear her out of his " 
" hands. He is one of the most wicked men that are here. " 
" I have sent him to M. Vaudreuil, with the declarations that " 
" have been made against him on this subject." Bonaventure 
says : " Mr. Nelson, merchant at Boston, being indebted to " 
" me in the sum of 5000 livres, which I had lent him at the " 
"time of his imprisonment in France, wishing to make pay-" 
" ment, had sent me by the packet boat, for 1300 livres, goods " 
" consisting of cloth, scythes and pots." These he sold at 1 5 
per cent, advance. This was in reply to charges of smuggling, 
trading, &c. He asks for the cross of St. Louis, which Brou- 
illan had for a letter of garde marine for his son Bonaventure, 
and for leave to reside at Laheve, if it should be fortified, so 
as to be near his grant of land. 

M. de Subercase to the minister, 25 Deer., 1706: " That 
"which concerns the sieur des Goutins on the subject of the 
"pillage of the treasure in 1690. Port Royal having been 
" taken in that year, by a species of capitulation they sur- 
' rendered, with the fort, and agreed to give account to the 
" English, and deliver to them every thing as it stood. M. des 
" Goutins, as he was treasurer, and foresaw that he would be 
" called to account, as he was in fact, entrusted the king's 
" money that was in his possession in the hands of an inhabi- 
" tant, who concealed it in a pot in a corner of his garden, 
" without the English having any knowledge of it. The Eng- 
" lish called on M. des Goutins to shew the expenditure of the 
"money which the king had sent out that year. He gave 
" them an account, with which they were contented. In the 
"year following, M. des Goutins having returned to Acadie 
" with the sieur de Villebon, they proceeded in company to 
" the inhabitant's house, who dug up the pot in their presence, 
" and the money was counted. Out of this sum enough was 
" taken to pay the salary of the sieur de Portneuf, lieutenant, 
"and the balance was placed in the hands of the sieur de 
" Bonaventure, who carried it to France, and by order from 
" the court paid it over to M. de Lubert." He then explains 
fully several charges made against des Goutins and Bonaven- 
ture, shewing their integrity therein. He intimates that a 

286 History of Nova-Scotia. 

falze zeal of the clergy had created hatred and slander in the 
colony, and engendered disrespect to men in office there. 
The hatred has been great against Bonaventure, and without 
good cause. He thinks him weak as regards the fair sex, and 
apt to ridicule others in his own defence ; but the proceedings 
against him have been conducted in an unchristian spirit. 
He blames Mandoux for meddling with temporal affairs. 
" The church for a long time past has held here the right of" 
" commanding, or at least of sharing the temporal authority, " 
" and preserves always the dogmas of the ancient capuchins " 
" who formerly ruled despotically. We have two Recollets, " 
" one is our almoner, the other our cur6, who I think are very " 
" honest men and good friars, and who assure me they are " 
" disposed to cut up by the roots the tares which truly are " 
" very abundant in their mission." He asks that Villieu, cide~ 
vant major de tAcadie, may be employed out of the province. 
His health is bad, and he wrote a disrespectful letter to M. 
Bonaventure, undoubtedly under the influence of fever. 

In the spring of 1707 an expedition was sent from New 
England against Port Royal. Two regiments of militia were 
raised for the purpose, under colonels Wainwright and Hilton, 
the chief command being given to colonel March. The troops 
embarked at Nantasket, a place in Boston bay, on the 24 May, 
n. s., in twenty-three transports, convoyed by the Deptford, 
man-of-war, of 50 guns, captain Stukeley, and the Province 
Galley, captain Southack, and furnished with a number of 
whale boats. Colonel Redknap was the engineer. They arri- 
ved at the entrance of the basin on the 6 June. Subercase 
had a guard there, consisting of fifteen men, who had only 
time to get off under cover of the woods, and by the time they 
reached the fort the enemy's fleet was seen coming to anchor 
about a league from the place. The next day colonel March 
landed with seven hundred men on the harbor side, a league 
below the fort, and colonel Appleton with three hundred men 
on the other side. (Such are the numbers in Hutchinson, but 
Charlevoix calls them 1500 and 500.) 

The French were taken by surprise, so secretly was the ex- 
pedition prepared, and they were consequently much alarmed. 

1707. History of Nova-Scotia. 287 

Subercase, however, by his shew of confidence, restored the 
courage of his people. He then urged them to oppose the 
advance of the enemy in the woods. This was the more 
necessary as there were breaches in the work requiring repair. 
It seems to have been a fatality at this place that its gover- 
nors, however capable and vigilant, were almost always taken 
unprovided for an attack. 

Subercase, as soon as he perceived the hostile fleet, notified 
the inhabitants to come in to his assistance, but those living 
nearest did not get in until the evening of the seventh. As 
fast as they came in he sent them off, part to the right and 
part to the left, to skirmish with the enemy under cover of the 
woods, so as to retard their approaches, in which they, the 
French, were successful. On the eighth of June almost all 
the inhabitants had come into the fort, which enabled the 
governor to strengthen the detachments he had sent out. He 
ordered them not to advance too far, but to keep it in their 
power to regain the fort if too hardly pressed. They were 
driven back, but not until they had killed many of the English. 
It was the smaller body of English that first drove in the 
French skirmishers, to whom the governor sent canoes and 
boats to expedite their retreat. He then despatched them to 
join the party which was engaged in keeping back the larger 
English force. This body was headed by a Canadian gentle- 
man, M. Denys de la Ronde, enseigne de vaisseatt and brother 
of M. de Bonaventure. (He seems to be a relative of governor 
Nicolas Denys.) After taking measures to arrest the progress 
of the smaller English corps in their crossing the river, the 
governor Subercase went himself to join M. Denys. On the 
afternoon of that day they had a smart engagement, in which 
M. Subercase's horse was killed under him. The French 
lost one man killed and one wounded, but the English loss 
was greater. The great superiority of numbers on the part of 
the invaders compelled Subercase to retreat, which he did in 
good order, and without being pursued. Two days then pas- 
sed without any movement on the part of the English. On 
the third day they approached the fort within a short distance, 
and prepared to attack it. As the garrison was not sufficient 

288 History of Nova-Scotia. 

to defend the fort and the houses in the vicinity, the governor 
burned down several of the buildings which he could not guard, 
and in which the besiegers might have sheltered themselves. 
The following night, that of the tenth of June, the trench was 
opened, and it was not possible to prevent it. On the eleventh 
the governor sent out eighty men, inhabitants and Indians, 
who divided themselves on both sides of the river, and getting 
into ambush in the woods, stopped the progress of the Eng- 
lish, who had been detached to kill the cattle. The baron de 
St. Castin even advanced with six of the Canibas, in sight of 
the enemy, killed six of their men, and then rejoining his 
troops, charged the English with such resolution that he for- 
ced them to go back to their camp in great disorder. Early 
on the morning of the sixteenth of June a great movement 
was perceived in the trenches, and the governor suspected that 
the besiegers were forming some design for the coming night. 
In fact, about ten, P. M., as the governor was finishing his 
rounds, he was informed that a dull sound like that of men 
marching was heard. He enjoined his people to keep profound 
silence. The English began the attack by a heavy fire of 
musketry, but at too great a distance. Under cover of this 
fire, they sent on four or five hundred men to attack the 
breaches, which they thought to find in a worse state than 
they actually were. A few soldiers of the garrison having de- 
serted to the enemy, they calculated on many more doing the 
same, but in this they were disappointed. The cannon of the 
fort playing briskly, induced the assailants to abandon the idea 
of an assault, and the troops that had pushed on with that 
object, finding the fire too heavy for them, retired. But be- 
tween eleven o'clock and midnight, the governor perceived 
that the fort was invested on all sides that the enemy were 
posted in the ravines and little vallies that environed the place, 
and that they were entrenched there so as to be secured from 
cannon shot. This sight disturbed him in reality, but he stood 
firm, and the English became in their turn apprehensive of 
some mine being prepared. Not daring then to come close to 
the ramparts, they tried to set fire to a frigate and some smaller 
vessels that were at anchor under the guns of the fort. Find- 

1707. History of Nova-Scotia. 289 

ing too much resistance there, they crept behind some build- 
ings that remained standing regained their trenches, and 
before day went back into their former camp. [2 Hutch., 
Mass., 165. 4 Charlevoix, 1 7-2 1 .] The next day, which was the 
1 7th June, as soon as the tide would permit, they re-embarked, 
leaving 80 of their people dead in different places, besides seve- 
ral who were found afterwards near their camp. They had 
burned all the dwelling houses below the fort, besides several 
of those that were above it, and carried off from the farms all 
the cattle, but the greater part of these were retaken. 

The saving of Port Royal on this occasion is attributed to 
the timely arrival of sixty Canadians, who had got to the place 
twelve hours before the English fleet anchored in the basin. 
The inhabitants, who for three years previous had received 
scarcely any succor from France, were for the most part ill 
enough disposed ; and M. de Subercase wrote to the minister, 
that if it had not been for the presence of the baron St. Castin 
he knew not what would have been the result. He added that 
the Micmac Indians were all naked, and that the Canibas and 
Malecites would be in the same condition, but for a trade 
they carried on through the Mahingans with the English, who 
gave an // for every pound of their beaver, and they obtained 
the European goods at cheap prices. Thus the enemies of 
France supplied the necessities of her most faithful allies, 
while the French allowed them to suffer the want of the neces- 
saries of life. 

Bonaventure was precluded from taking part in this defence 
by an affection of the legs, as he states in his letter to the 
minister, of 5 July, 1707. After quitting the siege, the Eng- 
lish fleet and troops went to Casco bay. Colonel March wrote 
thence to governor Dudley that he should stay there for further 
orders, and threw the blame on his troops and officers of refu- 
sing to assault the place. The report that preparations were 
making at Boston for a public rejoicing on the presumed cap- 
ture of Port Royal, is said to have induced him to stop. A 
great clamor arose at Boston against March and Wainwright,, 
and Appleton was also blamed. Stukely, the captain of the 
Deptford, defended the conduct of the troops.. Dudley deter- 

290 History of Nova-Scotia. 

mined to persevere, and in July sent three commissioners, 
colonels Hutchinson and Townsend, and Mr. Leverett, who 
embarked with one hundred recruits and some deserters. 
When they got to Casco they found 743 men there, but seem- 
ingly dispirited and unfit for service ; but the governor had 
given express orders to proceed. Accordingly the English 
fleet and army reached Passamaquoddy about the 18 August. 
On Sunday, the 20 August, they got to Port Royal. March 
was sick and dejected, and declined the command, which was 
given to Wainwright, the next senior officer. The troops land- 
ed on the side opposite to the fort. On Sunday afternoon 
the English fleet was seen coming in and anchoring in the 
basin in good order, and out of the reach of shot. This un- 
locked for visit caused great consternation in the fort. Though 
the garrison had been reinforced by the crew of a French 
frigate, under the command of M. de Bonaventure, it was said 
to have been thought rash to resist so great a force. Suber- 
case was, however, not affected by this panic, and his resolute 
conduct brought his followers gradually back to a greater firm- 
ness of mind. His first difficulty was to reassemble the inha- 
bitants, many of whom lived seven leagues away from the fort, 
but the slow proceedings of the English afforded him leisure 
enough for this purpose. They put off their landing until the 
day after their arrival ; and the governor, not being certain as 
to the place where they would come on shore, deemed it best 
to keep not only his garrison, but the inhabitants who came in, 
all together. 

On the 21 August, at 10, A. M., twenty-four shallops or 
pirogues, all filled with English soldiers, put off and landed 
these men on the side opposite to the fort. They marched at 
once across the woods, and encamped about a quarter of a 
league above the fort, on the opposite side of the river. Suber- 
case then ordered out a party of about eighty Indians and 
thirty inhabitants, to follow the line of the river, cross it 
half a league higher up, and place themselves in ambush in 
such situations, that in case the enemy sent out detachments 
to destroy the dwellings in that direction, they might fall upon 
them easily. The English troops remained all the 22d in 

1707. History of Nova-Scotia. 291 

their camp, to fortify themselves there. On the evening of 
the 23d they detached a party, (Charlevoix says of 700 or 800 
men, but it was probably much less), who marched, preceded 
by a guard of ten soldiers, commanded by a lieutenant. This 
officer not taking the precautions necessary in a wood with 
which he was unacquainted, fell into an ambuscade, and was 
killed, and so were eight of his guard. The two who remain- 
ed were made prisoners, and were led to the governor's 
presence. From one of them he learned that the enemy had 
embarked their artillery in two small vessels, intending to 
carry them above the fort, under cover of night. Upon this 
information, he gave directions that fires should be lit along 
the river during the time the tide was rising, and this measure 
prevented the English artillery from being carried up. The 
detachment mentioned, on the defeat and destruction of their 
small advanced guard, did not venture to move on further, but 
returned to the encampment. On the 24th, no person came 
out of the camp, owing to the constant alarms given by the 
garrison of the fort. 

The condition in which the English were at this time is 
described in a letter from colonel Wainwright to the commis- 
sioners, dated August 14, (25 n. s.) [2 Hutch., Mass., 169.] : 
" Our not recovering the intended ground on the opposite " 
" side is a mighty advantage to the enemy ; in that they have " 
" opportunity, and are improving it, for casting up trenches " 
" in the very place where we designed to land and draw up " 
" our small forces. Yesterday the French, about eight of the " 
" clock, forenoon, on the Fort point, with a small party of St. " 
" John's Indians, began to fire on our river guards, and so " 
" continued until about three, afternoon. There appeared " 
" about one hundred Indians and French upon the same " 
" ground, who kept continually firing at us until dark. Sev- " 
" eral were shot through their cloaths, and one Indian through " 
" the thigh. About four in the afternoon I suffered a num- " 
" ber of men, about forty or fifty, to go down to the bank of " 
" the river, to cut thatch to cover their tents. All returned " 
" well, except nine of captain Dimmock's men, who were led " 
" away by one Mansfield, a mad fellow, to the next plantation " 

292 History of Nova-Scotia. 

" to get cabbages in a garden, without the leave and against " 
" the will of his officer. They were no sooner at their plun- " 
" der but they were surrounded by at least one hundred " 
" French and Indians, who, in a few minutes, killed every " 
" one of them," (could this have been the affair of the 23rd., 
in the French narrative ?) " their bodies being mangled in a " 
" frightful manner. Our people buried them, and fired twice " 
" upon the enemy, on which they were seen to run towards our " 
" out-guards next the woods, which we immediately strength- " 
" ened. Indeed, the French have reduced us to the same " 
' state to which we reduced them at our last being at Port " 
" Royal surrounded with enemies, and judging it unsafe to " 
" proceed on any service without a company of at least one " 
" hundred men." The letter then goes on to give a dismal 
account of the sickness and despondency of the besiegers. 
Even the Indians who were with them threatened to leave. 
Colonel Wainwright complains of the small number of his 
forces, also of having a bad cold himself. He concludes thus : 
" If we had the transports with us, it would be impossible, " 
" without a miracle, to recover the ground on the other side, " 
" and I believe the French have additional strength every " 
" day. In fine, most of the forces are in a distressed state, " 
" some in body and some in mind ; and the longer they are " 
" kept here on the cold ground, the longer it will grow upon " 
" them ; and I fear the further we proceed, the worse the " 
" event. God help us." Captain Stukely had promised to 
lead one hundred of his men, but the bad state of affairs indu- 
ced him to withdraw them before the 2 5th. 

On the 25 August, the bombs discharged from the fort com- 
pelled the English to quit their encampment, and they then 
took post opposite to the fort ; but Subercase gave them no 
rest in this position, as he saw their endeavors to erect bat- 
teries there of cannon and mortars. On the 26th, they remo- 
ved half a league lower down, when the governor sent out a 
detachment which killed three of their sentries, and obliged 
them to decamp a third time. They then encamped out of 
reach of the cannon of the fort, but were still harrassed by 
several small bodies of French. On the 29th, the English 

1707. History of Nova-Scotia. 293 

seemed busy entrenching themselves ; but on the 3Oth, at four 
p. M., they all re-embarked. Subercase suspected their inten- 
tion to make a landing on the other side of the river, and he 
sent over all the men he had to that side. On the 3ist, at 
sun rise, the English troops went on shore, (on the Fort side), 
under protection of the guns of their fleet, and at once began 
their march. Before them was a point of land covered with 
woods, in which the baron de St. Castin lay in ambush with 
one hundred and fifty men. He suffered them to approach 
within pistol shot, and then fired three consecutive vollies. 
They bore the fire with an intrepidity which he had not expec- 
ted, and appeared resolved to force a passage at whatever loss, 
but eventually they desisted, and a little while after they were 
seen on the retreat. Subercase next sent out le sieur de la 
Boularderie, (Louis Simon de St. Aubin le Poupet, chevalier 
de la Boularderie, enseigne de vaisseau et capitaine cCune com- 
pagnie, &c.} This officer took with him one hundred and fifty 
men to reinforce St. Castin. Subercase followed in person 
with one hundred and twenty more, leaving the fort in charge 
of M. de Bonaventure. He then advanced to observe the 
enemy, and he remarked that they were filing off towards the 
shallops waiting on them. He ordered Boularderie to fol- 
low them, and if they attempted to embark, to charge them. 
This officer, burning with impatience to engage his opponents, 
marched too fast, and began the attack with only sixty or 
eighty of his men at the utmost He jumped into one of 
their entrenchments, carried it, and killed some of the English. 
Excited by his first success, he cast himself into a second 
entrenchment, where he received a sabre cut in the body and 
another in his hand. St. Castin and Saillant took his place ; 
a severe hand to hand conflict with hatchets and the butt ends 
of muskets ensued, and the enemy (to the number of 1400 or 
1500 men, as stated by Charlevoix), retreated at least 150x3 
paces towards their shallops. Meanwhile, some of the Eng- 
lish officers, ashamed of the retreat of their men before inferior 
numbers, rallied them and brought them back on the French, 
who then were retiring towards the woods, because St. Castin 
and Saillant had both been wounded. (Antoine de Saillan, 

294 History of Nova-Scotia. 1707. 

enseigne de compagnie, was married 18 July, 1707, to Anne 
Mius de Poubomcou, and died of his wounds, 8 Sept., 1707, see 
parish register of Port Royal.) The French seeing the enemy 
coming back, faced round and showed so much resolution that 
the English did not venture to come to close quarters, but 
fired several vollies at them, and withdrew again. Subercase 
availed him of this opportunity to withdraw his wounded and 
rest his troops. At the end of an hour he sent one Granger, 
an inhabitant and a very brave man, to head Boularderie's de- 
tachment and attack the English, who did not wait for his 
coming up, but embarked hastily and in confusion. The same 
day the greater part of the fleet hoisted their anchors and went 
out of the basin, and on the first of September the whole Eng- 
lish fleet were outside. The French supposed that they cast 
their dead into the sea, in the bay of Fundy. [4 Charlevoix r 
24-29.] The French estimated their loss in this (August) 
siege, which lasted fifteen days, at three men killed and woun- 
ded. The English acknowledged sixteen of their men killed, 
and as many wounded. The officers of the Deptford were 
blamed for neglect of duty. \History B. Empire in America* 

P- I77-] 

While the English colonists, were so eager to conquer the 

French possessions in this quarter, their own government ap- 
pears to have been supine and indifferent as to their comfort and 
protection. The French king's ships, which arrived at Port 
Royal a little while after the siege was raised,, brought out no- 
merchandises either for the use of the inhabitants or for the 
Indians. This embarrassed the governor, who had made large 
promises to both at the time of the siege, in order to secure 
their help in defending the place, and he was now left without 
means to fulfil his engagements. He stated, in his letter to 
the minister, that he had been under the necessity of giving 
away his shirts and bed clothes, and generally everything that 
he could possibly dispense with, to relieve actual misery among 
the poorest of the people. He added that no time was to be 
lost, if it was intended to make a permanent settlement in 
Acadie, a colony that would become the source of the greatest 
trade to the kingdom. That New England had that year sent 

1707. History of Nova-Scotia. 295 

out a fleet of sixty ships, laden with codfish, for Spain and the 
Mediterranean, and that a larger fleet was soon about to sail 
for the West Indies ; and that the English, while defeated in 
their attempt to conquer the province, were nevertheless draw- 
ing great riches from it, while the French had no advantage 



M. des Goutins to the minister, 23 December, 1 707 : 

Allein claimed from the king 1 100 livres for his house, which Bonaventure had 
pulled down as being too near the fort ; and 999 livres for materials supplied the 
crown. Des Goutins calls it an old house of 28x22 feet, covered with boards, 
enclosed with planks of 4 inches thick, half rotten a chimney of earth a very 
bad floor below a partition of plain boards, and two closets of boards not moul- 
ded. It never cost Allein more than 400 livres, and 350 1. would pay him well 
for it. As to his other demand, he can receive it from M. de Fountaineau by 
sending his power of attorney, the money lying in his hands. But he shows that 
400 1. out of the 999 is an unfair demand. He states that 43 families are destitute 
of blankets and of iron pots, owing to losses on the English coming and their 
taking to the woods, and the supply of these articles has been exhausted for 
months back. The issue of paper money was unavoidable. Subercase is doing 
everything to call it in. They had no pots, scythes, sickles, knives, nor iron, in 
the country not a hatchet, nor a kettle for the Indians, nor salt for the inhabi- 
tants. They would be lucky if the enemy would sell them goods again for their 
beaver, but Subercase is opposed to it, and the people will not deal with the enemy. 
The dry season stopped all the saw mills. Des Goutins has to keep his accounts, 
&c., in a little office without a chimney, exposed to the cold. The people from 
Mines and Beaubassin had to go home without procuring the clothing they ex- 
pected. Des Goutins had to give away his cloak and two justaucorps, keeping 
one suit only. He had a bale of goods in the ship, which was thrown overboard. 
With respect to the church, the house of M. de Villieu, which had been used for 
that purpose, having been burnt, they were reduced to the chapel of the fort, and 
as that was part of the lodgings appointed for the lieutenant du Roi, it had been 
given up since the arrival of madame de Bonaventure, and a chapel has been fitted 
up in one end of the new casernes, which answers for chapel and parish church ; 
but it is so small that it is barely sufficient for the people of the fort ; and as there 
is but one mass performed, the half of the people are at the door. He then gives 

296 History of Nova-Scotia. 

an account of a wreck near cape Fourchu, which three sons of le sieur de Pobom- 
coup had visited, &c. " The sieur Jacques Mius de Pobomcoup is a native of 
" this country, son of sieur Philippe d'Entremont, native of Normandy, deceased 
" seven years ago, at the age of 99 years and some months. He had not lost a 
" tooth. He had been major under the late mons. de la Tour, governor of this 
" country. Since that he, for 18 years, was procureur du Rot, until old age ren- 
" dered him incapable. The sieur du Pobomcoup is married to the demoiselle 
" Anne de la Tour de St. Etienne. Of this marriage there are four big boys, 
" four big girls, and a little girl of ten. This sieur has a share in the seigneurie 
" of Port Royal, conjointly with the messrs. de la Tour and other co-seigneurs. 
" Since the war he has carried on no commerce, and if he had wherewithal to 
" carry on the fishery, he, his children, and the inhabitants of that neighborhood 
" might do so without risking much, even in the severest war. The English do 
" not go near his settlement on account of the Indians, and they would not fit out 
" an expedition expressly to attack him." He refers to the siege. " You know, 
" my lord, the first siege had exhausted us after the example of M. de Subercase. 
" His house was open to everybody. The sick found everything necessary there, 
" and he caused their broths to be made in his presence. This put them in the 
" spirit of doing their best, and those who did not act were much mortified in mis- 
sing the opportunity." He praises highly M. Consolin, aide d'artillerie, and M. 
Jacquet, master gunner. He transmits census of Port Royal, Mines, Beaubassin, 
and Cobequette, (a new settlement.) Subercase has sent that of the Indians, and 
of the inhabitants of cape Sable, and the East coast. (It is to be regretted that 
we have no copy of this census.) We send to France 35 English prisoners ; 
there remain here yet, 18. Mentions provisions sent to Port Royal per captain 
Morpain, armateur de St. Domingue, (privateer of St. Domingo.) " I have spo- 
" ken to M. de Subercase on the subject of the dame de Freneuse. He answered 
" me positively, and word for word, that it is a fine conversion, and that the 
" priests were content with it, and charmed with her conduct. This has extremely 
" surprized me, and not to contradict M. de Subercase, but it is not consistent 
" with their having petitioned him fifteen days ago to make her go away. He 
" incessantly thunders and cries, and M. de Subercase has said to me more than 
" twenty times in the course of the year, that he was going to send her to a dis- 
" tance that M. de Bonaventure had broken his word to him," 

Des Goutins praises his own son, now beginning his twentieth year. Says he was 
distinguished in the siege, and has helped him without pay in the king's stores 
for three and a half years, begs a lieutenancy and keepership of stores for 
him. " The distinguished youth of this country would no longer have " 
" room to say that employments are for them alone, and they will know that " 
" virtue will suffice to attain to them. This would give me room to bring up " 
" more easily my numerous family of six boys and four girls, who would join " 
" their vows to those of their father for the preservation of your Excellency." 

Port Royal, 23 Dec'r., 1707. 

Pierre de Morpain, commander of the marquis de Beaupre, was married 13 
August, 1709, to dlle. Marie d' Amour de Chofour, daughter of the late Louis 
d' Amour, ecuyer, and sieur de Chauffour, and of the late dame Marguerite 
Guyon. (Reg. parish Port Royal.) 

History of Nova-Scotia. 297 


A French and Indian party attacked Haverhill, on the Merrimack, on the gth 
Sept.. 1708, n. s., killed, as the French state, 100, as the English, 42 took many 
prisoners, burning and plundering. De Chaillons and Hertel de Rouville com- 
manded the party. They were met by the English on their retiring, nine or 
ten French killed, and some prisoners recovered. [2 Hutch.. Mass., 172, 173.] 


Grant 2 May, 1707. to Charles Morin, on the river Listigouche, in the bay of 
Chaleurs, made by Vaudreuil and Raudot, of two leagues square, &c. Confirmed 
by royal brevet of 20 May, 1708. 

Grant of 4 May, 1707, to sieur Thomas Lefevre, of two leagues front, three 
leagues in depth, from point Meniquet to the river St. George, in Acadie, (the 
original grant of which from Calliere and Beauharnois had been burnt.) Con- 
firmed also by royal brevet of 20 May, 1708. 


Par devant nous Jean Chrisostome Loppinot, conseiller procureur du Roy et 
notaire royal a L'acadie y resident au Port Royal et temoins cy bas nommes furent 
presents Mr. Fra^ois Duvivier enseigne des vaisseaux de sa Majeste et capitaine 
d'une compagnie franche de la marine en garnison au fort Royal de 1'Acadie et 
dame Marie Mius, son epouse par luy autorisee a 1'effet des presentes, lesquels ont 
reconnu et confesse avoir vendu, cede, quitte, transporte et delaisse des mainte- 
nant & a toujours, promis garentir de tous troubles et empechements generalle- 
ment quelconques a Jean Francois fflanc, habitant du Port Royal a ce present 
acceptant, retenant pour luy, ses hoirs et ayant causes, savoir est un emplacement 
de terre, sur le bord de la riviere du Dauphin y tenant d'un bout et ayant de front 
sur la ditte riviere, soixante dix sept pieds, d'autre bout allant en pointe jusqu' 
aux piquets de Pelerin d'un cote a la terre de mons'r. de la Boularderie borne par 
une roche sous laquelle est trois morceaux de machefer et par en bas, a un petit 
piquet, la ditte roche mise et posee par monsieur de Labat, Ingenieur pour le Roy 
a 1' Acadie, et d'autre cote au sieur Louis d'Amour et le sieur de Chofour a pren- 
dre a la masure de defunt St. Onge, qui lui appartient presentement qui est a trois 
pieds de la maison dont cy dessous va etre fait mention et ou ils ont pareillement 
plant^ des piquets. Et en outre luy vendent la maison qui se trouve sur la ditte 
terre en 1'etat qu'elle est. Cette vente et cession faite moyennant le prix et somme 
de deux cents livres que les dits vendeurs confessent avoir re9us du dit sieur 
Aquereur, dont ils le quittent et dechargent. en en outre a la charge des lotz et 
ventes. Les dits vendeurs luy garantissant la ditte terre sur 1'hypoteque de tous 
leur biens present et a venir, promettant et obligeant et a ce renonceant. Ce fait 
et passe au Port Royal ce trentieme du mois de Mars mil sept cents sept en pre- 
sence du sieur de Belleisle, seigneur en partie de 1'Acadie, et de Alain de la Motte 
marchand demeurant au Port Royal temoins qui ont avec les parties signe a la 
minute des presentes demeurant divers nous : 

Pr. Indus du Greff. 

Scele ce 31 Mars, 1707. 

298 History of Nova-Scotia. 

I, the before named John ffrancis fflanc, hereby transfer and convey my right 
to the before mentioned premisses & priviledges thereunto belonging in favour of 
Mr. Samuell Douglass, gunner in the garrison of Annapolis Royall, his heirs and 
assigns for ever. As witness my hand and seal this 25th of May, 1733. 


Signed and sealed before us, October the 30. 


Before me, Jean Chrisostome Loppinot, counsellor, procureur du Roi, and 
royal notary inAcadie, residing there at PortRoyal, and the witnesses under named, 
were present monsieur Franfois Duvivier, ensign of vessels of his majesty, and 
captain of a free company of the marine in garrison at fort Royal in Acadie, and 
the lady Marie Mius, his wife, by him authorized to the effect of these presents, 
who have acknowledged and confessed to have sold, yielded, quitted, transferred 
and released from the present time and for ever, promised to warrant from all 
troubles and hindrances in general whatsoever, to Jean Fran9ois fflanc, inhabitant 
of Port Royal, at this present time accepting and retaining, for him, his heirs and 
assigns, that is to say, a lot of land on the bank of the Dauphin river, measuring 
at one end fronting on said river seventy-seven feet, on the other end running to 
a point as far as the pickets of Pelerin ; on one side reaching to the land of mon- 
sieur de la Boularderie, bounded by a rock, under which are three pieces of 
machefer, (iron dross, scorize from a smithy), and downwards to a little picket, said 
rock having been put and placed by M. de Labat, engineer for the king in Acadie; 
and on the other side to the property of sr. Louis d' Amour and the sieur de Cho- 
four, to be bounded by the ruins of the house of the deceased St. Onge, which 
now belongs to him, which is three feet from the house hereinafter mentioned, 
and where pickets are also planted. And besides they sell him the dwelling house 
which is on the said lot, in the condition it is now in. This sale and cession is 
made for the price of two hundred livres, which the said vendors acknowledge 
they have received from the said purchaser, and acquit and discharge him from the 
same, subject to the charge of lotz et ventes. The said vendors warranting him 
the said land, on hypothecation of all their effects, present and future, promising 
and obliging, and to this purpose renouncing. 

Thus done and passed at Port Royal, this thirtieth of the month of March, 
one thousand seven hundred and seven, in presence of the sieur de Belleisle, part 
seigneur of Acadie, and of Alain de la Motte, merchant, dwelling at Port Royal. 
Witnesses, who have with the parties signed the minute of these presents, re- 
maining with me. 

Sealed this 3ist March, 1707. 

Pr. inclus du Greff, (as entered in the registry.) 

1708. History of Nova-Scotia. 299 


1708. After the two sieges in 1707, Subercase, in the year 
following, had only to encounter rumors of invasion. In con- 
sequence of this, he got the man-of-war, the Venus, anchored 
fast under the fort, and employed her crew, the soldiers of the 
garrison and the inhabitants, in repairing the works. Two- 
thirds of the Canadians who were in the Venus deserted. The 
Loire, ship of war, arrived, without bringing any goods for the 
inhabitants ; but a prize taken by the Venus supplied an abun- 
dance for the French and also the Indians. Subercase told the 
Indians that the presents they received would be in proportion 
to their merits. This induced sixty or eighty of them to take 
up the hatchet and to kill five or six English on the frontier. 
He says the only way to lead the Indians into war is by fur- 
nishing them with goods, as the English attract them to their 
side by selling them goods cheap. An Indian of Beaubassin 
found along the shore a sum of 4000 or 5000 piastres. Suber- 
case induced him to send him part of it. Indians must not 
think you fear them. Twenty-two years' experience had 
taught him that they act best when treated firmly. " The " 
" missionaries pretend that whatever wrong the Indians do " 
" they learned from the French. For my part I am persua- " 
" ded that the least wicked of the Indians is much more so " 
" than the worst of the French." This remark shows how 
deeply prejudiced a man of ability may become. The unhappy 
Micmac was stimulated by white men to a ferocious and cruel 
border war, bribed and hired to perpetrate midnight murders 
of whole families in the frontier settlements, and to devastate 

300 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 708. 

the fishing settlements of the English in Newfoundland. Of 
these horrors and atrocities, Subercase, by his own statement, 
was an active instigator. Yet he would condemn the illiterate 
Indian, while in his own nation such noblemen as the d' Amours 
were disgracing the French name. 

During this whole summer the governor had to support 
more than two hundred and fifty extra hands, both French and 
Indian, chiefly for repairing the fort. He made a powder 
magazine, capable of holding 60,000 Ibs. of powder, which he 
considered bomb proof. He erected a building of 80 feet long 
by 33 in depth, one half of which was to be fitted up for a 
chapel, the remainder to become lodgings for the almoner, the 
surgeon, and M. de Goutins. The barracks which had been 
begun, were completed, and the interior finished. In August, 
governor Dudley wrote from Boston to Subercase. He de- 
fends himself from the charge of ill-using prisoners. He 
claims the territory of Kennebec and Pentagouet, as English, 
and denies that the Indians of that region belong to the gov- 
ernment of Acadie. Referring to the siege of Port Royal in 
1707, he says : " I am much surprized at what you state on " 
" the subject of the entrails of M. de Brouillan, which are " 
" buried near your fort. It was a dead man who was found on " 
" a declivity of a hill where my troops had resolved to post " 
" themselves, was the cause of it. For seeing the cross so " 
" near, they opened the earth at the foot of the said cross to " 
" bury this corpse, and in opening the ground they perceived " 
" a box, and not knowing what it might be, not being accus- " 
" tomed to see a coffer of this kind, they looked inside it, so " 
" that you ought to regard this as the effect of curiosity and " 
" mistake." 

" On this subject, I must give you the particulars of an " 
" attempt of M. de Brouillan. About five years since I had " 
" gone to Casco bay to make an agreement with the Indians " 
" of my government. There came to that place two French- " 
" men of Port Royal, to whom M. de Brouillan had promised " 
" two hundred pistoles to kill me. These Frenchmen came " 
" to Casco bay, disguised as Indians, and were present when " 
" I was making my agreement, but their hearts failed them " 

1708. History of Nova-Scotia. 301 

" in what they had undertaken. Some time after, one of the " 
" two, being a prisoner, and brought here, acknowledged it " 
" to me in my house on his knees ; and if since that time the " 
" heart of M. Brouillan comes out of the ground, you and all " 
" his friends ought to consider its grandeur for me," (en doivent 
considtrer la grandeur pour moi.) " I hate inhumanity, and " 
" even punish it." He says Allain attempted to induce negroes 
at Boston to run away. That being afterwards captured, and 
coming to Boston destitute, he, Dudley, assisted him, and sent 
him home. He says he gives up to each French governor the 
prisoners belonging to his government only. He acknowled- 
ges a present of wine from Subercase. In a letter from Cos- 
tabelle, the governor of Placentia, to Subercase, 3 November, 
1708, he says : " M. Rouville has performed marvels on the " 
" side of Boston, with a party of 200 men. He took a fort " 
" from the English, putting them all to the edge of the sword " 
" or the tomahawk," (hache}, " and in his retreat he forced an " 
" ambuscade of about 200 English, of whom but three or four " 
" made their escape." Subercase, in writing to the minister 
in December, says : " An expedition, said to have been con- " 
" ducted this year by the Canadians and Indians on the river " 
" Maramet, (Merrimac ?) situated between Salem and Pesca- " 
" dout, (Piscataqua), where, it is said, the French cut the " 
" throats of four or five hundred persons, without giving quar- " 
" ter to women or children." He says the inhabitants of 
Acadie are terribly afraid that the English will take revenge 
on them. Subercase doubts the truth of the story. 

Subercase thought the fisheries of Acadie of more value than 
those of Newfoundland. He says that 300 New England vessels 
had fished this summer on the banks and shore of Acadie, and 
they all had an abundant catch. He says the land is good and 
fertile, and produces every thing that France does, except 
olives. There is an abundance of grain, and an inexhaustible 
supply of wood of all sizes for building. All along the coast 
there are fine harbors, easy of entrance. He proposes Laheve 
as a chief port and place for building vessels, and another 
place as a post at St. George's river. The people here, he 
says, are excellent workmen with the axe and adze. They 

3O2 History of Nova-Scotia. 1708. 

only want a few master shipwrights and caulkers to set them 
right. He mentions another port, about three leagues from 
the little passage of Canceau, called Mocoudom, (Country 
Harbor ?) and another at English Harbor, in Cape Breton, 
(Louisbourg.) He urged the forming of companies in the 
French sea ports to settle colonies here, &c. He would 
invest a million in it, if he had it, in this, as a sure business. 

Subercase, in a letter to the minister of 25 December, 1708, 
proposed that a swift sailing man-of-war, of 56 guns and 450 
seamen, should be sent out to cruise with the Venus. She 
would make a million yearly in prizes would probably cap- 
ture the Boston frigate enable him to fortify Laheve ; and if, 
as he believes, settlers came here in consequence, he would, 
with these helps, capture Rhode Island, which, he says, is 
inhabited by rich quakers, and is the resort of rascals and even 
pirates. He says Costabelle ought not to detain the Venus, 
as she was sent out for this coast in lieu of la Biche, (the Hind), 
which had been built at an immense expense out of the colony 
funds. (Below is written, " all this might be good, but the 
difficulty is as to vessels and money. Begin. Let the two 
governors of Acadie and Placentia be agreed as to the Venus.) 
The English vessels took wood and water along the eastern 
coast One went into port Razoir (Shelburne) in October 
burnt a man's house carried off the man, and sent him to 
Subercase with letters from the governor of Boston. Suber- 
case prepared to build a vessel, to be finished in the ensuing 
summer, according to orders he had received from M. Begon, 
the intendant of Canada. (Michel Begon de la Picardiere, 
intendant of Canada 1712 to 1726.) He says : " I never in " 
" my life received an order to send away from here the dame " 
" de Freneuse, until I got one by the arrival of the Venus. " 
" This I did not fail to execute eight days after, even before " 
" the rivers were free of ice. She is in Canada since the " 
" month of May last. I can assure you, on the faith of a man " 
" of honor, that M. de Bonaventure wished it as much as any " 
" one, at least as far as I could judge by his conduct before " 
" and since the order came." Bonaventure's wife was living 
at Port Royal at this time, as we find by a baptismal entry 

1708. History of Nova-Scotia. 303 

ii Nov., 1708. Dame Jeanne Jannier, wife of sieur Denis de 
Bonaventure was present as godmother to Magdelaine de Gou- 
tin, daughter of Matthew de Goutin, lieut gen'L, (i. e. Judge.) 
" I think, my lord, that I should not act as an honest man if" 
" I did not inform you that nothing can be so wicked as all " 
" they have said against him" (M. de Bonaventure.) " Altho' " 
" I am his servant and his friend, I should not have haggled " 
" about it a quarter of an hour if I had room to suspect him " 
" of a want of fidelity to his majesty ; and I can swear to you " 
" besides that the illness he suffered when the English were " 
" here was very real, as he had his leg swollen to the size of " 
" his thigh, and I saw it dressed (fianse) ten times. What " 
" has vexed me most in all is this, that I have seen these acts " 
" of calumny take their flight from a quarter whence the in- " 
" fluences of love and charity ought alone to proceed, and " 
" that they have pushed the matter as far as hell could desire, " 
" having brought upon the stage devotees to whom M. de " 
" Bonaventure never spoke in his life. I may swear to you, " 
" my lord, on the word of a man of honor, that I ascertained " 
" as exactly as it was possible for me to know, if there had " 
" been any children of madame Freneuse. I have learned, " 
" as everybody knows, that there is one who is large and fat, " 
" and who is marvellously healthy. I have not heard any one " 
" express a suspicion that she had had another ; but only " 
" father Patrice, superior of this mission, told me on coming " 
" here, that they suspected him of having had the dame de " 
" Freneuse bled in the foot, and that if this matter were pur- " 
"sued it might lead to serious results. The vehemence of" 
" his manner led me to doubt the assertion he made, and a " 
" little while after I saw him vexed at what he had said to " 
" me, even begging me not to believe it ; that these were " 
" rumors that had been current, but that they were without " 
" foundation ; that in fact the scandalous connection he had " 
" had with the said lady had led some persons to push their " 
" remarks a little too far." Des Goutins says : " The dame " 
" de Freneuse went to Canada in the month of July last, and " 
" we have learned that she arrived there. It is positively " 
" known that M. de Bonaventure has had a child by this " 

304 History of Nova-Scotia. 1708. 

" woman. They are bringing it up at an inhabitant's, at the " 
" upper part of the river. It is very true that M. de Bonaven- " 
" ture was alone present at the birth of the child, and that " 
" being embarrassed, he called in the demoiselle Barrat and " 
" her maid servant. They ran to tell the late M. de Brou- " 
" illan, who was then at supper, and who was there imme- " 
" diately. They sent this child the same day to the upper " 
"part of the river, to the house of an inhabitant, where it" 
" now is." 

It was intended to build a war vessel at Port Royal in the 
ensuing spring. Subercase complains that scandal has at- 
tacked both his religious faith and his loyalty. He says that 
Brouillan never spent a sous on his grant on the coast, 7 or 8 
leagues from Laheve. Pensens, his legatory heir, asks for it, 
but Subercase wishes to get it himself. The crown had promi- 
sed 4000 livres to build the church and presbytire. Subercase 
thinks they had better not build a church until peace. There 
was a sum of 500 6cus granted annually by the king for missions : 
100 each goes to the cur6s of Port Royal, Mines and Beaubassin ; 
100 to Gaulin, missionary for the Micmacs ; and 100 at the 
disposal of the bishop. He praises Gaulin, and says he ought 
to be better paid, having no tithes or fees. He recommends 
M. de St. Castin, who is kept out of his estate in France, 
under pretence of illegitimacy, although he has the certificates 
of the missionaries and full evidence of his heirship. " This " 
" poor boy has to do with the first chicanier of Europe, and " 
" lieutenant general of the town of Oleron, in Bearne, who " 
" for long years enjoys this property. He recommends St. " 
" Castin to be made lieutenant general of Pentagouet, with a " 
" salary, as he is very useful there." (These lieutenant gen- 
eralships were not military but judicial offices.) Subercase 
reports of his officers that two or three were insane, and one 
or two others useless or unmanageable. He says : " I am " 
" in despair to find myself in such a situation, and by the " 
" account I give you, you will know, my lord, that I have " 
" been in as much need of mad houses as of barracks ; but " 
" what gives me more trouble than all, is, that I fear that the " 
" evil spirit of this country may cause my brain to be turned, " 

1708-9. History of Nova-Scotia. 305 

" in my turn." He says that three-fourths of the soldiers are 
boys from Paris, whose parents have sent them out for mis- 
behavior. In this year Subercase caused 2,228 livres to be 
distributed among the most necessitous of the inhabitants, to 
buy cattle, to replace those that were killed when the English 
came here. Loppinot, procureur du Roi, complained that his 
salary was only 100 livres, while his predecessor, Dubreuil, 
had 300. He estimates his losses by fire in the English inva- 
sion at over 10,000 livres. 

1709. M. de St. Ovide, king's lieutenant at Placentia, 
nephew of the late M. de Brouillan, set out on 14 December, 

1708, with one hundred and seventy men to attack the English 
fort at St. John's, N. F. He arrived there on the ist January, 

1709, [4 Charlevoix, 43, 2 Garneau, 21], and reconnoitering the 
place by moonlight, resolved to attack it. There were three 
forts, one recently built. The two older ones were carried at 
once, and the new one surrendered in twenty-four hours. M. 
Costabelle, the governor of Placentia, sent an order to blow up 
the works, which was accordingly done. Carbonniere was the 
only place left to the British in the island, and a corsair of 
Placentia, Gaspard Bertran, was sent against it. He failed in 
this enterprize, and was killed. His men, however, captured 
a well laden British ship. [4 Charlevoix, 65, 67.] 

Mr. Vetch, who had been in England in 1708, soliciting aid 
for the conquest both of Canada and Acadie, was made a 
colonel, and returned to New England in the spring of 1 709,. 
to make preparations. He brought with him her majesty's, 
commands, dated 28 February, 1708-9, to Rhode Island, &c. 
Rhode Island raised 200 men. {Rhode Island Records, zW. 5,. 
/. 32.] Colonel Francis Nicholson, who had been engaged in 
the frontier war with the Canadians and Indians this- year,, 
went to England in the autumn, and urged the necessity of 
reducing Acadie. 

M. de Subercase meantime had engaged the services, of the' 
flibustiers, (freebooters, or privateers), who did great damage 
to English commerce on these coasts, and he urged on the 
French ministry to fortify Laheve, and to send out a frigate or 
two to cruise on the coast ; but the freebooters deserted him 

306 History of Nova-Scotia. 

when he stood in the greatest need of their assistance, and the 
French government failed to aid him in the way he had sug- 
gested to them. The prizes taken by the freebooters caused 
a temporary plenty in the colony, and put it in his power to 
make presents to the Indians. At the end of March a cor- 
saire left Port Royal, (where she had wintered,) on a cruise ; and 
returned twelve days after, with four small prizes, in part laden 
with wheat and Indian corn. The prisoners taken reported 
that a great armament was fitting out at Boston, where 2000 
or 3000 men had been raised, independant of those expected 
from New York, Connecticut and Rhode Island. Subercase 
sent notice by an express to Vaudreuil, whose replies left him, 
as he says, nothing to hope on that side. The corsaire was 
about to go on another cruise, when a soldier, who had been 
struck with a cane by the captain, shot him. The soldier was 
tried by a court martial and executed. Another corsaire of St. 
Domingo arrived, and starting from Port Royal, returned after 
ten days' absence, having made nine prizes and destroyed four 
more vessels. Morpain commanded this privateer, and being 
attacked by a coast guard vessel from Boston, made a prize of 
her and brought her into Port Royal. The English captain 
was killed, and one hundred men of her crew were lost, while 
Morpain had but five killed and six or seven wounded. The 
prisoners he took were over one hundred. They stated that 
there were at Boston six large ships of war two thousand 
men of that government encamped upon an Island transports 
and refreshments all ready, and fourteen vessels of war expec- 
ted from England, said to be intended to conquer Canada. 
Subercase sent M. de Tourillon with this news to Canada, and 
assembled 140 Indians and 75 men from Mines, and induced 
Morpain to remain, and even to take a wife in the place. (13 
August, 1709, married to Marie d' Amour de Chofour, daugh- 
ter of the late Louis d' Amours.) Morpain had been there in 
1707, and aided the defence of Port Royal, and also left a 
quantity of flour there, which was much needed. He recom- 
mends that a commission of lieutenant de frigate, or a gratifi- 
cation and a medal, be given to Morpain. For three years 
past the king's ship had brought out no goods, and most of 

1709. History of Nova-Scotia, 307 

the provisions they had had come from prizes. A vessel was 
sent to Martinique with masts and other wood, and some cod- 
fish out of the prizes. Two privateers from Placentia had 
wintered at Port Royal, and a privateer from Martinique arri- 
ved there. Subercase, speaking of the privateers, says : 
" They have desolated Boston, having captured and destroyed " 
" thirty-five vessels. If we had had the Venus, Boston would " 
" have been ruined, for very certainly their trade would have " 
" been entirely interrupted. They have had during the whole " 
" year a scarcity of provisions, because our corsaires and " 
"others from the islands" (West Indian) "captured from" 
" them nearly six barques, the greater part of which were " 
" laden with cargoes." The galley from Boston twice attacked 
a French privateer, but lost 20 or 25 men, while the corsaire 
lost 7 or 8. A great number of English prisoners were collec- 
ted at Port Royal, but in the autumn they were sent to the 
English colonies. In all 470 prisoners were sent to New 
England. Subercase was informed that the Bostonians were 
using every possible exertion for the invasion and conquest of 
Acadie, and trying to induce Scotchmen to take an interest 
in it. Vetch had been sent to England, as an agent, and ex- 
pected mountains of gold from the enterprize. Among other 
projects, they had one of seizing on Laheve, and making a 
post there, and but for the high price of provisions he thinks 
they would have done so. He says that at least a thousand 
vessels arrive every year at Boston, whose inhabitants enrich 
themselves on the French territory, as the basis of their com- 
merce is the fish they take on these coasts, which they send 
to all parts of the world. He offers to sail the Venus at his 
own expence, as a privateer, if she cannot be sent here at the 
king's expence, and thinks it would make his fortune. He 
requires for the colony chiefly lard and flour. He says, " We " 
" have had here a species of pestilence, which manifested " 
" itself by the purple" (spotted or purple fever.) " We have " 
" lost only about fifty persons, as well soldiers as inhabitants, " 
" 2j\&flibustiers, Both classes were in a continual debauch, " 
" as rum was here for nothing." Eau de vie de canne et de 
sucre ttoient id pour rien. " Every one could pay for it with " 

308 History of Nova-Scotia. 

" two sous." He had built an hospital within musket shot of 
the fort. The calling in the paper money had checked trade. 
As to specie, he says : " The madness of people here is to " 
" bury all they have of it." At present every thing is plenty, 
except clothing, " of which, nevertheless, to make a good " 
" deal, they have more facilities than any people in the world, " 
" flax and hemp growing here almost to a marvel. I look " 
" upon them, and they are really the most happy inhabitants " 
" of the earth. They are wholly relieved from the mischiefs " 
" which the English inflicted on them two years ago. I have " 
" employed them, eight days each this spring, to cut down the " 
" woods which were too near us on both sides of the river. " 
He has given the Indians powder and lead, nearly as much as 

in other years. The Jesuit missionaries have aided him 


Having previously stated the insufficient strength of the 
garrison, he now urges it strongly, being certain of an attack 
on the place in the spring. He suggest that the man-of-war 
might bring all the spare troops from Placentia to Port Royal. 
He complains of Loppinot. The admiralty fees on a prize 
made by the Venus came to 1 700 livres. A prize taken by 
M. la Ronde had been confiscated to the use of the admiral, as 
la Ronde had not a commission from him. " It is of the last " 
" importance that we should be succored, at the latest in the " 
" month of April. I beg pardon, my lord, if you find erasures " 
" in my letter. I am at the last of my stock of paper, and " 
" without a secretary, and for two months past suffering from " 
" pain in the teeth, which leaves me not one hour free, and is " 
"just now severer than ever," &c. 

1710. History of Nova-Scotia. 309 


1710. We have now arrived at an important era in this his- 
tory. An expedition had been for some time in preparation in 
the English colonies in America for the invasion of Port 
Royal, and views of conquest both of Acadie and Canada 
began to be seriously entertained, as the only mode of reliev- 
ing the frontier English settlers from the sudden surprizes of 
the Indians, and from the mercies of the tomahawk and scalp- 
ing knife. The most conspicuous person in urging and lead- 
ing this movement was Francis Nicholson. This gentleman 
had been lieutenant governor of the province of New York in 
1689, when Jacob Leisler took possession of the government 
at the close of James the second's reign, the revolution having 
changed the British dynasty. Nicholson was accused by the 
insurgents of having threatened to burn down the city of New 
York. In 1690, he was lieutenant governor of Virginia, the 
assembly of which province voted him a gratuity of ^300, and 
the crown permitted him to accept it. While there he promo- 
ted the interests of the church of England. In 1692, he was 
appointed lieutenant governor of Maryland, and administered 
that government for six years. In 1698 he was sent back to 
Virginia, as governor in chief. In this high position he view- 
ed with uneasiness the proceedings of the French and their 
Indian allies and dependants against the interior and frontier 
settlements of the English. Although the latter were more 
numerous than the Canadians, yet being divided into many 
unconnected provinces and disunited by jealous and dis- 
trustful feelings, no concerted action or system of defence 

310 History of Nova-Scotia. 1710. 

could be established for their protection. Nicholson warmly 
advocated a confederation or union of the British provinces 
for defensive purposes, and deemed it the interest and duty of 
the other colonies to assist in erecting one or more fortresses 
in the northern part of the state of New York, as a barrier 
against hostile incursion. His views were fully sustained by 
king William the third, as far at least as to recommend each 
colony to contribute its quota for general defence, but were 
unpopular in Virginia ; and all his efforts at that time failed, 
while he lost much of his personal influence in consequence. 
In 1704 he was recalled, but sent back again. He was called 
ambitious, impetuous, &c., but his intelligence, ability and 
courtesy were distinctly admitted. [New York Historical Docu- 
ments, v. 2, p. 10. Grahames Colonial Hist, of the U. States, 
v. 2, p. 6 to 28.] He now (1710) held the military rank of 
colonel, and he, as well as colonel Samuel Vetch, had gone to 
England to promote the expedition for the conquest of Acadie. 
In May, 1710, Vetch arrived from England at Boston. (This 
officer had, in 1705, taken soundings of the most difficult pas- 
sages of the river St. Lawrence, and had been, while in Eng- 
land, pressing on the government the idea of conquering 

July 15, 1710, (26 July, n. s.) The Dragon, commodore Mar- 
tin, the Falmouth, captain Riddle, a bomb ship, and with them 
a tender, arrived at Boston from England. Colonel Nicholson, 
with some British officers and colonel Redding's marines, 
came out in the Dragon. On the 30 July the assembly of 
Rhode Island voted to send 143 men, of whom 43 were Indians, 
with three months' provisions, on the expedition to Port Royal. 
In all they voted 200 men, to be under lieutenant colonel John 

On the 1 8 September the armament sailed from Nantasket, 
in Boston bay. It consisted of the Dragon, the Chester, cap- 
tain Matthews, and the Falmouth, fourth rates ; the Leostaffe, 
captain Gordon, and the Feversham, captain Paston, fifth 
rates ; the Star, bomb, captain Rochfort, and the Massachu- 
setts province galley, captain Southack, with fourteen trans- 
ports in the pay of Massachusetts, five of Connecticut, two of 

1710. History of Nova-Scotia. 311 

New Hampshire, and three of Rhode Island. These, with the 
tender and five transports from England, made the number of 
vessels employed amount to thirty-six. (Charlevoix says, 4 v., 
p. 6 1, that there were four ships of sixty guns each, two of 
forty guns, one of thirty-six, and two bomb gallies, besides the 
transports.) Nicholson was general of the expedition, Vetch 
adjutant general. There was a regiment of marines under 
colonel Redding, and four regiments commissioned by Queen 
Anne, and armed by her gift, who had been raised in New 
England, that is, two of Massachusetts, one of Connecticut, 
and one from New Hampshire and Rhode Island. Their 
colonels were Sir Charles Hobby, Tailer of Massachusetts, 
Whiting of Connecticut, and Shadrach Walton, of New Hamp- 
shire. The grenadiers of Walton's regiment were commanded 
by Paul Mascarene, afterwards governor at Annapolis. All 
the governors of New England were instructed to give assis- 
tance to this undertaking. (One transport, captain Taye, ran 
ashore at Port Royal, and was lost, and 26 men drowned.) 
2 Hzitck, M. y 1 8 1. On the 24 September, n. s., the fleet reach- 
ed the entrance of Port Royal basin. 

M. de Subercase writes thus to the minister : 

I October, 1710. 

" My lord. I had the honor to write to you on the 24th " 
" of September, to inform you that the English occupied the " 
" entrance of our basin, where they still remain, and I have " 
" no doubt they will stay there while the navigation remains " 
" open, or at least until the 15 December, calculating thereby " 
" to famish us and starve us out. I also had the honor to " 
" report to you, my lord, that our garrison was in the best " 
" disposition in the world, because it then appeared so ; but " 
" now I hear the soldiers murmuring every where, com- " 
" plaining that they are entirely abandoned. This murmur- " 
" ing has been followed by five desertions, three of the Cana- " 
" dian detachment, and two of our garrison ; and I am sure " 
" that if I had not caused the canoes to be removed, there " 
" would have been thirty deserters by this time." (Subercase 
is blamed for sending away recruits and Canadians which 

312 History of Nova-Scotia. 1710. 

Vaudreuil had supplied. 4 Charlevoix, 60.) "If the ship we " 
" expect to succour us comes, this inquietude will pass off ; " 
" but if we receive no succour, I have every reason to fear " 
" something fatal," funeste, " as well on the part of the inha- " 
" bitants as of the soldiers. Both are in despair at not seeing " 
" the arrival of their necessaries, and they form a cruel idea " 
" of what we shall have to suffer this winter. I shall do all " 
" that depends on me ; but indeed, my lord, I beg you to " 
" believe I cannot perform impossibilities. I am as if in a " 
' prison, into which I can bring nothing and from which I " 
" can send nothing, and the harvest has been very bad at " 
" Port Royal. Besides that, I have not a sou, and our credit " 
" is exhausted. I am engaged for considerable sums. I have " 
" found means by my industry to borrow wherewithal to " 
" subsist the garrison for these two years. I have paid " 
"what I could, by selling all my moveables. I will give" 
' even to my last shirt ; but I fear that after all, my pains " 
" will prove useless, if we are not succoured during the month " 
" of March or early in April, supposing the enemy should let " 
" us rest this winter." 

The following written summons was sent by general Nichol- 
son to governor Subercase : 

3 October, 1710. You are hereby required and commanded 
to deliver up to me for the Queen of Great Britain, the Fort 
at present under your control, which by right belongs to her 
said Majesty, together with all the territories which are under 
your command, by virtue of the undoubted right of her Royal 
predecessors, and also with all the guns, mortars, magazines 
of war and troops likewise under your command, otherwise I 
shall exert myself with diligence to reduce them by force o 
her Majesty's arms. Given under my hand and seal at arms, 
the third day of October, in the ninth year of the reign of our 
sovereign lady Queen Anne, by the grace of God, of Great 
Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, annoque 
domini, 1710. 

(Signed) F. F. NICHOLSON. 

1710. History of Nova-Scotia. 313 

(There is a difficulty as to the date of this document, as the 
capitulation is dated 2 October.) The English kept up a 
blockade for several days. The garrison during this time slept 
on the ramparts which had been hastily repaired. On the 
5 October the English fleet (said then to comprise fifty-one 
sail) entered the basin and anchored opposite the fort. On 
the 6th they landed on both shores, the larger body of men on 
the Fort side. Subercase did not oppose their landing, nor 
send out any parties to obstruct their movements, because he 
could not depend upon either the inhabitants or the soldiers, 
and he was persuaded that any men he might send out of the 
fort would not come in again. [4 Ckarlevoix, 62.] He des- 
paired from the first of preserving the place for the king, and 
had no other end in view than an honorable surrender. He 
had less than three hundred men under his command, while 
the enemy were estimated at three thousand four hundred, 
besides the sea forces. (There is a tradition that Nicholson 
passed his troops by night in small vessels, by the fort and 
round Hog Island, up the narrow part of the river, landing 
somewhere in the rear of the spot where the late Judge Thos. 
Ritchie's mansion is built, and gradually made his approaches 
in front of the site of the present court house of Annapolis.) 
The English, on landing without opposition, marched straight 
up towards the fort, but having been fired on and lost some 
men, they retired. The next day, the 7th, they passed a brook, 
(supposed to be the 1'Equille), which turned a mill, at a place 
where two hundred men, if properly posted, might have almost 
destroyed them ; but Subercase, seeing them busied in plant- 
ing batteries and plying the fort with bombs from a galliot, 
had not anticipated their march in that direction. The fire of 
the galliot did not effect much damage to the fort, but it served 
to cover the passage of twenty-two flat-bottomed boats, in 
which all the cannon, mortars and powder the English required 
were carried up past the fort. 

On the 8 October, Subercase compelled the English to 
retire from the position they occupied, and where they sought 
to erect batteries, by the steady fire of his cannon. On the 
9th, the cannonading went on until mid-day, and the besieged 

314 History of Nova-Scotia. 1710. 

threw some bombs into the English camp, causing much dis- 
order. Rain coming on, stopped the firing until the evening. 
The two English bomb-ships then approached the fort, and 
fired 42 bombs of 200 Ibs. weight. The besieged also tried to 
fire some carcases, but they all burst in leaving the mortar. 
The English had a vessel laden with them, but it perished at 
the entrance of the port, with all the crew of forty men. (The 
English account of the loss of a transport, captain Taye, and 
26 drowned, is<- possibly but a different version of the same 
occurrence.) Oct'r. 10. The English worked at their trenches 
and batteries, and towards evening began again to fire bombs, 
and continued this all night, but only two fell into the fort, 
doing no great damage. Five others burst in the air. A 
splinter from one wounded an officer named Latour, danger- 
ously, and another carried off a corner of the magazine, On 
the same night, fifty of the inhabitants and seven or eight sol- 
diers deserted, and on the next day, the nth October, all the 
remaining inhabitants presented a petition to the governor, 
calling his attention to their condition, worn out with being on 
foot day and night. Their ill humor and discontent with the 
governor had deprived them of courage, and they feared that 
no quarter would be granted if they waited till the English had 
completed their batteries. 

On the 12 October, (i Oct., o. s.,) Forbes and Redknap, the 
English engineers, had their three batteries open, of two mor- 
tars and twenty-four cohorn mortars, mounted within one hun- 
dred yards of the fort, and commenced firing ; the French 
returning shot and shell at the same time. [2 Hutch., 132.] 
Subercase, finding that the soldiers were as much depressed 
by fear as the inhabitants, summoned a council of war, in 
which it was resolved to seek a capitulation. M. de la Perelle, 
enseigne, was sent to general Nicholson. He first asked leave 
for the women to go out of the fort, but this is supposed to 
have been refused. Perelle remained in the English camp, 
and general Nicholson sent colonel Redding with full powers 
to treat. Subercase received him on the glacis, and conduct- 
ed him to his own lodgings, where he remained a long time 
shut up with him in his cabinet. On coming out, the gover- 

1710. History of Nova-Scotia. 315 

nor said to his officers that all was settled, and on the next day 
colonel Redding, and a captain Matthew, who had served as 
hostage for Perelle, went back to the camp, where general 
Nicholson signed the capitulation. 16 October, the garrison 
came out of the fort, to the number of 156 men, according to 
Charlevoix, (v. 4, p. 65), but according to Douglas, (p. 309), 
258 men, all in a miserable condition, delabres, in rags and 
tatters, with their arms and baggage, and all the honors of 
war ; but the six guns and two mortars, named in the third 
article of the capitulation, could not be brought out, for want 
of cattle to draw them, as the inhabitants had taken all theirs 
into the woods to a considerable distance. Under these cir- 
cumstances, the governor, by the advice of his officers, kept 
only one mortar, selling the others to the English for 7,499 
livres, 10 sols, to pay the king's debts. 

The fort was found so completely destitute of provisions, 
that general Nicholson had to order the distribution of food 
among the French. It caused him some regret that he had 
given terms to those who would have soon been under the 
necessity of surrendering from famine. The garrison, and 
such of the inhabitants as chose to go with them, amounting 
in all to 481 persons, male and female, were shipped for 
Rochelle, in France. Major Livingston was sent by Nichol- 
son, and the baron St. Castin by Subercase, to the marquis de 
Vaudreuil, the governor of Canada, to inform him of the fall of 
Port Royal. \_Douglas Summary, 309. 2 Hutch., Mass., 184. 
4 Charlevoix, 65-67.] Livingston went about the middle of 
October from Port Royal to Penobscot, where he was very 
kindly entertained by Castin, at his own house. They ascend- 
ed the river in canoes, and were detained some days by the 
Indians ; but at length, after dangerous adventures in the 
woods, where they were near perishing by hunger, they got 
into Canada. The letters which Livingston carried to the 
niarquis claimed that all the French inhabitants, who lived 
beyond cannon shot of the fort, were prisoners at discretion, 
and threatened reprisals on them, unless the Indians were 
withheld from murdering the settlers and their families on the 
frontiers of New England. The marquis sent a reply, in which 

316 History of Nova-Scotia. 1710. 

he questioned the right of reprisals on persons who had surren- 
dered on terms. He denied any instigation of cruelty on the 
part of the French. He palliated the conduct of the Indians, 
and blamed the English for refusing his former offers of neu- 
trality. As to the exchange of prisoners, which had been pro- 
posed, he expressed his readiness to act, and requested the 
number held by the English, and a place for their exchange, 
to be notified to him by his messengers returning. This 
answer he sent by messrs. de Rouville and Dupuy, to gover- 
nor Dudley, and he wrote to M. de Pontchartrain, the minis- 
ter, that he had sent these gentlemen, two of the best partizan 
officers of Canada, that they might obtain a personal know- 
ledge of the enemy's country. 

On the 28 October, general Nicholson, having left a garri- 
son at Port Royal, (now named Annapolis Royal in honor of 
queen Anne,) which garrison consisted of two hundred marines 
and two hundred and fifty New England volunteers, under 
colonel Samuel Vetch, as governor of the place, returned to 
Boston. The men-of-war and transports returned also. 


Extracts from an unsigned mbnoire on the island of Cape Breton in 1709. 
[Paris mss.] : 

" This post, well established, would render the king master of North America, " 
" and consequently of all the trade in fish, which is of signal riches." 

Recommends that the king should undertake it, and not a company, and that a 
governor, staff, and all requisite officers, with eight companies of sixty men each, 
be sent there, the annual charge of which it computes at 103,301 livres, 10 sous. 
To have a good fort, cannon, carriages, ball, ammunition, &c. An hospital for 
the soldiers, with friars hospitalers, expense 10,000 livres per annum. Jesuit 
fathers, charge 6000 livres per annum. Recollets, to be almoners of the fort and 
cures of the banlieue, expense 3000 livres per annum. For the instruction of 
young girls, 4000 livres per annum. With regard to the town, it will suffice that 
it shall be at first enclosed with pickets, (pieux), making redoubts of masonry at 
certain distances. The cost of fortification is put down at 300,000 livres the first 

History of Nova-Scotia. 317 

year, and 150,000 livres per annum afterwards. From the various marginal notes 
on the sketch of this project, it appears to have been very seriously considered. 

In another mtmoire, undated, the island of cape Breton is said to be ninety 

leagues in circumference, situated between 45 and 47 N. L., triangular in shape, 
lands lofty, harbors good, with coal mines. " The greater part of the lands are " 
" little suited for cultivation. The best are near Canseau, where the late M. " 
" Denis had a very fine residence, called little St. Peter's. The cod fishery is " 
" large." Une fort belle habitation nommle le petit St. Pierre. 


The different governments of New York, Connecticut, East and West Jersey, 
and Pennsylvania, addressed the Hon. colonel Francis Nicholson, in 1 709, to take 
on himself the command of all their troops against Canada, by land. The Gover- 
nor and Council of Rhode Island addressed him on the same subject, June 27, 
1709. Governor Cranston, of R. L, wrote to him at the same time, eulogising his 
loyalty, courage, zeal for the gospel, generosity to the Protestant churches, &c. ; 
and on 30 Sept., 1709, the assembly of R. I. sent their governor, &c.. to meet 
Nicholson and Vetch. [Rhode Island colonial records, vol. 4, //. 73, 74, 78, 79.] 


Subercase, in his letter to the minister 3 January, 1710, speaking of the affair 
of the corsaire captain, "who, while preparing for the cruise, had a difficulty " 
" with a soldier, to whom he gave two blows of his cane. This unhappy sol- " 
" dier, without complaining of this to any one, and without any one knowing " 
" anything of his design, took his gun, went to the house of the corsaire captain, " 
" whom he found in the recess of a window, and shot him in the head, the cap- " 
" tain dying instantly. The soldier was arrested and placed in a dungeon. This " 
" occurrence caused here a great alarm, because it was thought that different " 
" soldiers of the garrison had inspired him with the desire for revenge, and that " 
" they would support their comrade. The sieur des Goutins, lieutenant general, " 
(a judicial, not a military title), " came to present me a petition, praying me " 
" to cause this wretch" (malheureux) " to be executed by military law. This I " 
" did not fail to do, and two days after I caused a court martial" (conseil de 
guerre) " to assemble, where he was condemned to have his head broken" 
avoir la tete cassee (to be shot ?) " for want of a hangman, and his body cast " 
" into the common sewer. On the day of the execution, the missionary father " 
" gave me notice that the soldiers intended to mutiny, and that he was obliged " 
" to let me know. I did not take the alarm as warmly as it was spread in the set- " 
" tlement. I caused the troops to assemble, and made the detachment myself " 
" which was to escort the culprit, and chose out of the ranks those who had been " 
" pointed out to me as the chief mutineers to form the firing party" -pour lui 
casser la tete " which I caused to be done without any one saying a word, and " 
" then I made another detachment of those who were thought the worst men, " 
" and made them take the body and carry it on a scaffold" (echafaud) "in sight " 
" of the passers by." 

318 History of Nova-Scotia. 


Articles of capitulation agreed upon the surrender of the fort at Port Royal, &c. 
betwixt Francis Nicholson, esq : general and commander-in-chief of all the forces 
of her sacred majesty Anne, queen of Great Britain, &c., and monsieur Subercase, 
governor, &c., for his most Christian majesty : 

1st. That the garrison shall march out with their arms and baggage, drums 
beating and colours flying. 2. That there shall be a sufficient number of ships 
and provisions to transport the said garrison to Rochel (Rochelle) or Rochefort, 
by the shortest passage, when they shall be furnished with passports for their 
return. 3. That I may take out six guns and two mortars, such as I shall think 
fit. 4. That the officers shall carry out all their effects, of what sort soever, ex- 
cept they do agree to the selling of them ; the payment of which to be upon good 
faith. 5. That the inhabitants within cannon shot of Port Royal shall remain 
upon their estates, with their corn, cattle and furniture, during two years, in case 
they are not desirous to go before, they taking the oaths of allegiance and fidelity 
to her sacred majesty of Great Britain. 6. That a vessel be provided for the pri- 
vateers belonging to the islands in America, for their transportation thither. 
7. That those that are desirous to go for Placentia, in Newfoundland, shall have 
leave by the nearest passage. 8. That the Canadians, or those that are desirous 
to go there, may, for during the space of one year. 9. That effects, ornaments, 
and utensils of the chappel and hospital, shall be delivered to the almoner. 10. I 
promise to deliver the fort of Port Royal into the hands of Francis Nicholson, 
esq., for the queen of Great Britain, within three days after the ratification of this 
present treaty, with all the effects belonging to the king, as guns, mortars, 
bombs, ball, powder, and all other small arms. n. I will discover, upon my 
faith, all the mines, fugasses and casemates. 12. All the articles of this present 
treaty shall be executed upon good faith, without difficulty, and signed by each 
other, at her majesty of Great Britain's camp before Port Royal Fort, this second 
day of October, in the ninth year of her majesty's reign. Annoque domini, 1710. 


Memorandum. The general declared that within cannon shot of Port Royal, 
in the fifth article above said, is to be understood to be three English miles round 
the fort, to be Annapolis Royal ; and the inhabitants within three miles to have 
the benefit of that article. Which persons, male and female, comprehended in 
the said article, according to a list of the names given to the general by M. Allein, 
amounts to 481 persons. [2 Hutchinson, Mass., 182, 183.] 

(On the ii September, 1732, lieutenant governor Armstrong and the council 
appointed the nth of October to be the day for choosing deputies, in commemo- 
ration of the reduction of the place. There is some difficulty about these dates, 
owing to the difference in the style. The 2 October, old style, would be the 13, 
October, new style.) 


The following document was given by Subercase. [E. &* F. Commrs.] : 
We, Daniel Dauger de Subercase, knight of the military order of Saint Louis, 
governor of Acadie, of cape Breton, of the adjacent islands and lands from cape 

History of Nova-Scotia. 319 

des Rosiers of the river St. Lawrence to the west of the river Kinibeki, promise 
to have passports given to messieurs majors Richard Wallins and Charles 
Brown, to return by land or sea to old England, after having conducted us to 
Rochelle or Rochefort, whither they are to go, by order of Mr. Francis Nicholson, 
general of the troops of the queen of Great Britain, in New England, in conform- 
ity with the capitulation made between him and us on the surrender of the fort 
of Port Royal, in Acadie. Done at the said place, the 23d day of October, 1710, 
and we have hereunto caused to be affixed the seal of our arms, and the same to 
be countersigned by our secretary. 


Nicholson was governor of Nova Scotia in 1713, and was governor of 
South Carolina from 1721 to 1725. Probably no other person acted as governor 
in so many different provinces. His expedition cost New England ,23,000 ster- 
ling, but the amount was reimbursed by the English parliament. In 1710, the 
garrison of St. Johns, Newfoundland, was reinforced by two companies of 
marines. [Douglas Siimmary, 294.] 


There are more sorts of hand mortars, but Cohorne's new invention ex- 
ceeds them all, so far as to deserve a particular description. They are made of 
hammered iron, of 4 inches diameter in the bore, 10 1-2 inches long, and 9 inches 
in the chase, fixed upon a piece of oak 20 inches long, 10 1-2 broad, and betwixt 
3 and 4 thick. They stand fixed at 45 degrees of elevation, and throw hand gre- 
nades, as all other hand mortars do. They are placed in the bottom of the 
trenches, at two yards distance from one another, having each a soldier to serve 
it, and an officer to every 40 or 50, who lays them to what elevation he thinks 
convenient, by raising or sinking the hind part of the bed. 300 or 400 of these 
are sometimes in service at once, in different parts of the trenches, 60. 70 or 80 
in a place. Those in one place fire all at once, immediately after the batteries 
have done ; and are answered from another part of the trench, which brings such 
a shower of hand grenades into the covert way, that those who defend it are 
thrown into unavoidable confusion. [The Theatre of the late War, drY., 1756.] 


I received the following paper recently, from my friend Mr. W. T. Waterman, 
and as it is connected with the history of Port Royal, insert it here : 

The writer, when a boy, say about the year 1843, was informed by some work- 
men who were employed on the bridge over Allen's river, Annapolis Royal, that 
a bomb shell lay upon the bank of the river, about half way between the bridge 
and the mouth of the river on the south west side. In company with another 
boy, he proceeded to the spot indicated, and found two unexploded shells, 13 
inches in diameter. One of them was nearly embedded in the mud ; the other 
had but recently been exhumed by the tide. The general opinion is, they had 
been fired from some man-of-war lying in the old French Dock, and intended to 
fall in the fort, but had had too much elevation. The range was good. They are 
both in existence. One is in possession of G. F. Pike, Esq. 

For Mr. Murdoch. THOS. D. HENDERSON. 

320 History of Nova-Scotia. 1711 


1711. Although Port Royal had always been restored to 
France, with the rest of Acadie, at the return of peace, on the 
various occasions of its being captured by the English, this 
conquest was destined to be permanent. The never ceasing 
incursions of the French, their Canadian colonists and their 
Indian allies, had so long harrassed and distressed the indus- 
trious settlers on the frontiers, especially the border people of 
New England, that they had infused a spirit of hostility and 
resentment in the hearts of the English colonists at the cruel, 
and, as they naturally considered it, cowardly mode of warfare 
pursued by their neighbors, feelings which were intensified by 
their differences of religious belief. Besides all this, the neces- 
sity of self-protection, and the constant alarms that disturbed 
their security, contributed greatly to excite them to combat- 
iveness, and to inure them to the habits of vigilance, patience 
and concerted action, that enable men to become good soldiers. 
Thus circumstanced, the New Englanders became almost uni- 
versally military in their habits and disposition. Phips, Church 
and Pepperell in more conspicuous stations only displayed war- 
like talents and propensities, which, during the French and 
Indian wars, and long afterwards, pervaded the whole popula- 
tion of our Eastern colonies. The French, however, were far 
from abandoning the hope of recovering Acadie, but continued 
persistently in measures designed to procure its re-possession. 
Although the forces they employed were inadequate to the 
purpose, yet the object was not relinquished until half -a cen- 
tury had elapsed, and their government in North America was 

1711. History of Nova-Scotia. 321 

entirely destroyed by the loss of Canada and cape Breton. 
The marquis de Vaudreuil, then governor in Canada, (i Janu- 
ary, 1711), commissioned the baron de St. Castin, provision- 
ally, as his lieutenant in Acadie, and sent him instructions to 
maintain the subjects of the French crown who remained in 
the country in due obedience to his majesty. 

The inhabitants of Port Royal sent M. de Clignancourt, 
(R6n d' Amours), to the marquis de Vaudreuil, with a letter, 
as follows : 


" Sir. As your goodness extends over all those who, being " 
" subjects of his majesty, have recourse to you to relieve them " 
" in their misery, we pray you will vouchsafe us your assist- " 
" ance to withdraw ourselves from this country, and to be " 
" near you, having had the misfortune to be taken by the " 
" English, as you have doubtless learned from the envoy of " 
" Mr. Nicholson, and from the sieur de St. Castin, who left " 
" this in charge of letters from M. de Subercase. M. de Clig- " 
" nancourt, sir, will give you a faithful report of all that passed " 
" on this occasion, as also since the departure of the English " 
" fleet. He will make you acquainted with the bottom of our '" 
" hearts, and will tell you better than we can do by a letter, '" 
" the harsh manner in which Mr. Weische" (Vetch) " treats '" 
" us, keeping us like negroes, and wishing to persuade us '" 
" that we are under great obligation to him for not treating '" 
" us much worse, being able, he says, to do so with justice, "' 
" and without our having room to complain of it. We have " 
" given to M. de Clignancourt copies of three ordonnances,, "' 
" which M. Weische" (Vetch) " has issued, and at the moment " 
" we have the honor to write you, we learn that he has sent " 
" to Mines and Beaubassin. We know not yet what the " 
" purport of his orders thither may be, but we are persuaded " 
" that he will not have more regard for the inhabitants of" 
" these places than he has had for us. We pray you, sir, to " 
" have regard to our misery, and to honor us with your letter " 
" for our consolation, expecting that you may furnish the " 


322 History of Nova-Scotia. 1711. 

" necessary assistance for our retiring from this unhappy " 
" country." 

" We are, with much respect," &c, \Paris mss.~\ 

The marquis was also informed that the Indians in the 
neighborhood of Acadie appeared to grow cool in their attach- 
ment to the French, hearing the English say repeatedly that 
they would follow up this conquest by that of Canada. In 
consequence of this, he sent two Frenchmen and two Indians 
with letters addressed to the missionaries in these parts, ex- 
horting them to redouble their zeal to confirm their converts 
in the French alliance. He ordered these messengers to visit 
all the French settlements in Acadie to ascertain the dis- 
position of the inhabitants exactly, and to assure him that he 
would do impossibilities, rather than they should want for any- 
thing. [4 Charlevoix, 69, 70.] At this time Port Royal re- 
mained under the command of colonel Vetch, who is called a 
Scotchman, in one of the letters written to the minister. Five 
of the inhabitants were imprisoned : Pierre le Blanc, Jean 
Como, Francois Brossar, Guillaume Bourgeois, and Germain 
Bourgeois, his father ; the latter is said to have died from his 
sufferings in prison. Father Justinien, a recoltit priest, curt, 
was also imprisoned, and in February, 1711, sent as a prisoner 
to Boston. The English asserted that Subercase assured 
them that Justinien had deserted to the head of the river, with 
the inhabitants who are outside of the banlieue. It seems 
that the commissary of the fort had gone up with some inha- 
bitants to Pierre le Blanc's house, and was there captured by 
a party, which consisted of two English sailors, deserters one 
Abraham Godet an inhabitant from Beaubassin, and three 
mulattoes from the coast. On his paying to each of them ten 
t /cus as ransom, they suffered him to return to the fort. This 
transaction seems to have led to the arrests above mentioned. 
Louis Halin (Allain ?) and his son, inhabitants of the banlieue, 
were accused of enticing soldiers to desert, and were put in 
irons and imprisoned in the dungeons. The garrison was 
five hundred strong, part regulars of the queen's army, and 
part New England volunteers. It is stated that of this num- 

1 7 ii. History of Nova-Scotia. 323 

ber more than three hundred and forty had died of sickness and 
in sorties unto the first day of June, 1711, that is within seven 
months from the surrender of the place. A terrible mortality, 
if the statement can be relied on. These particulars are con- 
tained in a letter from Christopher Cahouet to the French 
minister, dated at Placentia, 20 July, 1711, He says he was 
made major of militia in Acadie by the English governor, also 
that he obtained a passport from governor Vetch in conformity 
with the capitulation, and that he left the country to go to 
Placentia in a little vessel, with his wife and children, on ist 
June, 1711. That the fort at Annapolis was in a bad state 
that the ramparts had tumbled down. " The English have " 
"' put chevaux de frise at the places which have given way, " 
"' but the stakes 1 ' (batons) " are not bigger than a cane. You " 
"" may count, my lord, safely on the information I give your " 
*' Excellency, since I always had liberty of walking, drinking " 
"' and eating at the fort with the governor, when I pleased to " 
*' go there." He says that having anchored his little vessel at 
Mouscoudabouet, on the coast of Acadie, (about Cole Harbor 
or Chezetcook), he received a letter from the missionary, M. 
Gaulin, stating the movements of forty Indians from Penta- 
goe't, sent by Castin to collect the Indians, and their attack on 
63 English. He says the inhabitants and Indians are all in 
insurrection against the English, and intend to take the fort 
by assault. Their number will be 500 or 600 men in arms, 
and that all that is wanting is a leader. 

It appears that early in the summer of 1711 the English at 
Port Royal endeavored to conciliate the Indians and attract 
them to their side. M. Gaulin, missionary, boasts in his let- 
ter of 5 Sept., 1711, from Placentia, that he had successfully 
opposed these negotiations, and "to take away all hope of" 
" an accommodation, he induced the savages to make incur- " 
" sions on the English, and openly to oppose themselves to " 
" the transport of wood, which the English governor obliged " 
" the inhabitants to furnish for re-establishing the fortifica- " 
" tions." (They were paid for this work.) The governor 
piqued at this opposition, and being besides discontented 
with the conduct of the inhabitants, who would not furnish 

324 History of Nova-Scotia. 1711. 

the wood he required, detached eighty men of the garrison, 
under captain Pigeon, an officer of the regular army, to 
surprize some families of the Indians who were up the river, 
and to carry off the principal inhabitants. This detach- 
ment consisted of the choice of what remained of his men, 
there being, according to Cahouet's account, not above 120 
men left in the garrison, inclusive of officers and servants. 
When the detachment got to the place of their destination up 
the river, a party of forty-two Indians, who were in ambush in 
the woods, suddenly came out and fell upon them. Thirty of 
the English were killed, and the rest made prisoners. Among 
the slain were an engineer and a major. The latter, not being 
willing to be made a prisoner, an Indian swam across the 
river with his tomahawk at his side and his pistol between his 
teeth, and killed him. The fort major, the engineer, and all 
the boat's crew, were killed ; and two captains, two lieuten- 
ants, an ensign, and some 30 or 40 men of the garrison, were 
made prisoners. [2 Hutchinson, Mass., 199. 4 Charlevoix, 
92-93.] The scene of this disaster is about twelve miles 
above Annapolis, on the river, and bears the name of Bloody 
Creek. This action so raised the courage of the French 
inhabitants and Indians, that they sent to inform the mis- 
sionary, Gaulin, of it. He was thirty leagues away at the 
time, laboring in secret to collect a party to surprize the Fort 
at Annapolis, which he projected to attempt in concert with 
the sieur de St. Castin, who held the commission of lieutenant 
under the marquis Vaudreuil. On receipt of this intelligence, 
Gaulin went at once to Port Royal (Annapolis) with more 
than two hundred men. Gaulin notified the inhabitants and 
the Indians to repair to his assistance, and directed them to 
fit out a vessel to transport provisions for the siege. He also 
sent off a small vessel to Placentia, to request ammunition for 
this enterprize from M. Costabelle, the governor of that place. 
All the inhabitants withdrew out of cannon shot from the fort, 
and they also transported their cattle up the river. Those of 
the banlieue intimated to the governor that he had violated 
the articles of capitulation to their prejudice, and that they 
were thereby freed from the oaths they had taken not to bear 

ijn. History of Nova-Scotia. 325 

arms ; after which they joined their compatriots in blockading 
the fort. The investment was such that the garrison could 
not come out to work, or appear on the ramparts. The inha- 
bitants relieved each other weekly by companies, in keeping up 
the blockade or investment. Gaulin himself proceeded to Pla- 
centia to obtain succors of ammunition, &c., and an officer of 
experience to take command in the siege. He arrived there 
on the 15 August, and assured governor Costabelle of the con- 
stant fidelity of the inhabitants of Acadie to the interests of 
France, and of the resolution they had taken and executed of 
withdrawing themselves from the English domination, taking 
refuge with their families in the woods among the savages to 
continue to make war upon the English. That no officers or 
soldiers of the enemy's garrison dared any longer to go out of 
their fort, so much were they hemmed in by the Indians and 
the French inhabitants, who daily formed parties to surprize 
them, and to reduce them to the last extremity. Costabelle 
gave M. Gaulin 1200 Ibs. powder, 1400 Ibs. lead in balls, 10,000 
gun flints, 100 woolen blankets, some new guns for the Indian 
chiefs, and the remainder to be distributed to the Indians in 
the French interest. Costabelle says, " These articles I have " 
" shipped in a little privateer" (corsaire) " of 6 guns and 80 " 
" men, commanded by one Morpin, a man of reputation " 
" among \htflibustiers of America. He has orders to carry " 
" them to the French settlements on the coast of Acadie. " 
" The sieur Gaulin accompanies them, and is to distribute " 
" them." Costabelle designed to send M. L'hermite, the major 
of Placentia, with two mortars and ammunition for bombard- 
ment, to assist the proposed siege, but he received information 
that Vetch had returned to Boston, leaving colonel sir Charles 
Hobby in command at Annapolis, and that a relief of 200 men 
of the New York levies had reached the garrison. This news 
was brought to Placentia by a brigantine which arrived there 
from the coast of Acadie on the i September. M. Record, 
the captain, had also been assured by the Indians of Laheve, 
that in the beginning of the month of August, they had seen 
and counted more than sixty sail making their way for Que- 
bec. On the 17 September, Costabelle was further informed 

326 History of Nova-Seotia. 1711. 

that Morpin had been captured off Chapeau-rouge, by an Eng- 
lish vessel of 30 guns. On this occasion Morpin fully sus- 
tained his reputation, having fought for three hours at close 
quarters, and prevented the enemy from boarding him. Gau- 
lin had the good fortune of having left Placentia in another 
vessel, and thus escaping capture. Vaudreuil received on 4th 
August a letter from father Felix, recollet missionary in Aca- 
die, giving him an account of the victory the Indians had 
gained at Bloody Creek, and the investment of Port Royal by 
the French inhabitants in conjunction with the Indians. In 
two days' time Vaudreuil got ready a force of two hundred 
picked men, with twelve officers of bravery and experience. 
They were to march at once to Acadie, under command of 
the marquis d'Alognies ; but news meanwhile came from Pla- 
centia that expeditions were being fitted out at both Boston and 
New York, and it was deemed prudent to countermand the 
orders just issued. [4 Charlevoix, 73.] The English had at 
this time captured the Heros and the Vermandois, at Isle 
Percee, and sent these prizes to England. 

After the reduction of Port Royal, Nicholson had gone to 
England to solicit the crown to adopt measures for the con- 
quest of Canada. The New England colonies were notified 
to make preparations, and on the 28 April, 1711, the English 
squadron sailed from England, and arrived at Boston on the 
25th June. This British naval force consisted of twelve line- 
of-battle ships, several frigates, two bomb vessels, forty trans- 
ports, and six store ships, having on board eight regiments, a 
fine train of artillery, and forty horses for drawing it. Gen- 
eral Nicholson himself got to Boston on his return, upon the 
8 June, bringing with him orders from the queen to the seve- 
ral governments of New England, New York, Jersey and 
Pennsylvania, directing them to have their quotas of men in 
readiness for the coming of the fleet from England. The 
troops sent from Europe comprized the regiments of Hill, 
Kirke, Windress, Clayton and Kaine, from Flanders ; Sey- 
mour's, Disney's, and a battalion of marines, from England ; 
Brigadier Hill, the brother of Mrs. Masham, the queen's favo- 
rite, was the general ; colonel Churchill commanded the 

1711. History of Nova-Scotia. 327 

marines. The artillery were under the command of colonel 
King. In consequence of the orders of the crown, a congress 
was assembled at New London, composed of the governors of 
all the colonies north of Pennsylvania, to concert matters with 
Nicholson. Two regiments from New England were joined 
to the British troops. The fleet was commanded by admiral 
sir Hovenden Walker. There were sixty-eight vessels in all, 
with 6,463 land troops embarked, and they sailed from Boston 
on the 30 July. On the 1 8- August they anchored at Gaspe" 
to take in wood and water. On the 2Oth of the same month 
general Nicholson marched from Albany with the militia from 
Connecticut, New York and the Jersies, amounting to about 
4000 men, and Indians of the five nations, Iroquois, about 
600 in number, to attack Montreal. On the same day, the 
British fleet left Gaspe" ; and although provided with both 
French and American pilots, they got into difficulties, from 
fogs and storms, in the mouth of the St. Lawrence. On the 
23 August, in a thick fog and on a dark night, they were 
driven on the north shore. {London Magazine for 1 756, /. 231.] 
In this situation they lost eight transports, and 884 men were 
drowned near Egg Island. After this disaster it was resolved 
in a council of war to abandon the enterprize, the want of 
knowledge of the navigation of the river being the cause, and 
it was ordered that advice should be sent to general Nicholson 
to recall him from his advance by land. On the 4 September 
the fleet anchored in Spanish river, (baie des Espagnols, now 
called Sydney harbour), in cape Breton. Here another coun- 
cil of war was held, and it was determined to return to Great 
Britain, a proposal to attack Placentia being overruled. The 
Feversham, of 36 guns, and three transports, were lost in the 
gulph of Saint Lawrence. In twenty-one days the squadron 
were in soundings, near the English channel. The admiral 
arrived at Portsmouth in his ship the Edgar, on the Qth Octo- 
ber. On the i6th, the Edgar, with the admiral's journals and 
papers, and four hundred men on board, was blown up at 
Portsmouth. Nicholson had marched as far as the bank of lake 
George to await the attack on Quebec by the other expedition, 
and does not seem to have gone further. Colonel Samuel 

328 History of Nova-Scotia. 1711. 

Vetch was with the expedition, and colonel Caufield, lieuten- 
ant governor of Annapolis, and they obtained a detachment of 
400 British troops for the garrison at Annapolis. 

Admiral Walker set up a cross at Spanish river, C. B., with 
an inscription, setting forth that he took possession of the 
country for the queen, dated 15 September, 1711. It is said 
that Paradis, an old French seaman, who was a prisoner, cau- 
tioned admiral Walker when he was off the Seven islands, not 
to venture too near the islands, but that the admiral distrusted 
him, and so got into danger. 

The expence of this expedition to Massachusetts was ^24,- 
ooo sterling, but Parliament paid the amount. [2 Hutch., 190, 
198. Douglas Summary, p. 312.] 


From a letter of M. Pontchartrain, minister of the marine, to M. de Beauhar- 
nois, intendant of Rochefort : 

24 December, 1710. 

" Since I have learned, sir, the loss we have sustained of Acadie, I " 

" think continually of the means of recovering this important post, before the " 

" English are solidly settled therein. You know that by the article of the " 

" preliminaries, we give up the island of Newfoundland to the English, and that " 
" if we do not re-capture Acadie, there will not remain for us any place by which " 
" we can carry on the fishery. Besides this country is so near to Canada, that " 
" there will be every reason to fear that it will involve eventually its loss, if the " 
" English retain possession." 

The first proposal for peace came from France to England in April, 1711. 
The preliminaries were signed at London 27 September, (8 October, n. s.,) 
following. It would seem, therefore, that the true date of M. Pontchartrain's 
letter was 24 December. 1711. The article he refers to is the 8th and last 
of the demands of Great Britain, viz : " 8. Newfoundland, the bay and streights " 
" of Hudson, shall be entirely restored to the English ; Great Britain and France " 
" shall respectively keep and possess all the countries, dominions and territories " 
" in North America, which each of those nations shall possess at the time that " 
" the ratification of this treaty shall be published in those parts of the world. " 
The French answer : " The discussion of this article shall be referred to the " 
" general conferences of the peace, provided that the liberty of fishing and dry- " 
" ing of codfish upon the isle ol Newfoundland be reserved to the French." 

History of Nova-Scotia. 329 


Sir Hovenden Walker, in 1720, published a journal of his expedition of 1711, 
which is very full and particular. Vetch had discredited the French pilot, 8 Aug., 
1711, off Canso ; and the council of war, 25 August, after the shipwreck at Egg 
Islands, declared their opinion that the pilots they had were ignorant of the navi- 
gation. [Walker's Journal, 131.] At the second council of war, at Spanish river, 
Sept. 8, [The same, 141, 142], the shortness of provisions was alleged as 
the reason for abandoning further proceedings, and going back to England. 
' Capt Rouse, in the Sunderland, of 60 guns, was despatched from the fleet to Bos- 
ton to recall lieut. general Nicholson from his march to Canada. [The same, 
P- 132-] 


The baron St. Castin is said to have finally left America and returned to France 
in 1708. We may, therefore, conclude that the officer appointed by Vaudreuil 
to take charge of the French interest in Acadie in 1711 must have been his half- 
breed son, Anselme, baron St. Castin, who was married at Port Royal 31 Oct., 
1707, to Charlotte d' Amours, daughter of Louis d' Amours, sieur de Chauffeurs. 


Philippe de Rigaud, marquis de Vaudreuil, governor and lieutenant general for 
the king in all New France, recites that it is for H. M. service to establish a com- 
mandant in all the extent of Acadie, as well over the French as over the Indians, 
Subercase having gone to France, and the chief business being the managing of 
our Indian allies, (les sauvages nos allies :) recites also the services of sieur baron 
de St. Castin, commandant of Pentagouet, particularly displayed in the two 
sieges of Port Royal in 1 707, when he received a musket wound in his thigh. 
He therefore appoints him lieutenant (lieutenant en pied), orders marquis 
d'Alogny, commandant of the troops, to recognize him as such, and M. 
Raudot, intendant of justice, police and finances of this country, to cause him to 
be paid the salary appertaining to his situation. Dated Quebec, I January, 1711. 


M. de Subercase wrote to the minister, Rochefort, 14 March, 1711, that part of 
the late garrison of Acadie were ordered to Nantes and Bayonne. That they 
could not be trusted, but would all or most of them desert. Wishes them to be 
made an example, as they had revolted in Acadie. Prays for his being tried. 


Sir Charles Hobby was proposed by a party in New England to be governor 
instead of Dudley, 1705-1708. Said to be a gay man and free liver, knighted 
either for courage evinced during an earthquake at Jamaica, or for money. [2 
Hutch., Mass., 152, 153, 175.] Perhaps the aspersions on his character origina- 
ted in party slander and religious bigotry. He is even worse treated in Gra- 
ham's Col. History. 

33O History of Nova-Scotia. 1712. 


1712. The French had built a small church or chapel at 
Narantsouac, (Norridgewock), on the Kinibequi river, in 1698, 
at which father Sebastien Rasle or Ralle was stationed as mis- 
sionary to the Canibas, and other adjacent Indian tribes. In 
1702, colonel Hilton, with 270 men, went there in winter, and 
found the place deserted, when he burnt down the chapel, and 
some wigwams. The mission, however, was not abandoned, 
but Ralle was afterwards assailed in another mode. A cler- 
gyman from Boston was sent into his neighborhood, at the 
expence of the government, to establish a school for the in- 
struction of the Indians. He made himself intimate with the 
Indians questioned them on the articles of the creed which 
they had learned from the catholic missionary, and endeavored, 
by the weapons of ridicule, to shake their belief in the sacra- 
ments, purgatory, the invocation of saints, and other doctrines 
of the church of Rome. Father Ralle thought himself bound 
to oppose these first seeds of seduction. He wrote a very 
polite letter to the protestant clergyman, and pointed out to 
him, among other things, that his neophytes knew how to be- 
lieve in the truths which the catholic church teaches, but were 
not acquainted with disputation. That in suggesting difficul- 
ties to them, such as he could not suppose them able to reply 
to, his design apparently was that they should communicate 
the points in controversy to their missionary. But he availed 
himself with pleasure of the opportunity of a conference with 
a. man of ability. That he offered him the choice of a viva 

1712. History of Nova-Scotia. 331 

voce, or a written controversy, and meanwhile he sent him a 
me'moire, which he prayed him to read with attention. In this 
document, which was pretty voluminous, Ralle undertook to 
prove, by scripture, by tradition, and by theological arguments, 
the dogmas which the protestant clergyman had attacked with 
his jesting remarks. He added, in closing his letter, that if he 
was not satisfied with his proofs, he expected from him a 
precise refutation, and one based upon certain principles, and 
not upon vague reasoning, much less upon malicious reflec- 
tions and indecent satires, which did not suit their sacred pro- 
fession, nor comport with the importance of the matters in 
controversy. Two days after the protestant minister received 
these despatches, he left for Boston, from which place he sent 
Ralle an answer ; but one, as Charlevoix states, so obscure and 
in such unintelligible Latin, that Ralle could only understand 
that he complained of being unreasonably attacked that zeal 
for salvation alone had induced him to teach the Indians the 
way to heaven, and that the proofs which Ralle opposed to 
him were puerile and ridiculous. Ralle sent a reply at once 
to Boston. The minister's answer to this he only got two 
years after, in which Ralle was charged with ill-humor and an 
angry and critical disposition ; and thus their controversy 

On the i gth August, 1712, n. s., a treaty for cessation of 
arms between England and France was signed at Paris, 
and ratified by queen Anne, at Windsor, 18 August, 1712, 
o. s.., (29 August, n. s.) In the further negotiations that 
took place, the following offer was made by the French : 
" His majesty offers to leave the fortifications of Placentia as " 
" they are, when he yields that place to England, to agree " 
" to the demand made of the guns of Hudson's bay ; more- " 
" over, to yield the islands of St. Martin and St. Bartholo- " 
" mew, to give up even the right of fishing and drying cod " 
" upon the coast of Newfoundland, if the English will give " 
v him back Acadie, in consideration of these new cessions " 
" which are proposed as an equivalent. In this case his " 
"majesty would consent that the river of St. George shoiUd" 
" be the limit of Acadie, as England desired." 

332 History of Nova-Scotia. I 7 I 3- 

1713. On the nth of April, 1713, (31 March, o' s.,) treaties 
of peace were signed at Utrecht, to which France, England, 
Holland, Portugal, Russia and Savoy, were parties. These 
treaties were formally published in Paris on the 22d of May. 
The 1 2th article of the treaty, made at Utrecht between Anne, 
the queen of Great Britain, and Louis the I4th, king of France, 
was as follows : 

" The most Christian king shall cause to be delivered to " 
" the queen of Great Britain, on the same day on which the " 
" ratifications of this treaty shall be exchanged, solemn and " 
" authentick letters or instruments, by virtue whereof it shall " 
" appear that the island of St. Christopher is to be possessed " 
" hereafter by British subjects only ; likewise that all Nova " 
" Scotia or Acadie, comprehended within its antient bounda- " 
" ries ; as also the city of Port Royal, now called Annapolis " 
" Royal, and all other things in these parts which depend on " 
" the said lands and islands, together with the dominion, " 
" property and possession of the said islands, lands and pla- " 
" ces, and all right whatever by treaties, or any other way " 
" attained, which the most Christian king, the crown of " 
" France, or any the subjects thereof, have hitherto had to the " 
" said islands, lands and places, and to the inhabitants of the " 
" same, are yielded and made over to the queen of Great " 
" Britain, and to her crown for ever ; as the most Christian " 
" king doth now yield and make over all the said premisses, " 
" and that in such ample manner and form that the subjects " 
" of the most Christian king shall hereafter be excluded from " 
" all kind of fishing in the seas, bays, and other places on the " 
" coasts of Nova Scotia, that is to say, on those coasts which " 
" lie towards the East, within thirty leagues, beginning from " 
" the island commonly called Sable, inclusively, and thence " 
" stretching along towards the South West." (The roth arti- 
cle gave up all Hudson's Bay to the English, and the I3th 
declared Newfoundland should belong wholly to Great Britain, 
and the French engaged to surrender Placentia, and whatever 
else they held in the island, to the English, within seven 
months from the exchange of ratifications. The French were 
not to fortify or build in Newfoundland, but were to be allowed 

1713- History of Nova-Scotia. 333 

to build stages of boards and huts for fishing and drying fish 
on that part of the coast which extends from cape Bonavista 
to the northern part of the island, and thence along the West 
side of it to Point Rich. (Point Rich is the north part of 
Ingonornachoix bay.) Cape Breton, and the other islands 
in the gulph of Saint Lawrence, to remain to the French, who 
may fortify there. In May, 1713, king Louis I4th made a 
formal act of cession of St. Christopher's and Nova Scotia, con- 
formably to the treaty. Signed by the king, and counter- 
signed " Phelypeaux." 

Letter of queen Anne. 

Anne R. 

Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. Whereas our 
good brother, the most Christian king, hath, at our desire, re- 
leased from imprisonment on board his galleys, such of his 
subjects as were detained there on account of their professing 
the Protestant religion. We, being willing to show by some 
mark of our favour towards his subjects how kind we take his 
compliance therein, have therefore thought fit hereby to sig- 
nify our will and pleasure to you, that you permit such of them 
as have any lands or tenements in the places under your gov- 
ernment in Accadie and Newfoundland, that have been or are 
to be yielded to us by virtue of the late treaty of peace, and 
are willing to continue our subjects, to retain and enjoy their 
said lands and tenements without any molestation, as fully and 
freely as other our subjects do or may possess their lands or 
estates, or to sell the same, if they shall rather choose to 
remove elsewhere. And for so doing, this shall be your war- 
rant, and so we bid you heartily farewell. Given at our court 
at Kensington, the 23rd day of June, 1713, and in the I2th 
year of our reign. 

By her majesty's command, 

(Signed) ' DARTMOUTH.' 


To our trusty and well beloved Francis Nicholson, esquire, 
governor of our province of Nova Scotia or Accadia, and gen- 
eral and commander-in-chief of our forces, in our said province 
and in Newfoundland, in America. 

334 History of Nova-Scotia. I 7 I 3- 

In a ms. memoire of n July, 1713, addressed by M. Riverin 
to the duke de Villiers and the marquis de Torcy, the I2th 
article of the treaty of Utrecht is discussed. It is there argued 
that Nova Scotia means the territory west of the bay of Fundy, 
and Acadie the peninsula lying east of it ; while the isle of 
Sable, named in the treaty, is considered to be, not the island 
usually so called, but the island of cape Sable, and the fishery 
forbidden to the French to be only the fishery in the bay of 
Fundy ; while Sable island itself is stated to belong to cape 
Breton, and thus to be French territory. By a similar ingen- 
uity of construction, the author enlarges the district of the 
Newfoundland shore left open to French fishery. A reference 
to the offer made by the French to adopt the river St. George 
as the boundary of Acadie, if that province were left to France, 
is a complete answer to all this special pleading which was 
the theme of the French Commissaries in 1751. 

Orders were sent from France to M. de Costabelle, to pre- 
pare for evacuating the forts of Placentia, and for transferring 
the inhabitants to the island of cape Breton. Difficulties 
arose, their fishing shallops being unfit for the passage, and 
the loss of their fishing season would be felt as an injury. 
Some persons appeared stubbornly bent on remaining there, 
and taking the oath to the English government. Costabelle 
assembled the people in presence of M. St. Ovide de Brouillan, 
commander of the king's ship the Semslack, and addressed 
them. He also sent M. du Vivier to M. Gaulin, the mission- 
ary, with letters to induce the Indians and French in Acadie 
to go to cape Breton. \Letter of Costabelle to the minister, 
Placentia, 18 July, 1713.] Differences of opinion existed as 
to the best place in cape Breton to be' fortified and occupied 
by the French, now that they were about to remove from Pla- 
centia. Joseph Guyon, a Quebec pilot of great experience, 
urged upon governor Costabelle that the bay of St. Anne's, in 
cape Breton, was the locality that combined the greatest ad- 
vantages. It had a narrow entrance, not much wider than the 
range of a musket shot, and could be easily fortified. There 
were very fine beaches of gravel (graves) there, and so spa- 
cious that thirty or forty vessels could be placed there for dry- 

1713- History of Nova-Scotia. 335 

ing fish. Codfish abounded there more than in any other 
part of the island. The whole extent of the lands there was 
level, and suitable for the production of all sorts of grain. 
That this place had been formerly inhabited by M. de Ronde 
Denis ; that they now gathered there a large quantity of apples 
from trees planted in that period. Guyon also positively stated 
that there were but 3 fathoms of water at high tide in the en- 
trance of Havre a 1' Anglois, (English harbor, now Louisbourg), 
and in that of the bay St. Anne 14 to 15 fathoms in coasting to 
the entrance, (en rangeant a 1'abord.) He represented the island 
of St. Peters, near the straits of Can9o, as unfit for trade as 
dangerous for vessels above 150 tons to enter. \Costabelles 
letter to the minister, 3 August, 1713.] All the navigators who 
seek a retreat on this coast prefer Spanish river, (baie des 
Espagnols, now Sydney.) \Costabelle, 10 August, 1713.] 

M. 1'Hermite, major and engineer, with others from Placen- 
tia, arrived at Havre a 1' Anglois, on the 8 August, 1713. M. 
de Rouville arrived there with a detachment in the 1'Amitie, 
commanded by M. de la Boularderie. St. Ovide, who was 
there, sent letters to Gaulin and to pere Felix, recollet, cure" of 
Mines and Beaubassin. L'Hermite says that English harbor 
is the worst in the island as respects wood, but good 
for fishery, and, except St. Anne's, the only one that can 
be fortified. As regards St. Anne's, he says it is near Labra- 
dor, (the salt water lake in cape Breton so called) ; that the 
fishery is two leagues distant from it. It is one of the finest 
harbors to be seen for wood and lands. The entrance is 
scarcely wider than that of Placentia. On the 7 Sept'r., 1713, 
there were one hundred and sixty persons in all to be fed at 
Havre a 1'Anglois, which caused difficulty, as rations for one 
hundred only had been provided. Two families of Acadie had 
come by the way of Canada, comprising 12 persons. L'Her- 
mite had been along the coast to St. Anne's, and into the 
Labrador. There cannot be finer woods or lands. There is 
also plaister and coal. He hopes the harbor in Canseau pas- 
sage, of which de Jeune and Baptiste spoke, will prove a good 
one. In that case there would be a communication between 
the two by the Labrador. \L'Hermite to Costabelle, 7 and 9 

336 History of Nova-Scotia. 

Sept., 1713.] M. de la Ronde Denis, captain of infantry, arri- 
ved at Havre a 1'Anglois. He calls it a fine harbor, easily 
fortified, which may hold over 100 vessels of all sizes. The 
fishery there is abundant. He says St. Anne's is four leagues 
from Niganiche, and the same distance from Spanish bay. 
English harbor, he says, will be expensive, as all materials for 
fortifying it must be brought from a great distance. St. Anne's 
is a harbor 100,000 times finer. It may be rendered impreg- 
nable more easily with 50,000 livres, ($10,000), than English 
Harbor with 100,000 e"cus, ($100,000.) He praises the woods 
at St. Anne's, as containing all kinds of fine timber. " An " 
" old Indian named Prague told us he had seen very fine " 
" wheat there. We believed him readily, as we had seen vesti- " 
" ges of the furrows of the plough." M. Gaulin wrote from Beau- 
bassin 26 August, 1713, in answer to letters he had received 
from M. du Vivier, that he could not answer for the inhabi- 
tants, but he would do his best to induce them to go to cape 
Breton. He thinks he is more sure of influencing the Indians. 
(The names of places are spelt as in the authors and mss. 


Letter from Felix Paim, missionary, Recollet, to M. de Costabelle. 

Aux Mines, 23 Sept., 1713. 

A summary of what the inhabitants have answered me : 

" It would be to expose us manifestly (they say) to die of hunger, burthened as 
1 we are with large families, to quit the dwelling places and clearances from 
' which we derive our usual subsistence, without any other resource, to take 
' rough, new lands, from which the standing wood must be removed, without any 
1 advances or assistance. One-fourth of our population consists of aged persons, 
' unfit for the labor of breaking up new lands, and who, with great exertion, are 
' able to cultivate the cleared ground which supplies subsistence for them and 
' their families. Finally, we shall answer for ourselves and for the absent, that 
' we will never take the oath of fidelity to the queen of Great Britain, to the pre- 
' judice of what we owe to our king, to our country and to our religion ; and that 
' if any attempt were made against one or the other of these two articles of our 

History of Nova-Scotia. 337 

" fidelity, that is to say, to our king and to our law, that in that case we are ready 
" to quit all, rather than to violate, in the least thing, one of those articles. 
" Besides we do not yet know in what manner the English will use us. If they 
" burthen us in respect of our religion, or cut up our settlements to divide the 
" lands with people of their nations, we will abandon them absolutely. We 
" know, further, from the exact visit we have made, that there are no lands in 
" the whole island of cape Breton which would be suitable for the maintenance of 
" our families, since there are not meadows sufficient to nourish our cattle, from 
" which we draw our principal subsistence. The Indians say, that to shut them 
" up in the island of cape Breton would be to damage their liberty, and that it 
" would be a thing inconsistent with their natural freedom and the means of pro- 
" viding for their subsistence. That with regard to their attachment to the king 
" and to the French, that it is inviolable ; and if the queen of England had the 
" meadows of Acadie, by the cession made by his majesty of them, they, the 
" Indians, had the woods, out of which no one could ever dislodge them ; and 
" that so they wished each to remain at their posts, promising, nevertheless, to 
" be always faithful to the French, and to give them the preference in the trading 

" for furs. In the colonies of Port Royal, Mines, Piggiguit, Coppeguit and 

" Beaubassin, 6000 souls would have to be removed." 


M. de Costabelle having received reports from St. Ovide de Brouillan and! 
major 1'Hermite, on the proposed establishment in cape Breton, concludes in 
favor of St. Anne's. He thinks cape Breton is a gain to France in yielding up 
Newfoundland, and he recommends that St. Anne's and the little island in Canso 
Strait should both be fortified. Considers that the fishery is not to be the exclu- 
sive object of attention, but that the arts, agriculture and commerce, should be 
attended to. [Costabelle to the minister, Placentia, 27 Sept., 1713.] Costabelle 
wishes that idlers and cabaretiers should not go from Placentia to the island of 
cape Breton. He recommended caution in giving grants to those only who are 
in a position to improve the land. He was of opinion that the Indians can only 
be retained by presents. " Point d'argent, point de Suisse." 

" It is to be observed, that the missionaries very often misuse the gratuitous 
" gifts which the king sends them ; and very far from distributing them to the 
" Indians, they take the price of them from the Indians in furs, and thus turn 
" them into a trade in place of a bounty. This has been reported to me on the 
" subject of all I had sent to sieur Gaulin, in Acadie, and which I shall examine 
" into on my arrival in the island of cape Breton.'' [Costabelle to the minister, 
Placentia, 24 Oct., 1713.] Rouville asks for a grant of Niganiche. Says he has 
a father 73 years old, and eight brothers now in the service, besides two killed. 
[Letter from cape Breton to the minister, dated 18 Oct., 1713.] M. de Vaudreuil 
recommended St. Anne's, port Dauphin, in a letter to the minister of 14 Novem- 
ber, 1713. St. Castin gives up his views of family property in France to go to 
Panamske and Narantsouak. 29 Oct., St. Ovide left for France, without inform- 
ing M. de Costabelle. 20 November, 1713, an English 2O-gun frigate arrived at 
Placentia, six weeks from Portsmouth. She brought a package of letters from 
the English court, addressed to colonel Moody, governor of Placentia. The 
colonel had not then arrived there. 

338 History of Nova-Scotia. 

Costabelle was much vexed with M. Gaulin. He says to the minister : " The " 
" said sieur Gaulin diverges a little from the language of the apostles. He fears " 
" to fall with his people into the deserts of Egypt, and with a style which savors " 
" a little of rebellion, or at least of the language of the nations to which he " 
" preaches the gospel. The substance of his letter contains, that if he had con- " 
" ducted to cape Breton all the French families that would accompany him, " 
" they would be dead there of hunger, in place of finding there all the succor I " 
" had led them to hope for from government ; and that it does not become one " 
" to employ missionaries for those kinds of business, especially where there is " 
" an intention to biass them, and that he is not accustomed to have two words, " 
" and to pass for a liar. These are his expressions, continuing that he bids me " 
" to pay attention to them ; and that after what he sees, he will not proceed fur- " 
" ther, as also his inhabitants will not go out until they see an assured succor, " 
" and one more certain than what I have given to those who have removed " 
" thither, without which they will remain on their lands with the English, who " 
" allure them as much as they can. That is to say, my lord, that without " 
" money one can expect nothing from the good will of these people, who will be " 
" always much disposed to go back into foreign territory, on the smallest dis- " 
' content, than to be subjected to the nation from which they draw their origin, " 
" which they have for the most part forgotten. If your Excellency would refer " 
" it to me to remove all these difficulties, I should not give them a sous, and " 
" should allow them to act with their own free will in coming or not coming to the " 
" island of Cape Breton." He thinks they are half Indians in disposition, and 
that they could never be relied on ; and thinks it would be better to buy slaves. 
[Costabelle to the minister, Placentia, 30 Nov., 1713.] 

La Ronde Denys to the minister, 1713. Ms. 

He says the island of cape Breton is full of good harbors, which he describes 
one by one. Port Sainte Anne, he says, is, without contradiction, the finest har- 
bor in the world. It would cost only half the expence to make the fortifications 
there that it would at port 1'Anglois, as the materials are at hand. " My decea- " 
" sed grandfather Denis had a fort there, the vestiges of which are yet to be seen, " 
" and the Indians tell us that he raised the finest grain in the world there, and " 
" we have likewise seen the fields which he used to till ; and there are to be " 
" seen there very fine apple trees, from which we have eaten very good fruit " 
" for the season. I have another favor to ask of you my lord, which will be to " 
" obtain me a grant of the river de Moulacadie. It is the first river in entering " 
" the lake Choulacadie, on the right hand. It is a thing which I may well " 
" hope from your Excellency, in consideration of the expences which my decea- " 
" sed grandfather was at in the island of cape Breton, when his Majesty made " 
" him a grant" (of it.) There are several inhabitants of Acadie, and of Canada, " 

" who have given me their promise to come and settle on that river. We " 

" see by experience, my lord, that New England, which is not worth a tenth " 
" part of cape Breton, how that colony flourishes ; for I know of certain know- " 
" ledge that there is built in the country of Boston, every year, more than 1500 " 
" vessels, from 15 tons up to 800 tons burthen. One sees, my lord, there is " 
" nothing to hinder our doing the same thing. We are deficient in nothing " 

History of Nova-Scotia. 339 

** required, for we have the wood, the tar, the coal, and the masting, and even- " 
*' tually hemp will be common there to make cordage and sails. - 1 can " 
*' assure your Excellency that I have a perfect acquaintance with these coun- " 
*' tries as well as with that of New England, in which there are things to follow " 
" to settle a colony welL" 

" The sole inconvemence of the port of Sainte Anne, called also Port Dau- " 
*' phin, which every one admits to be one of the finest in the new world, is that " 
<( it is not easy to make it, (pas facile a aborder.) This sole inconvenience, " 
" after much irresolution and many steps taken, at one time the port of Sainte " 
*' Anne, and another the Havre a 1'Anglois, (called Louisbourg), and the facility " 
*' of entering the latter obtained it the preference ; and nothing has been spared " 
*' to render it commodious and impregnable. The town is built on a tongue of " 
*' land, which closes the entrance of the port. M. de Costabelle, who had lost " 
" his government of Placentia, was entrusted with that of the new colony, and " 
** M. de Saint Ovide, his lieutenant du Roi, has succeeded him." [4 Charlevoix, 
144, 145. E<TK. o/1744-l 


The family of Winniett is found here at this period. In the parish register of 
Port Royal is an entry 16 Oct., 1714, that frere Justinien supplied the ceremonies 
of baptism to Anne Winot, born 20 March, 1712, and baptized by the English 
minister of the Fort, daughter of Mr. William Winot, officer of the Fort, and of 
Magdelaine Maissonat, (married by the minister.) Godfather, Joseph leBlanc. 
Godmother, Anne le Blanc. Same day, f. Justinien baptised Elizabeth Winot, 
born 17 August, 1714. Baptized by M. Gaulin, priest. Same parents and same 
sponsors as above. 

34O History of Nova-Scotia. 


1714. Newfoundland having been wholly given up by France 
to England by the treaty of Utrecht, M. Costabelle, who had 
succeeded Subercase at Placentia in 1706, delivered up that 
place to colonel John Moody, (who was appointed by the Bri- 
tish government to be lieutenant governor there,) on the 1st 
June, 1714, o. s., 12 June, n. s. Douglas' Summary, p. 294. 
Costabelle was transferred to Louisbourg, as governor of cape 
Breton, and remained there several years. Charlevoix, v. 4, 
p. 129, &c., gives an account of the plans formed by the two 
messieurs Raudot, father and son, intendants of Canada, for 
fortifying and settling cape Breton. They believed it would 
have a favorable effect on the trade both of France and 
Canada. They shewed that fishery, timber trade and ship 
building might be carried on in that island to a great extent ; 
and that French merchandize sent there could be sold to the 
Canadians to mutual advantage. They stated that the fur 
trade had, in a great measure, been lost to Canada, and had 
fallen into the hands of the English ; and that under any cir- 
cumstances, it would prove insufficient for the maintenance 
and growth of a large population in Canada. Their views on 
this subject were sent in detail to France in 1706. We have 
seen in 1709 an anonymous m/moire, which projects the forti- 
fying and settling a military post in cape Breton. The Havre 
a tAnglois, (Louisbourg), having been selected, as open to 
navigation at all seasons, was now named after the king of 
France. In 1714, Raudot (fils) says: " Louisbourg, where " 

17*4* History of Nova-Scotia. 341 

" the garrison of Placentia, that of Acadie, and the inhabi- " 
" tants of Placentia now are, is a good harbor, where the " 
" holding ground is good, with eight fathoms of water, shel- " 
" tered from all winds, and which can contain more than 300 " 
" vessels. The winds permit vessels to enter and to depart " 
" every day. There is no sheltered anchorage outside the " 
" harbor. It consequently cannot be blockaded by the ene- " 
" my's ships in time of war." He describes port Dauphin, 
(St. Anne's), and port Toulouse, in the south part of the island. 
He reckons the expenses of three men-of-war required at 
210,000 livres per season of eight months. The sieur Bour- 
don, (1714), thinks corn must be brought to Louisbourg from 
Canada. Limestone can be got from Chedabouctou. Instead 
of a regular fort on the island, he would prefer a battery of 
earth and timber, with good embrasures, and a similar battery 
on the point of land. The great fort and that of the town 
must be built, though of much cost 

The name of the island of cape Breton was now changed to 
Isle Royale, and the fortifying and colonizing on the East 
coast began. It is said that 25 years of time, and 30 millions 
of livres, equal to near one million and a half pounds, sterling, 
were consumed on these works, which were, after all, incom- 
plete. In 1 744, its garrison consisted of 600 soldiers and 800 
militia. \Gameaus History of Canada, v.. 2, p. 101.] The 
population which settled in and about Louisbourg came chiefly 
front France and from Canada, a few only of the Acadians 
having been induced to remove thither. \Rameau, p. 71.] 

It is stated in lieut. governor Mascarene's letter to governor 
Shirley, 6 April, 1748, that in this year, 1714, Mr. Nicholson 
arrived with the commission of governor and commander-in- 
chief of Nova Scotia, and that he proposed to the Acadians 
to become British subjects within the period named in the 
capitulation, which would expire in 1715, or to leave the 
province, and that they refused the oath, and were only pre- 
vented from leaving the country by failure of vessels expected 
from cape Breton to take them away. We have seen that the 
queen addressed her public letter of 23 June, 1713, granting 

342 History of Nova-Scotia. 17* 4- 

indulgence to the French inhabitants to Nicholson, as gover- 
nor of Nova Scotia, &c. 

The fifth article of the capitulation granted by general 
Nicholson to Subercase, in 1710, gave to the inhabitants living 
within cannon shot of the Fort, the privilege of remaining two 
years on their lands, on condition of their taking oaths of 
allegiance and fidelity to the queen. By the memorandum 
attached to the document, this is explained to extend three 
English miles around, and 481 persons there are stated to be 
Included in it. The articles shew that no others' could claim 
the privilege of remaining as a right, on any terms, after the 
conquest. This is also clear from the claim the English 
immediately made to treat the other inhabitants as prisoners 
at discretion, a claim openly asserted in the letters carried by 
Livingston to the marquis de Vaudreuil. It would appear 
that the inhabitants of Port Royal and the banlieue had taken 
these oaths in conformity with the capitulation, at least all the 
men within that district who had not left the colony, as we 
find by Gaulin's letter 5 Sept., 1711, that the people of the 
banlieue notified the governor that they held themselves freed 
from the oaths they had taken not to bear arms. This was 
probably the construction they had been taught to put on 
the oath of allegiance, as it would have been not only an 
unauthorized proceeding on the part of Nicholson or Vetch to 
have substituted an oath of neutrality for the oaths prescribed 
in the capitulation, but a very unlikely course for the victors 
to adopt Nicholson, one would think, had enforced this part 
of the terms of surrender before he left the place. (I do not 
understand the oath so taken to have implied an allegiance, 
further than the two years named in the capitulation.) Even 
having complied and sworn allegiance, their right to remain 
terminated 13 October, 1712 ; and had they greater rights, 
their conduct in 1711, when they united with the Indians to 
infest and blockade the fort, amounted to the capital offence of 
treason ; and by all laws of that period, they had forfeited all 
their estates in the province, and their lives also. The country 
being once conquered, no one residing in it could be justified 
in taking up arms against the government of the victors, or 

1714- History of Nova-Scotia. 343 

giving aid to their enemies, the very permission to remain, 
under such circumstances, implying obedience and fidelity, 
although no oaths were taken. 

By the treaty of Utrecht, the French government not only 
failed to reserve any rights for their subjects in Acadie, but 
most expressly ceded the rights of the French crown, and 
those of its subjects, to the territory and lands. But the 
Queen's letter of 1713 gave the French inhabitants a new 
offer. All who were willing to become her subjects in New- 
foundland and in Nova Scotia, were free to enjoy the privilege 
and hold their estates, while those who preferred to leave the 
country had liberty to sell their properties and depart. The 
natural construction put on this letter was that, to shew they 
had become British subjects, they should swear allegiance to 
the queen of England. The idea of neutrality appears to have 
been sedulously instilled into the minds of the French in 
Acadie by the agents of the French interest. The kind of 
neutrality intended was, that they should quietly aid the 
Indians against the English at all times ; and when England 
and France were at war, give aid to French parties from 
Canada. They seemed to think they had done more than 
their duty to the English, if they did not take an open 
and active part in war against the garrison of Annapolis. 
They also were steadily opposed to allowing any English set- 
tlers to occupy or cultivate the country. In governor Philipps' 
time, in 1730, the unqualified oath of allegiance was taken by 
all the people (males) on the Annapolis river from 16 to 60. 
An original parchment is held by the government, with 227 
names, (of which hereafter.) It is true some of the subordi- 
nate officers accepted qualified oaths from these people on one 
or two occasions, for doing which they were reproved by the 
government. But the French governors at Quebec paid 
yearly pensions to the missionaries in Acadie long after the 
conquest, and enjoined on them to keep the people and the 
Indians in the French interest, which, in general, they did 
with success. Some of the English governors discouraged 
the inhabitants from leaving the country, by forbidding their 
taking their cattle and effects with them ; while on the other 

344 History of Nova-Scotia. 

hand the French governors of Quebec and Louisbourg shewed 
little desire to assist them to remove into the French domin- 
ions, while they used various inducements to keep them 
attached to French interests and disaffected to the English 
power. The garrisons at Annapolis, Canso and Placentia, 
were very small ; the funds they received from England limit- 
ed. The Indians were almost always hostile, and the inhabi- 
tants generally disaffected. Consequently English power 
beyond the range of the cannon of the Fort was only nominal. 
The French governors did not wish the Acadians to leave 
Nova Scotia, as they reckoned on them as a check on the 
British there, as preventing British colonization, and affording 
facilities for a re-conquest. The English governors equally 
dreaded their removal, believing that if they went to 
Louisbourg or Quebec they would strengthen the enemy's 
military power. The situation of these poor people from the 
conquest to their expulsion in 1755, was much to be pitied, 
being the puppets of the intrigues and ambition of others, who 
acted upon their religious and national feelings, and eventu- 
ally ruined their interests. 

Queen Anne died I August, 1714, in her soth year, and 
George the first, the elector of Hanover, became king of 

History of Nova-Scotia. 



5 November, 1714. 

Census of the inhabitants of Placentia, and the islands of St. Peter, who have 
come to Louisbourg, with their wives and children. 





The son of widow Vigneau, 


Martin Laborde, 

Antoine Pere, 

Rene Pere. 


Fran9ois Bertrand, 


Lasson, the younger, 

Dupont Labarre, de St. Pierre, 



Duclos Viarien, 


Benjamin,des isles de StPierre, 

Boimory, do. 

Number of shallops 

they are to have in 

the fishery. 


Places where they 

are to be settled 
for the fishery. 


In the fort, 6 

do. 5 

do. 4 

do. 2 

do. 3 

do. 4 

do. 3 

do. 3 

do. 2 

At harbor la Baleine, 6 

do. 6 

do. 6 

do. 4 

do. 6 

do. 2 

In 1'anse noire, 2 

At anse aux Cannes, 7 

On Scatari, 4 

do. 4 


Names of French inhabitants arrived at Isle Royale, not in a condition to carry 
on the fishery : 

The widow Estevin. 

Thomas Pik. 

The widow La Croix. 




Number of shallops which messieurs the officers are to put in the fishery 


M. M. de Costabelle, 
de Soubray, 
de St. Ovide, 
de Ste. Marie, 



346 History of Nova-Scotia. 

There is not yet any place on the beach destined for messrs. the officers, as 
there is only space there for 30 shallops in the harbor of Louisbourg. I did not 
think it was my duty to disappoint the inhabitants to give them in preference to 
the said officers, no more than to myself. Thus we must send our fishing craft 
to seek a position on the North or South coast. Louisbourg, 5 November, 1714. 


There is a ms. census of the French population of Port Royal and Mines, dated 
5 October, 1714, signed ' Felix Pain,' recollet missionary at Beaubassin, which 
appears to have been drawn up secretly, for the information of the French gov- 
ernment. All the names are given. 

Number of souls at Port Royal, 637 

" ' Mines, 653 

Total, 1290 

Surnames of the Port Royal families in this list of 1714. Number of names, 87. 

Abraham, Alain, Barnabe, Beliveau, Beaumont. Beaupre, Bernard, Blanchard, 
Blondin, Bonappetit, Boudrot, Bourg, Bourgeois, Breau, Brossard, Cadet, Carne, 
Champagne, Clemenceau, Commeau, Cosse, D'amboise, Debert, Dubois, Denis, 
Doucet, Dugas, Dumont, Dupuis, Emmanuel, 1'Etoile, Forest, Gentil, Girouard, 
Godet, Gouselle, Grange, Guillebeau, Hebert, Jean, Labaune, Langlois, LaLi- 
berte, Laurier,, Landry, LaRosette, Lafont, LaMontagne, Lapierre, Lanoue, 
Lavergne, LeBasque, L'esperancc, LeBreton, Leblanc, Lemarquis, (2) L'Etoile, 
Lionnais, Maillard, Martin, Melanson, Michel, Moire, Nantois, Olivier, Paris, 
Parisien, Piltre, Pellerin, Petitpas, Potier, Poubomcoup, Raimond, Richard, 
Robichau, (2) LaRosette, Samson, Savary, Savoie, Sellan, Surette, St. Louis, 
St. Scenne, Thibodeau, Tourangeois, La Verdure, Villate, Vincent, Yvon. 

The families at Mines give us 54 surnames, viz : 

Aucoin, Babet, Baguette, Barillot, Benoit, Blanchard, Bodart. Boutin, Boucher, 
Boisseau, Bourg, Bourq, Boudrot, Brasseux, Breau, Chauvet, Commeau,Corperon, 
D'aigre, D'arois, Douaron, Doucet, Dugas, Dupuis, Forest, Gautereau, Girouard, 
Godet, Grange, Hebert, Jasmin, Landry, Laroche, Leblanc, Lejeune, Leprince, 
Martin, Melanson, Michel, Mouton, Perrine, Pinet, Rembaud, Richard, Rieul, 
Roy, Saunier, Sire, Teriot, Thibodeau, Toussaint, Trahan, Vincent, Voyer. 
At Port Royal, 87 names. 

At Mines, (Additional.) 33 

Surnames in all, 120 

21 names are common to both places. 

1715- History of Nova-Scotia. 347 


1715. I have found but 'few traces of the affairs of Nova 
Scotia from 1714 to 1718. The French were laying the foun- 
dations of their town and fortress at Louisbourg, and endea- 
voring to establish new arrangements to favor their fisheries, 
so as to counterbalance their loss in the surrender of Placentia. 
The English garrison at Annapolis Royal was probably not 
further molested at this time, and a calm existed after so much 
trouble. A letter, dated "Whitehall, 8 March, 1714, 1715, 
signed ' William Popple,' was addressed by the order of the 
lords of Trade and Plantation to colonel Nicholson, requesting 
him to inform them of what he had to offer in relation to Nova 
Scotia, particularly what he could propose to make that place 
of advantage to the crown, and this kingdom. 

The following is his reply : 

" To Wm. Popple, Esq., Secretary to the right hon'ble. the " 
" Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations." 

" A little while ago I received a letter from Mr. Rigs, and " 
"enclosed I send you a paragraph of it, which confirms me" 
" in the opinion I always had of the French designs and " 
" endeavors, by all ways and means, to get those Five nations " 
(Iroquois) " to their interests, and I never in the least doubt- " 
" ed of their endeavoring likewise to stir the other Indians " 
' to make war upon his majesty's subjects on the continent " 
" of North America ; and I suppose that they and the " 
" Spaniards at St. Augustine have instigated the Indians to " 
" fall upon South Carolina." (The Yemassees, at the instiga- 

348 History of Nova-Scotia, 1715-16. 

tion of the Spaniards, carried on a war there against the 
English, by which the colony of South Carolina was about this 
time in great danger of destruction.) " And you may remem- " 
" ber that I often said that the French in time of peace were " 
" more capable of supplying the Indians with arms, ammuni- " 
" tion, &c., than in war, because half if not more of their " 
" ships bound to Canada were then taken, and lhat so long " 
" as the priests and Jesuits are amongst the Indians, they " 
" would endeavor to set them at variance with the English, " 
" that the French will furnish them with officers, whom to " 
" know from Indians is difficult, because several have been " 
" bred up amongst them, and are dressed and painted as they " 

" are. 1 hope you will excuse the trouble given you by, " 

" sir, your most humble servant," 

" London, July, 1715." 

Louis the I4th, king of France, died on Sunday morning, 
the i September, 1715, at 8 1-4 A. M., aged 77 years, having 
reigned 72 years, leaving his grandson, Louis 15, who was 
born 15 February, 1710, to succeed him. Philippe, duke of 
Orleans, became regent. He had married, in 1692, Fran9oise 
Marie, natural daughter of Louis 14. The regent proved 
favorable to peace and amity with England. 

1716. Captain Lawrence Armstrong, who was afterwards 
lieutenant governor of Nova Scotia, was shipwrecked in 1711, 
in the river St. Lawrence, on the expedition under general 
Hill, and lost not only his clothes, to the value of So ster- 
ling, but also his own and his company's equipage and arms. 
He was after that sent, out of his tour of duty, to the garrison 
of Annapolis Royal, by colonel Windress, to whose regiment 
he then belonged. Governor Vetch and the other officers 
there sent him to Great Britain with a memorial, to represent 
the ill state of the garrison. The officers had been involved 
in liabilities to support and to clothe the men. He made this 
application to the Board of Trade on the 25 February, 1716, 
and on the 28th he sent in a further statement, in which he 
describes the fishery, farming capabilities, the timber, masts, 

1716. History of Nova-Scotia. 349 

&c., in the province. He says it is the misfortune of the 
country that the inhabitants are French, " who, having labor- " 
" ed under very great oppressions and uncertainties, have '' 
" neglected the improvements thereof, and if a war happens " 
" before an English settlement is made, would be hostile, " 
" they having refused the oath of allegiance to his majesty " 
" king George, and in time of peace follow a private trade for ' ' 
" the supply of the French of cape Breton, with provisions " 
" and other necessaries." The garrison being dependant on 
them for provisions, would be in danger in war time. That 
the New England merchants ask such extravagant prices for 
everything that they sell, that the furs and feathers, " a great " 
" produce of this country," are carried by the French and 
Indians to cape Breton in preference. If a sufficient number 
of English were planted there for the supply of the garrison, 
he would recommend Annapolis to be made a free port. 
" As to the fortifications, they are in form a regular square, " 
" with four bastions made up of earth and sod work, the " 
" earth a loose gravel or sand, subject to damage by every " 
" thaw, and of the great breaches which happen by the fall " 
" of the wall into the ditch, till a method was found to revest " 
" the works with timber, from the bottom of the ditch to the " 
"f raizes, eighteen feet, and above that with four foot of sodd, " 
" the greatest part of which being done while gen'l. Nicholson " 
" was there last. The houses and barracks where the officers " 
" and soldiers lodge, with the storehouses and magazines, " 
" are in a ruinous condition, and not like to stand three years " 
" without a thorough repair." He refers for particulars to the 
accounts of engineer Vane and others to the Board of Ord- 

As to what is said of the French inhabitants declining to 
take the oath of allegiance to king George, it does not neces- 
sarily follow that they had not sworn fidelity to queen Anne. 
To this allegiance they were bound by law and in con- 
science without any oath, as living under the protection and 
in the admitted territory of the British crown. It is true 
that this obligation might have been varied or suspended 
by clauses of a treaty : but there is no document to be 

35O History of Nova-Scotia. 1717-18. 

found to shew that queen Anne or any of her successors 
granted or promised them the anomalous privilege of neutral- 
ity they aimed to possess, and it would require obviously 
some distinct engagement made by the crown to justify their 
extraordinary demand. No blunders or temporizing attributed 
to the governors of the province could vary their position as 
subjects, although they might to some extent palliate their 
errors, and partly account for their discontent and disaffection. 

1717. M. B6gon, the intendant, recommended the importa- 
tion of negro slaves into Canada, but Vaudreuil, the governor, 
expressed his preference for the Faux Saunters, a tribe of 
Indians who had been reduced to the condition of slavery, as 
he thought the climate was too cold for negroes. 

Colonel Shute succeeded Dudley as governor of New Eng- 
land in 1716, and in August, 1717, he held a conference with 
the Eastern Indians, (Canibas and Abenaquis), at the island 
of Arrowsick. Ralle, the missionary of Narantsouak, sent the 
governor a letter, stating " that the French king had never, " 
" by any treaty, conceded to the English the lands of the " 
" Indians, and that he would protect them against every " 
" encroachment." The Indians at first opposed the claims of 
the English to any lands east of the Kennebec, but in the end 
they yielded, and confirmed the treaty of Portsmouth of 1713, 
admitting the right of the English to hold all their former 
settlements. This year, Benjamin Church, who was conspicu- 
ous for his inroads upon Acadie, died in consequence of a fall 
from his horse, aged 78. Andrew Belcher died October 31, 
aged 71. He was probably the father of governor Belcher, of 
New England. [2 Hutch., Mass., 218-223.] Colonel Richard 
Philipps was appointed governor of Nova Scotia in place of 
Vetch, and of Newfoundland in place of Moody, in this year, 
1717. [Douglas' Summary, p. 328.] 

1718. Captain Coram, a famous projector in 1718, busied 
himself in a scheme for settling Nova Scotia, and the lands 
between Nova Scotia and the province of Maine. Sir Alex'r. 
Cairnes, James Douglas and Joshua Gee, (the last a remark- 

1718. History of Nova-Scotia. 351 

able author of essays on finance and political economy), 
petitioned the crown for a grant upon the sea coast, five 
leagues south-west and five leagues north-east of Chibouctou 
harbor. They proposed to build a town, and to improve the 
country round it in raising hemp, in making pitch, tar and 
turpentine ; and they undertake to settle a certain number of 
families, to consist of 200 persons, within three years. The 
rest of H. M.' subjects not to be prohibited from fishing on the 
coasts under regulation. Mr. Dummer, the agent for Massa- 
chusetts, objected to this petition, because of the last clause, 
which laid a restraint upon the fishery. The lords of Trade 

reported in favor of it, but it was stopped in council. 

William Armstrong and others, officers and soldiers, prayed 
for a grant of lands between Kennebec and Penobscot, but the 
province of Massachusetts objecting, no grant passed. [2 
Hutch., Mass., 224, 225.] Colonel Philipps having been ap- 
pointed governor of Nova Scotia and Placentia in 1717, the 
four independant companies of Annapolis and the four inde- 
pendant companies of Placentia, with two additional companies, 
were formed into one regiment, under his command, the num- 
ber of men, including officers, being 445. Three of these 
reduced companies were incorporated with five companies of 
Annapolis, and with the fourth company of Canso. Thus at 
at Annapolis there were six companies, at Placentia one com- 
pany, and the three new companies were to be sent from 
England to St. John's, in Newfoundland. A regiment of 
ten companies was to be made up, to be completed to 815 
men, (officers included), the complement of an English march- 
ing regiment. Colonel Philipps wrote to the Lords of Trade, 
1 1 March, 1718, which letter they received 26 April. He says 
that the inhabitants refuse to take the oath of allegiance, 
that being " Papists, and natural subjects of another prince," 
their fidelity can no longer be depended on than while con- 
strained. " The best and only method to secure their alle- " 
" giance is to give all possible encouragement towards set- " 
" tling that country" (with) " his Majesty's subjects from these " 

" kingdoms, and in the meanwhile to let those French " 

" see that the government is in earnest to take care of that " 

352 History of Nova-Scotia. 1718. 

" country, by repairing its fortifications and erecting others, " 

"proper both for its security and trade." The traffic 

with the natives, he thinks, should not be neglected. " The " 
" French thought it worth their while to gain those people to " 
" their interest, by yearly presents, which consisted chiefly " 
" in apparel of Blue and Red Bayes or coarse Serges, some " 
"arms and ammunition, to the value of ^500 or ^600." 
Suggests an essay of the kind, the governor to have charge 

of the delivery of the presents. In regard to the 

encroachments of the cape Breton French on Nova Scotia, 
he proposes a commission to settle limits. He recom- 
mends the repair of Annapolis, as a seat of government and 
place of strength : also that a small frigate should be stationed 
on the coast, to be in some measure subject to the governor's 
orders, to enable him to survey the coasts, to communicate 
with Placentia, and to protect the fishery. 

In the negociations of 1711 and 1712, which resulted in the 
treaty of Utrecht, the possession of Acadie by England was 
grievous to the French, as is evident from the offers they 
made to avoid its cession. They knew the intrinsic value of 
its mines, fisheries, lands, forests, and fur trade. They saw 
also that the peninsula was important to them, in checking 
the progress and disturbing the security of the New England 
colonies, and as a rampart and outwork to defend their own 
highly prized colony of Canada. Disappointed in every effort 
to recapture or retain it, the ingenuity of some of the nation 
was speedily turned to explain away the terms of the I2th 
article of the treaty of Utrecht. Various and inconsistent 
constructions were thus put on this clause. Sometimes, as by 
M. Riviere in 1713, the territory of Nova Scotia was con- 
sidered to be only that part of Acadie lying West of the bay 
of Fundy. Afterwards the peninsula was allowed to be Eng- 
lish ; while the main land was claimed at one time as French 
territory, and at another asserted to belong to the Indians. 

The idea that the Indian nations had territorial rights, did 
not occur to the French diplomatists until after the cession of 
Acadie to the British crown in 1713. We find this notion 
first suggested in father Ralle's letter to governor Shute in 

1718. History of Nova-Scotia. 353 

1717, and it was frequently revived afterwards. The advan- 
tage of this was, that such an opinion being instilled into the 
minds of the Indians, their hostility to the English, whom they 
were thus induced to look upon as usurpers of their land, was 
kept constantly alive. The arms and ammunition supplied 
them, in the shape of presents from the French government, 
continued and augmented their attachment to the French 
king and people. They were thus furnished with means of 
either hunting for subsistence or attacking the English, as 
inclination might lead them ; and small yearly stipends were 
also paid by the French crown to the missionaries, who kept 
alive their love to France and their hatred to England. 

On the 1 5th of April, 1718, captain John Doucett, then 
lieutenant governor of Annapolis Royal, wrote to the marquis 
de Vaudreuil. He refers to the treaty, and desires his Excel- 
lency to send him a line or two " hither, to shew the inhabi- " 
" tants, that those who have a mind to become subjects to " 
" the king of Great Britain, have free liberty, according to " 
" the articles of peace, signed at Utrecht, between her " 
" late majesty queen Anne and his most Christian majesty ; " 
" and that all those who shall not become subjects to his " 
" majesty king George, you will please to give them orders '" 
" to retire to Canada, Isle Royale, or to any other part " 
" of his most Christian majesty's dominions. I must also "' 
" desire your Excellency will please to communicate to them*'" 
''and the savages the firm alliance between the two crowns,." 
" that ill-designing men may not continue to represent to the '" 
" savages in your interest that the English and French are " 
" still enemies. Also, if his lordship, the bishop of Canada " 
" and Quebec, would please to give orders to all the mission- " 
" aries that are among the French inhabitants in this coun- " 
" try, not to act anything contrary to king George's interest " 
" in these his dominions ; which if they do, I must be obliged " 
' to use such methods as would not be pleasing to me or " 
" them ; that by such an order they may carry themselves as " 
" they ought, and keep everything quiet, and me easy." The 
marquis replies, 22 September, 1718. He repudiates any 
idea of exciting the savages to insult the English government 

354 History of Nova-Scotia. 1718. 

during peace ; will not believe the missionaries so ill-advised 
as to stir up the people who have submitted ; complains that 
the inhabitants who, by the I4th article of the treaty are at 
liberty to withdraw with all their effects, have been refused 
passports and liberty to carry away their cattle and moveables. 
He also says : " I pray you also not to permit your English " 
" vessels to go into the river St. John, which is always of the " 
" French dominion." 

The inhabitants were urged by the governors of Anna- 
polis either to take the oath of fidelity to his Britannic 
majesty, or to withdraw from the country. Louis Allain 
wrote to Vaudreuil on the subject. The marquis told him 
they had a right to go and take with them their cattle and 
moveables, but not to destroy buildings, and that the river St. 
John was French territory. He writes him another private 
letter. Allain had asked him for the land at Kanibecachiche, 
granted in 1689 to M. du Breuil. Vaudreuil tells him that any 
of the inhabitants who remove to the St. John may have lots 
of land on application to pere Lajard, Jesuit missionary there, 
who is empowered by him to grant them. " As to the oath " 
" they require of you, in case you shall remain, it is for you " 
" and the other inhabitants to see if this accords with your " 
" religion, of which you will not have the free exercise, and " 
" which you ought to prefer to all temporal advantages." At 
this time M. St. Ovide, governor of Louisbourg, went to Canso, 
and warned the English not to fish there any more. 


(From the parish register of Port Royal.) 

i2 March, 1716, f. Justinien supplied the ceremonies of baptism to Jean Bap- 
tiste Bradstreet, born 21 December, 1714, son of Mr. Edward Bradstreet, lieut. 
de coe. and of Agathe de St. Etienne de la Tour, baptized by Mr. Spilman, fort 
major. Godfather, le sieur Petitot dit St. Seine, chirurgien jure. Godmother, 
madame de la Tour, wife of Alexandre Robichaux. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 355 


On the 15 December, 1718, captain Doucett, lieutenant governor, writes thus 
to colonel Philipps, governor of Annapolis : 

" Since my last, by captain Chaddes, to your Excellency, I received the paper " 
" marked No. I from the marquis de Vaudreuil, in answer to a letter sent by me " 
" marked No. 2, and at the same time two other letters sent from him to one " 
" Louis Allain, an inhabitant, fell into my hands, which I caused to be read to " 
44 the said Allain, before me. I secured the originals and gave copies, and now " 
" enclose copies of them to your Excellency, marked 3 & 4. Your Excellency " 
" plainly sees the underhand dealing by the private letter of mons. Vaudreuil, " 
" and what he would insinuate to the people, as also by mons. St. Ovide's wri- " 
44 ting one thing to me and doing the reverse about Cansoe, a copy of which " 
" letter I sent your Excellency by captain Chaddes, in which he tells me he " 
" went to Cansoe to pacify the savages, who threatened the English, but never " 
" takes notice to me that he warned the English from fishing any more there, " 
44 to which several in New England have made oath." 


Quebec, 8 November, 1718. Report of M. Begon on the enterprizes of the 
English, near Passavinke : Father Rasle, Jesuit missionary at Naurantsouak. 
wrote to Vaudreuil and Begon, 17 September last, that 200 English came to the 
Fort nearest his mission, by land, " au bas de cette riviere." He apprehends 
that the English will win the Indians, and hold the country. Suggests that the 
boundary ought to be settled by commissioners, as specified in the treaty. 

From a letter of lieutenant governor Paul Mascarene to governor Shirley. 

Annapolis Royal, 6th April, 1748. 

At the reduction of this fort, no capitulation was made but for the garrison 
and the inhabitants of the Banlieue (a league round the fort) ; these had leave to 
withdraw with their effects, and to dispose of those they could not carry with 
them, for the space of two years. The rest of the inhabitants all over the Pro- 
vince made terms that winter with the then governor Vetch, who received them 
on their submission, but no oath was required of them, except of the inhabitants 
of the banlieue, for the time of the capitulation. In 1714, Mr. Nicholson came 
over governor and commander-in-chief over the Province, and proposed to the 
French inhabitants the terms agreed on for them at the treaty of Utrecht, which 
were to keep their possessions, and enjoy the free exercise of their religion, as 
far as the laws of Great Britain do allow, on their becoming subjects to the 
crown, or to dispose of them, if they chose to withdraw, within the space of a 
twelve-month. They, to a man, chose the last, having great promises made to 
them by two officers, sent here for that purpose from Cape Breton, then begin- 
ning to be settled by the French. But these not sending vessels to fetch away 
the inhabitants, they rernained, and though often required to take the oaths of 
fidelity, they constantly refused it. The government, during this interval of time, 
was vested solely in, the governor, and in his absence, in the lieutenant governor 

356 History of Nova-Scotia. 

or commander-in-chief of the garrison of Annapolis Royal, except a council of 
the captains formed by general Nicholson, which did not exist above five or six 


The copy of the commission of governor Phillips, dated 9 July, 1719, in the 
Annapolis Royal record book, is certified thus :- 
" Whitehall, 12 March, 1724-5. A true copy, ex'd." 

" A true record, &c." 

" W. SHIRREFF, Sec'y." 
"15 March, 1727." 

1719- History of Nova-Scotia. 357 


1719. Colonel Philipps writes I April, 1719, to the lords of 
Trade, laying before them papers from Nova Scotia then 
under his care, shewing the particulars of the proceeding at 
the seizure of the French ships in the gut of Cansoe, taken by 
the Squirrel, man-of-war, captain Smart, (in 1718), with a 
computation of the fish taken and cured by the French from 
cape Breton for four years past within the boundaries of Nova 
Scotia. He says : " These papers are sent me from one " 
" captain Southack, who has been several times employed by " 
" the government in the service of Nova Scotia." He thinks 
him a fit assistant to a boundary commissioner, if one should 
be appointed. A commission from king George the first, 
dated July, 1719, in the 5th year of his reign, appoints Richard 
Philipps, esquire, to be governor of Placentia, and captain 
general and commander-in-chief of Nova Scotia or Accadie, in 
America, " with power to appoint such fitting and discreet " 
" persons as you shall either find there or carry along with " 
" you, not exceeding the number of twelve, to be of our " 
" council, in our said province, till our further pleasure be " 
" known, any five whereof we do hereby appoint to be a " 
" quorum." They are to take the oaths mentioned in the act 
of George the first, entitled " an act for the further security " 
" of his majesty's person and government," &c., and the decla- 
ration of 25, Charles the 2nd, respecting Popish recusants. 
Colonel Philipps, after receiving this commission, came out 
from England, and arrived at Boston, Massachusetts, on the 

358 History o/ Nova-Scotia. I 7 I 9- 

4-15 October, 1719. He intended to proceed thence to Anna- 
polis Royal, the seat of his government, in the man-of-war 
then on the New England station, commanded by captain 
Smart. He had, in the first place, to wait five weeks there for 
the fitting of the ship for sea. He says (ms. letter book) that 
after embarking accordingly, " all endeavour was used to " 
" gaine the passage, but winter overtaking us, when the navi- " 
" gation on that coast, especially of the bay of Fundee, " 
" becomes impracticable, I was sett on shore in Cascoe bay, " 
" and am returned to winter here, not by choice but necessity." 
He says that care was taken to get the two best pilots in the 
country, and that these pilots refused any further charge if the 
voyage had been persevered in, and whether too much time 
had been spent in making ready to sail, he, not being a sea- 
man, will not undertake to decide. 

In a letter dated January 2, 1719-1720, to secretary Craggs, 
colonel Philipps encloses a document, of which he says : 
" The paper which I have the honor to enclose was sent from " 
" Annapolis, and serves to shew the practices of the priests " 
" and Jesuits in that province. It is the original, and though " 
" fathered on the Indians, is known to be the handwriting of" 
' pere Vincent, a Jesuit, who, with one pere Felix, both " 
" inveterate enemies to the British interest, preside as gover- " 
" nors over the two largest settlements in Nova Scotia, called " 
" Mines and Chignecto. The French, who are in number " 
" above four hundred families, pay obedience to them as " 
" such, as they say they acknowledge no other, and will " 
" neither swear allegiance nor leave the country whenever " 
" required. To this they have been encouraged, not only by " 
" the instigation of their priests, but also from a knowledge " 
" of the garrison of Annapolis, consisting but of five compa- " 
" nies upon a low establishment" (when complete, 35 private 
men per company. Letter to secretary at war, 26 May, 1720.) 
" will not admit of any considerable detachment to be sent " 
" against them, being twenty leagues distant." 

1720. In his letter of 3 January, 1719-20, to the lords of 
Trade, he says : " I am gladd to heare that some of your " 
" lordships have been at the court of France to settle the " 

1719- History of Nova-Scotia. 359 

" affaires of these countreys, which was absolutely necessary " 
" for the peace and safety thereof, and could not be managed " 
" by better hands ; and yet, after all that your lordshipps may " 
" have done, there will ever remain a great obstruction to " 
" our happiness whilst the priests and Jesuits are among us, " 
" for it is not to be imagined with what application they " 
" incourage the ffrench and Indians against submitting to " 
" his majesty's government ; and even their sermons are " 
" constant invectives against the English nation, to render it " 

" odious to the natives." He suggests that he should 

have authority to move three companies forthwith from Pla- 
centia to Nova Scotia, and that the engineer should be direct- 
ed to raise a fortification, capable of holding two companies, 
with a few cannon in a convenient situation, for keeping Mines 
and Chignecto in obedience. He says they improve rapidly 
in wealth and in numbers, being very prolific, and likely in a 
few years to become a numerous people. He says that the 
French from cape Breton had continued their fishing in the 
last season at Canso under a guard of soldiers, intending that 
for their chief settlement, if their pretended right (to Canso) 
could be made out. " It is by all accounts the best and most " 
" convenient fishery in any part of the king's dominions. " 
" The people from the West of England have found great " 
" satisfaction in the place, and will returne with many ships " 
" in the spring." He refers to presents for the Indians, and 
to a survey of the king's woods, (reserves.) He also says : 
" I meet with many old patents granted to people of New " 
" England, never yet produced for approbation, by Coll'o. " 
" Dungan, while governor of New York, for lands lying in a " 
" part called the king's territory," (James the second's province 
of Sagadahock, granted him when duke of York, and of which 
Dungan was governor,) " between New England and Nova " 
" Scotia, and, as I imagine, under the government of the " 
" latter, particularly one in favor of the president of this " 
" college," (probably Harvard), " of thirty miles extent ; like- " 
" wise many old Indian grants for vast tracts in the same " 
" territory, which never had the sanction of any government, " 
" and too large to be ever improved by the present clayments." 

360 History of Nova-Scotia. 

He represents these grants as an obstacle to settlement. In 
a postscript to his letter to the lords of Trade, dated Boston, 
in New England, Feb'y. 26, 1719-1720, he says : "The ship" 
" by which I had the honor of writing to your Iddspps being " 
" detained almost two months beyond her time, gives me a " 
" fresh opp /. of laying the enclosed petition before your " 
" Iddspps, together with a copy of the grant by which the " 
" subscribers claime, and as I had the honor to acquaint your " 
" Iddspps in my last that there are many more of the same " 
" kind which have never had the confirmation of any gov- " 
" vernment, for tracts of land lying between the rivers of" 
" Kennebec and St. George's ; likewise that the bounds " 
" between the government of Nova Scotia and New England " 
" are not declared." (The lands referred to are probably 
within Acadie, as held by France, being east of Kennebec, 
and now in the state of Maine. Kennebec is a pure Algonkin 
word, signifying a snake or serpent. The river in Maine was 
probably called so, from its winding or serpentine course. 
New York Historical Magazine for November, 1858, p. 334.) 
Governor Philipps had not left Boston on 4-15 April, 1720, 
for he gives that date, at Boston, to a letter he addressed to 
monsieur St. Ovide Brouillan, governor of Isle Royal, at 
Louisbourg, in which he notifies the latter of his appointment 
as governor of Nova Scotia ; refers to the alliance of the two 
crowns ; offers friendship and peace, and deprecates any secret 
practising with the natives of either jurisdiction to alienate 
their affections, &c. 


On the 20 February, 1720, an application was made to the French government 
by M. de Boularderie, for a grant of the island of Niganiche. He had already a 
grant of land, and also a privilege to dry fish at Port d'Orleans, but it was un- 
available, as the shores were granted to individual inhabitants. The sieur Louis 
Simon de St. Aubin le poupet, chevalier de la Boularderie, enseigne de vaisseau 

History of Nova-Scotia. 361 

and captain of a company, was married by f. Felix Paim, at Port Royal, 29 Nov., 
1702, to Magdelaine Melan<jon. Their son, Antoine, baptized by f. Justinien, 
15 Oct., 1705, (register.) An island in the Labrador, C. B.. is called Boularderie. 


In 1719, colonel Gledhill was appointed lieutenant governor of Placentia, in 
Newfoundland, in the room of colonel John Moody. [Douglas 1 Summary, 294.] 


Richard Philipps, the governor of Nova Scotia, belonged to a family in South 
Wales. Sir John Philipps, of Picton castle, the founder of the family, was created 
a baronet 9 November, 1621. The governor was the second son of Richard 
Philipps, esquire, by Frances Noel, his wife, and was born about 1661. As a 
young man, he is said to have been employed in dispersing the manifestoes of 
the prince of Orange among the troops encamped at Hounslow ; for which ser- 
vice he was made captain. He was present at the battle of the Boyne in 1690. 
He became colonel of the I2th regiment of foot in 1712, 16 March, and of the 
4Oth regiment, 25 August, 1717. He was appointed governor of Placentia and 
captain general and commander-in-chief of Nova Scotia 9 July, 1719. He arri- 
ved in Nova Scotia in 1720, and resided there several years; and returning to 
England, continued to be governor until 1749, though the lieutenant governor 
and presidents of council actually administered the government a great part of 
the time. Governor Philipps was twice married, first to Elizabeth Cosby, an 
Irish lady ; secondly, to Catherina, daughter of Sir John Statham, county of 
Derby, and relict of Benjamin Bagshaw. By his first wife he had two daughters 
and one son, Cosby Philipps, captain in the army. Governor Philipps died about 
1751, at the age of 90. There was a Sir Erasmus Philipps, of the same family. 
Richard Bulkeley Philipps (Grant) Philipps, esquire, of the same family, was 
created a baronet in 1828, and a peer as lord Milford in 1847, and died in 1857. 

The family seats are Orlandin and Picton castle, in the county of Pembroke. 

The arms are Argent, a lion rampant, Sable, ducally gorged and chained ; or, 

Crest a lion as in the arms. Motto Ducit amor patriae. 

[See Burke's Baronetage.] 

362 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 


1720. Governor Philipps arrived from Boston at Annapolis 
Royal in the middle of April, 1 720, o. s., which, he says, is the 
earliest season that sloops come upon this coast. (In the pre- 
sent or new style, this would be near the end of April, say 
25th.) At his landing he made a review of the garrison and 
fortifications, the first of which he found complete and in good 
condition, excepting a few old men ; " but the place in as " 
" bad a state as is possible to describe, both within and with- " 
" out, with several practical breaches, so wide that ten men " 
" might enter abreast." He assumed the responsibility of 
making some necessary repairs. In his letter of 26 May, 
(6 June), to Mr. Craggs, the secretary of state, he says : " The " 
" third day after my arrival here I was visited by the priest " 
" of this district of Annapolis, at the head of one hundred " 
" and fifty lusty young men, (as if he meant to appear formi- " 
" dable), whom I received as civilly as possible, and, after " 
" giving them assurance of his majesty's favor and protection, " 
" caused the priest to read to them one of the proclamations " 

" I had prepared according to my instructions. f asked " 

" him afterwards if he did not allow that his majesty's con- " 
" descention therein expressed did not exceed even the " 
" people's expectation. He answer'd that his majesty was " 
" very gracious, but that the people were not at liberty to " 
" swear allegiance, because that in general Nicholson's time " 
"they had sett their hands unanimously to an obligation of" 
" continuing subjects of France, and retiring to cape Breton, " 
" and for another reason, they were sure of haveing their " 

1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 363 

" throates cut by the Indians whenever they became English- " 
" men. He was answered to both very fully, and the true " 
" interest of the people demonstrated, but arguments prevaile " 
" little without a power of inforcing." Philipps apprehended 
that the inhabitants would leave the province by way of the 
Bale Verte, destroying every thing, and joining with the 

On the 25 April, old style, (6 May, new style), the counsel- 
lors of whom he made choice attended him at the house of the 
lieutenant governor, (Doucett), in the garrison. Their names 
were : 

John Doucett, (hon. lieut. governor), captain. 
Lawrence Armstrong, major. 

Paul Mascarene, major. 

Reverend John Harrison, chaplain. 

Cyprian Southack, sea captain. 

Arthur Savage, 

Hibbert Newton, collector. 

William Skene, physician. 

William Shirreff, 

master of a 

Peter Boudre, / , 

j ( sloop. 

They were then sworn, taking the oaths prescribed by the 
act of parliament, I Geo. i., St. 2, c. 13, which comprized 
the oath of allegiance and the oath of supremacy, and the 
declaration against transsubstantiation prescribed by the act of 
25 Charles 2, c. 2. They also were sworn to an oath of office 
to discharge their duties impartially, &c. The oaths and sub- 
scriptions being such as a Roman Catholic could not take, 
account for the exclusion of the inhabitants from the list of 
the first council of the Province. On 28 April, (9 May, n. s.,) 
1720, John Adams, esquire, was appointed a member of H. M. 
council ; was sworn, and took his seat. He was the only resi- 
dent inhabitant, not connected officially with the garrison, who 
was admitted into the council at this period. (Gillam Philipps, 
esq., was sworn in as a councillor 16 August, 1720.) On the 
19-30 April, Arthur Savage was appointed naval officer of the 

364 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 

province. (All masters of vessels arriving and departing 
were bound to report to the naval officer, besides making 
their entries with the collector.) Mr. Savage was on the same 
day appointed public secretary of the province. On the 27 
April, (8 May, n. s.,) it was ordered that a public magazine 
for grain be fitted up ; and " Resolved and ordered, that " 
" every vessel permitted to depart this place, bound to any " 
" place in this government, do give security to the governor " 
" or commander-in-chief in the value of ;ioo, New England " 
" money ; that all grain taken on board any such vessel at " 
" any port or place of this government, shall be brought here " 
" directly for the use and on the risk of the government, and " 
" delivered here at the common price, if required, paying four " 
" pence per bushel freight." Leave was given to Mr. James 
Blinn to carry 50 hhds. wheat from Mines to Chignecto, to 
supply the necessities of the inhabitants there. On the 23 
April, o. s., (9 May, n. s.,) the governor sent proclamations, 
addressed respectively to the inhabitants of Mines and Chig- 
necto, offering to such of them as would become British sub- 
jects " the free exercise of their religion, with their estates " 
" ensured to them and posterity, and all their civil rights. " 
He wrote public letters to accompany the proclamations. He 
says to the people at Mines, " I expect your answer at Anna- " 
" polis by father Felix and four of the inhabitants chosen " 
" from amongst you, whom you may direct to represent what " 
" you have further to say ; and in case you shall not agree in " 
" your choice, I do hereby name Alexander Bourg, James " 
" LeBlanc, Paul Mollanson and Peter Brows, to be the per- " 
" sons ; and order you to have this proclamation, together " 
" with this letter, read publickly and in the hearing of as " 
" many of the inhabitants as can be gathered together, and " 
" of captain Blin, and the rest of the English in your parts. " 
A similar letter was sent to the people of Chignecto. (It may 
be noticed here that all the proclamations, official letters or 
notices, in which the French inhabitants were at all concerned, 
were usually prepared by committees of the council then 
translated into French, and in that language were communi- 
cated or published. This course was followed, I believe, inva- 

1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 365 

riably by the governors at Annapolis from 1 720 to 1 749 ; and 
a similar practice was adopted by the governors at Halifax, 
Cornwallis, Lawrence, &c., from 1749 to 1755, in all matters 
where the French people were interested. The record of 
many of these documents were preserved in both languages. 
I have generally translated every thing I found in French into 
English, as well before as after the conquest of Port Royal in 
1710.) These letters and proclamations were given in charge 
to John Adams and captain Blin, to be carried to Mines and 
Chignecto. 29 April, (10 May, n. s.,) the governor and council 
referred to the oaths taken by the French inhabitants to queen 
Anne, at the time Sir Charles Hobbey was lieutenant gover- 
nor of the garrison. It was resolved that the inhabitants of 
the river Annapolis should elect six deputies, and the follow- 
ing day a proclamation issued, ordering them to choose the 
deputies, who were directed to attend before the governor on 
the 4-15 May, and father Durand was ordered to publish it to 
his congregation. 2-13 May, the governor writes again to 
pere Justinien Durand, recollet au haut de la rivifae, (up the 
river.) Mentions his leaving his dwelling without permission, 
and that the lieutenant governor had given him a character 
for quietness, submission and obedience. On the 4-15 May, 
the six deputies from the people of the river attended the 
meeting of the council, and produced a written power from the 
inhabitants. Their names were : Prudent Robichaux, Alex- 
ander Robichaux, Nicolas Gautier, Bernard Goudet, Charles 
Landr6 and Pierre Goudet. Objection was made to Nicolas 
Gautier as not having a freehold in the province, and to Pru- 
dent Robichaux having but slender property ; and 7-18 May, 
the governor annulled their election, and ordered two others 
to be chosen in their place. At this time the inhabitants 
appealed by letter, which pere Durand carried to M. St. Ovide, 
at Louisbourg, complaining of the alternative offered them of 
leaving the country without taking with them their goods and 
cattle, which they were told were forfeited, or becoming Eng- 
lish subjects, and swearing allegiance. The inhabitants were 
about to cut a road between Annapolis and Mines, (called now 
Menis, and Meniss in the English documents.) This was 

366 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 

expressly forbidden by the governor's proclamation, as having 
been begun without his permission, and suspected as a mea- 
sure to facilitate attacks on the garrison. The French inhabi- 
tants requested governor Philipps that they might send depu- 
ties to M. St. Ovide Brouillan, governor of Isle Royale, (cape 
Breton.) To this he assented, and he wrote to M. St. Ovide. 
He enclosed him a copy of his proclamation, and states that, 
instead of submitting, they were inducing the savages to 
assemble, and assert their native rights to the country. In 
proof, he quotes the expression of the French, " that they " 
" wish we may part friends," the abrupt departure of pere 
Justinien Durand, their shewing marks of contempt to his 
authority. He says : " As for my part, I have given them " 
" as many proofs of my kindness and the lenity of my govern- " 
" ment as opportunities have offered within the little time I " 
" have been among them ; but as they have been always " 
" taught by their priests to look upon themselves as subjects " 
" of France, and to observe the direction and counsel of the " 
" governor of the Isle Royale, they have now asked my con- " 
" sent to send their deputies thither, for your advice," &c. &c. 
In the letter of the inhabitants to M. St. Ovide, they tell him, 
" We have until now preserved the true sentiments of faith- " 
" ful subjects towards our invincible monarch." That the 
English general (Philipps) calls on them to take an oath of 
fidelity, or to withdraw themselves in the course of four 
months, without carrying away any of their effects, except two 
sheep for each family, treating their remaining property as 
confiscated. They request him to send them an officer to 
direct, speak for them, and take care of their interests, and 
name M. de Rouville as one they would confide in. The inha- 
bitants of Mines replied in writing to the governor, Philipps. 
In this they say, " You demand of us an oath, which is so " 
" much the more burthensome to us that we should expose " 
" ourselves and our families to the fury of the savages, who " 
" threaten us every day, and watch all our actions and pro- " 
" ceedings, to endeavor to ascertain if we do anything against " 
" the oath we took in presence of General Nicholson, and of" 
" two officers of Isle Royale, which oath has been intimated " 

1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 367 

" and known at the court of England, as well as at the court " 
" of France, and from which it appears to us very difficult to " 
" relieve ourselves. And if we were to break our word given " 
" to our invincible monarch, we could not but expect punish- " 
" ment at the threatening hands of the savages. Meanwhile, " 
" sir, we engage ourselves to be with the same fidelity that " 
"we have been until now, and we shall exercise no act of" 
" hostility against any right of his majesty as long as we shall " 
" be on the land, within his dominions. You reproach us, " 
" sir, in the proclamation, for having remained on our proper- " 
" ties beyond the year stipulated in the articles of peace. We " 
" have the honor to reply to you, that it has been, impossible " 
" for us to remove for several reasons, since having leave to " 
" sell our real estate it has been impracticable to do so, no " 
" purchasers being to be found to the present time, whereby " 
" the privileges so granted to us have been useless. Besides " 
"it was granted us by a letter of the late queen Anne, of" 
" happy memory, that our properties should be valued by " 
" commissioners, and the amount paid to us, as was practised " 
" at the evacuation of Placentia and other places ceded to the " 
" queen by the king of France." 

Philipps had an interview with the chief of the Indians of 
Annapolis river. The Indian chief asked him : 

1. If the French were to leave the country. 

2. If the two crowns were in alliance. 

3. Whether the governor intended to debar them (the 
Indians) of their religion, or disturb them in their traffic. 

He says he replied suitably, and that the chief and his suite 
departed in good humor. He further says that on a full con- 
sideration of these affairs in council, it was agreed " that " 
" whereas my instructions direct me with the effect of the " 
" proclamation, and that I have neither order or sufficient " 
" power to drive these people out, nor prevent their doeing " 
" what damage they please to their houses and possessions, " 
" and likewise for the sake of gaineing time and keeping all " 
" things quiet till I shall have the honour of your further " 
" commands in what manner to act. That it is most for his " 
" majesty's service to send home the deputys with smooth " 

368 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 

" words and promise of enlargement of time, whilst I trans- " 
" mit their case home, and receive his majesty's further " 
" directions thereon." He says : " It is a hard and uneasy " 
" task in my circumstances to manage a people that will " 
" neither believe nor hearken to reason, unless it comes out " 
" of the mouths of their priests, and at the same time to keep " 
" up the honour and dignity of government." He thinks that 
in peace they may remain quiet, but in case of war, will be 
" Enemyes in our Bosom." Sees no hopes of ' making them ' 
' English/ unless by the recal of the priests there, " who are " 
" tooth and nayle against the Regent, not sticking to say " 

" openly ' that 'tis his day now, but will be theirs anon.' " 

" Like care must be taken to prevent the governor of Cape " 
" Breton's carrying on his secret correspondence with them " 
" and our Indians, to whom he yearly makes presents to " 
" secure them in the French interests." He suggests bringing 
200 Mohock Indians from New York, and keeping them in 
service to keep the Indians here in awe. He expects the 
French, if ' retireing,' will cut the dykes at Minas, and destroy 
the lands. States that the garrison are furnished with plenty 
of fresh provisions from the farmers, whose absence would 
have to be supplied. Has invited people to come from Pla- 

centia. While he writes, a submission has come in from 

the inhabitants of the river, who express a willingness to do 
every thing as subjects, " except that of taking up arms " 
" against the king of France," on which he suggests a special 
" oath to be formed for them to take, where they should " 
"oblige themselves to take up arms against the Indians, if" 
" required ; to live quietly and peaceably in their houses ; not " 
" to harbor or give any manner of assistance to the king's " 
" enemies ; to acknowledge his majesty's rights to their " 
" countreys ; to pay obedience to his government, and to " 
"hold their lands of the king by a new tenure, instead of" 
" holding them as at present, from lords of manors, who are " 
" now at Cape Breton, where at this day they pay their rent. " 
He also says : " My voyage from Boston hither has fully " 
" confirmed that this country will never be of any con- " 
" sequence in trade until the seat of government be removed " 

1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 369 

" to the Eastern coast, either at Port Rosway" (Razoir, now 
Shelburne) " or LaHave, for this is so much an out-of-the- " 
" way place, and navigation so dangerous, that not one ship " 
" in one thousand yeares will ever come here that is not sent " 
" with stores for the garrison, or some other express." 

Governor Philipps wrote in very polite terms to the marquis 
de Vaudreuil, 3 June, 1720. Notified him of his appointment 
and of his readiness to join him in naming commissioners to 
settle the boundaries of the two governments. 21 July, The 
lords of Trade and Plantations write to the governor. They 
mention sending him a land surveyor, granting him a sloop, 
giving presents to the Indians. They conceive the lands 
between the Kennebec and the St. Croix not to be within his 
government. He is not to confirm grants in Nova Scotia, 
but to refer them home. In July, general Philipps writes 
again to the secretary of State. He says the French inhabi- 
tants seem yet undetermined, that the French governors are 
seeking to influence them against him, that the priests have 
assembled at Mines, and are going and coming from Cape 
Breton, that the French are told the promise of freedom of 
religion is a chimera, and they will be treated like the Irish,, 
and denied their priests. If the lands were vacated, people 
might be drawn from New England, but the loss there could 
not be justified by the gain here. He refers to a claim under 
convention with general Nicholson, leaving it for decision ini 
England. He regrets he has not yet received the presents. 

for the Indians, but proposes to assemble the chiefs, The 

French have been told, in letters from officers in Cape Breton,, 
that they may apply to him " for forme sake" only, but do as. 
they like. Mentions an illicit trade from Minas and Chignecto- 
with Cape Breton, which they supply with corn and cattle;, 
receiving French woollens and linens. Wishes leave to hire 
and arm a sloop with some of his soldiers, to visit those settle- 
ments and keep them in order. It would only cost ^400 

a year. Wishes one hundred men added to his garrisom- 

The New England vessels catch 80 to 100,000 quintals fis&on 
our coasts annually, which they ship to Portugal, the Mediter- 
ranean and the West Indies.. They send, fouir or. five, sloops, 

370 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 

and carry off furs, paying chiefly in West India goods and New 
England provisions, to the value of 9,000 or 10,000 per 
annum, and pay no duties, but make 400 or 500 per cent, on 
their imports. They take away coals from the upper part of 
the bay, without paying duty, or even asking permission. At 
this time (July, 1720) a proclamation for cessation of arms 
between Great Britain and Spaine, having been received by 
the governor, was translated into French, and published at 


28 April, 1720. General Philipps' order to Mr. Blin, merchant of Boston : 
Je vous donne pouvoir et direction afin de prendre toutes les mesures propres 
pour signifier aux Srs. Felix et Vincent, de sommer selon que vous jugerez a 
propos, les habitans des Mines, de Chignectou, et places adjacentes ; et les dits 
habitants etant assembles, vous delivrerez les paquets dont vous etes charge, afin 
que les papiers qui sont contenus dans ces paquets soient lus publiquement ; et 
vous vous servirez de tous les moyens que vous jugerez les plus propres pour 
donner une parfaite connaissance des choses contenus dans la proclamation, et 
autres papiers dont vous etes charge, afin que personne n'en pretende cause 
d'ignorance. Donne a Annapolis Royale, &c. 

(Signe) PHILIPPS. 

I give you power and directions, in order to take all proper measures to sig- 
nify to messrs. Felix and Vincent, to summon, as you think fit, the inhabitants of 
Mines, Chignectou, and the places adjacent ; and the said inhabitants being 
assembled, you will deliver the packets with which you are entrusted, in order 
that the papers they contain may be publicly read ; and you will use all means 
you shall judge to be most proper to afford a perfect acquaintance of the things 
contained in the proclamation and other papers in your charge, in order that no 
one may pretend ignorance thereof. Given at Annapolis Royal, &c. 

(Signed) PHILIPPS. 


To the reverend father Justinien Durand. 

" I hereby order you to read to-morrow to your congregation when att the " 
" fullest, the inclosed order directed to the inhabitants, and after you have read " 
" u it, to affix it to the Chappell door, that none may pretend cause of Ignorance " 

History of Nova-Scotia. 371 

" of the same, and if you have anything to offer on your part, I shall be glad to " 
" grant any reasonable demands you can make me, as farr as I shall be authori- " 
" sed by his Majesty's instructions. I am, Reverend Father, yo'r. most hum- " 
" ble servt., 

" Annapolis Royal, April 3Oth, 1720, n. s. 1 ' 


On the 9 May, 1720, Gyles Hall is appointed a Justice of the Peace at Canso. 
25 May, 1720, A commission of the peace is sent to Thomas Richards, Esq., at 
Canso, with a letter from the secretary similar to that sent to Gyles Hall, Esq. 


In Council, II May, 1720. Ordered and agreed, That it is for H. M. service 
that means be found out to send to Lahave for monsieur Patipaw, (Petipas), with 
all expedition, who, 'tis thought, may be of great use and service to this gov- 
ernment in the present circumstances of affairs ; and that Mr. John Broadstreet, 
a volunteer in this garrison, is thought the most proper person to send on that 

From Mascarene 's letter to Shirley*, in ApriL, 1748. 

" Governor Philipps having formed the council, issued a proclamation,summon- 
ing the French inhabitants to take the oath of allegiance on the same terms 
offered them as before, though the time prescribed had so long ago been elapsed. 
But these inhabitants in general still refused it, alledging, that they had been de- 
tained contrary to their desire, which indeed was partly true, as General Nichol- 
son had declared they should not depart in vessels being built on English 
ground, or English bottoms, and that it belonged to the French to come and fetch 
thena in their own. Governor Philips wrote home for fresh instructions how to 
act in this emergency, applying for more forces to prevent the French inhabi- 
tants from going away in a tumultuous or disorderly manner, or for bringing them 
into a clue subjection ; for which he desired, if I remember right, two regiments, 
besides the four companies of his own, then at Annapolis Royal, with propor- 
tionable shipping to transport these troops as occasion should require, and this 
in a time of profound peace, and when these inhabitants were not above a third 
of the number they are now increased to. In answer, he was directed not to 
use any violent measures, but to endeavour to keep the people easy till, at a 
proper time, it might be resolved how to proceed in this case." 

" The Governor went home in 1722, and things remained In this situation, under 
the administration of Mr. Doucett, lieutenant governor of Annapolis Royal, and 
President for the time being over the Province, till Mr. Armstrong, having been 
made lieutenant governor over the whole Province, returned in 1 725, and found 
means to t>ring the inhabitants to take the oath to the government ; but on gov- 
ernor Philipps returning some years after, these inhabitants complaining that this 
oath had been extorted by undue means, his Excellency brought them at last to 
take it willingly, and the same was tendered, and taken, in general, by all the 

372 History of Nova-Scotia. 

men of competent age, in all the settlements of this Province : the tenor of this- 
oath is inserted in the papers inclosed. The word true being interpreted fidele, 
has made it to be called the oath of fidelity." 

" The French inhabitants intended to have a clause, not to be obliged to take up 
arms against the French, which, though not inserted, they have always stood was 
promised to them ; and I have heard it owned by those who were at Minas when 
the oath was administered at that place, that such a promise was given. 
Their plea with the French, who pressed them to take up arms, was their oath, 
their living easy under the government, and their having no complaint to make 
against it" 

"To keep up some form of government among the French inhabitants, governor 
Philips ordered them to choose a certain number amongst them, under the name 
of deputies, to act in behalf of the people, in publishing his orders, and making 
applications when their occasions should require ; which was accordingly obeyed. 
This river, divided into eight districts or hamlets, has eight deputies ; the other 
settlements, mostly, four each ; in all I reckon twenty-four. They are every year 
newly chosen on the tenth of October, the anniversary of the king's coronation, 
and of the taking of this fort. They are invested with no judiciary power, but 
are appointed often as arbitrators in small cases, where, if any of the parties are 
not satisfied, appeal is made to the governor or commander-in-chief, and council." 

1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 373 


THE governor and council at Annapolis sent a vessel over to 
St. John to bring the Indian chiefs of that place. Nine of 
them came across in the vessel ; and having been entertained 
and addressed, and presents made to them, they made an 
answer, put in writing by their interpreter. This was laid 
before the council by his Excellency, 26 July, and a reply pre- 
pared in the governor's name, by a committee, viz., lieutenant 
governor Doucett, majors Armstrong and Mascarene, and Mr. 
John Adams. The following are extracts from this document, 
which is written in French in the mss. book of the govern- 
ment : 

" My children." " I assure you, that if any of those who " 
" are under my command do any injustice or insult to any of" 
" you, I will punish them severely, and I expect you will do " 

" the same on your part. As regards the French inha- " 

" bitants, as long as they shall comport themselves with " 
" fidelity towards king George and shall become his subjects, " 
41 they shall enjoy their own religion and their possessions, " 
" and shall have the same privileges as the natural subjects " 
" of the king, and by this means they will render themselves " 
" entirely happy. But if they refuse their allegiance to the " 
" king, and continue, by their false and odious representations " 
" of the English, to alienate the affections and the duty of " 
" the good savages of the crown of Great Britain, the king " 
41 will not permit them to reside much longer in this country. " 

" I hope that you are satisfied with your reception. " 

41 Make known to your neighbors of Passamaquoddi that I " 

374 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 

" shall be glad to see two or three of their chiefs here, for, &c. " 
' I am sorry I have not better presents to make you just " 
" now, but I expect by the next large ship the king's pre- " 
" sents for you and for the rest of the savages, &c." 

" The vessel is ready to take you back, and the tide is " 
" about to serve soon. I have ordered provisions to be put " 
" on board for you, with some wine and brandy. I wish you " 
" a good voyage." 


Annapolis Royal, 27 Juillet, 1720. 

29 July, 1720, the governor wrote to the inhabitants of 
Annapolis river, granting their request to have a missionary 
among them, " provided he be a man of peace, good life and " 
" probity, and does not meddle with any business, except the " 
" affairs of religion appertaining to his ministry." He refers 
to the wilful desertion of pere Justinien. 

It seems that in 1718, the British man-of-war Squirrel, capt. 
Smart, had made an attack on some French at Canso, and 
seized, among others, some of the chief officers of cape Breton. 
These, it was said, incited the Indians to revenge their losses, 
and on the 7-18 August, 1720, a party of Eastern Indians 
attacked the English at Canso, whither the New England 
people resorted in summer to carry on the fishery. The 
Indians surprised the English in their beds, and stripped them 
of every thing, telling them they came to carry away what 
they could find upon their own land. Three or four of the 
English were killed. Some of the French of cape Breton 
were in their confederacy, and came with their vessels the 
next night and carried off the plunder, together with about 
two thousand quintals of fish. The English vessels in the 
harbor were not attempted. A sloop happening to arrive the 
next day, the master offered his service to go out and make 
reprisals, and being furnished with a number of men, and two 
or three small vessels for his consorts ; for want of more 
ample authority, he took a commission from one Thomas 
Richards, a Canso justice, and went after the French, and 
soon brought in six or seven small fishing vessels, having all 

1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 375 

more or less of the English property on board. It appears by 
the letters of governor Philipps to the secretary of State, that 
on the 7-18 August, 1720, the Indians surprized the fishermen 
at Can so in the dead of night, and drove them off their stages 
into their boats. Their fish and merchandize were left to the 
pillage of the French, who lay ready for that end. Mascarene 
says the Indians took the goods and the French took the fish. 
This, the Indians stated, was done in reprisal for what was 
taken from the French by captain Smart. The fishermen held 
a council the next morning, and concluded to send a sloop 
(with Henshaw) to cape Breton, to seek for redress, but not 
finding it to their satisfaction, they sent to governor Philipps 
in a vessel for relief. The governor supplied and despatched 
him with arms, ammunition and provisions, and would have 
given him an officer with a detachment of the garrison ; but 
Henshaw thought there would be no occasion. 

Mr. Henshaw, of Boston, a principal merchant of Canso, 
went to Louisbourg with a complaint to the French governor, 
who excused himself from intermeddling, the Indians not being 
French subjects, nor under his control. The French prison- 
ers were sent to Annapolis Royal. The loss sustained by the 
English was estimated at ,20,000 currency. [2 Hutch., Mass., 
240.] About this time, the Indians in the Eastern parts of 
Massachusetts killed the cattle of the settlers and alarmed the 
people with their threats. Father Ralle (or Rasle) at Nor- 
ridgewock, was supposed to have incited them to this conduct. 
\IbidemI\ On the 24 Augt, (4 Sept., n. s.,) Michael Richards, 
alias le Fund, Prudent Robichaux, junior, and Chas. Boudroit, 
who brought the news of the disaster at Canso, were examined 
on oath before the council. " In council, 27 Augt. (7 Sept., " 
" n. s.,) Jeanice Souhare, Martin de Molue, belonging to cap- " 
" tain Philibert d'Habilene, commander of a French ship at" 
" Nirichau (Arichat ?) Jannice de Coudes, (Candos), belong- " 
" ing to Nicholas Petitpas, fishing at petit de Gratz, Martin " 
" Dixipase, (Dixipare), belonging to Martin de la Borde, " 
" fishing at petit de Gratz, Francois Pitrel, belonging to " 
" John Harenbourg, fishing at the said place, five French " 
" prisoners, who were taken a robbing the English at Cansoe, ' 

376 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 

" were sent for in before the board and examined. They all " 
" declared they were commanded by their masters to do what " 
" they did." \Council records :] The prisoners were brought 
to Annapolis by captain John Henshaw, of Cansoe, who, on 
29 August, o. s., was made a justice of peace and captain of 
militia at that place. 

Letter of governor Philipps to M. St. Ovide, 10 Augt, 1720, 
(in French) : 

" Sir." " The bearers of this go with my permission and " 
"my passport to cape Breton, to seek a priest, in place of" 
" the one who has quitted them ; and I take the opportunity " 
" at the same time of answering that which you wrote me " 
" from port Tholouse," (St. Peter's), " of the 7th of last month. " 
" It appears to me from some passages in your letter, that " 
" you take the proclamation, which I published on my arrival " 
" here to the inhabitants of this province, for a pure act of " 
" my will, without the knowledge of the king, my master. " 
" If this is your thought, I can assure you that you are " 
" deceived, and that I know my duty too well to make use of" 
" his majesty's name, without having his authority for it as " 
" my warrant ; and you may reckon that each article of this " 
" proclamation is in conformity with and contained in my " 
" instructions, So I am entirely easy upon this head, having " 
" nothing to apprehend in all that takes place on this subject, " 
" but for my having enlarged the time beyond what my " 
" orders empowered me to do. As to what regards the pro- " 
" ceeding of the king in their case, it is sufficiently justified " 
" by the articles of the treaty of Utrecht. It is not denied " 
" that queen Anne granted to these inhabitants, as well as to " 
" those of Placentia, the liberty of which you make mention, " 
" whereof the one profited in retiring within the limited time, " 
" but of which the others have (with justice) lost the ad van- " 
" tage by their negligence or presumption. Your commis- " 
" sioners, even, who came here in the time of general Nichol- " 
" son, agreed that there was but one year's grace, and only " 
" disputed whether its commencement was to be reckoned " 
" from the date of the said treaty, or from the time when the " 

1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 377 

" inhabitants were assembled here to be instructed as to this " 
" favor. Since that time they have not been hindered from " 
" withdrawing. Many of them went from here, and sold their " 
" possessions, according to the queen's intention. But you " 
" must admit that there is a great difference of time between " 
" one and seven years, that they have remained in his majes- " 
" ty's dominions, in the full enjoyment of their property, " 
" until they have begun to think that they have more right " 
' than his majesty himself. So you ought not to be surprized " 
" if his majesty at this time thinks fit, for the safety of his " 
" dominions, to summon them in this manner, requiring " 
" allegiance of them, if they continue in this country, on con- " 
" ditions the most advantageous they could possibly expect " 
" or wish for, or to go out of this country, without having any " 
" regard to them." 

He then demands justice in the case of one Maurice 
Vigneau, who took up on credit 6. 95. 6d., and went off 
fishing, but withdrew to cape Breton, without paying his cre- 
ditors. He refers to the alliance of the two crowns, and says 
his orders are to cultivate friendship with the French govern- 

Mr. John Broadstreet, a young gentleman volunteer, who 
had been sent to Mines to prevent the trade in cattle they 
carried on with Louisbourg, and whom the governor had 
recommended for an ensigncy, returned early in September to 
Annapolis, with information that Mr. John Alden had been 
robbed of his goods at Mines by a party of Indians, eleven in 
all, of whom five were small boys, in the presence of the inha- 
bitants who were lookers on, and appeared to consent to the 
deed. The governor, on this, wrote to the four deputies of 
Mines, expressing his surprize and indignation. He tells 
them that it is ridiculous for them to allege fear of a handful 
of savages. He requires them to call the Indians to account 
for this affair, and afterwards to come to him and report in 
person on it. It appeared that the order in council respecting 
grain, requiring it to be brought to Annapolis, had created 
discontent among the masters of vessels ; and the governor 
having no funds for carrying on the magazine for grain, the 

378 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 

regulation seems to have been abandoned. An order passed 
to regulate parties for hunting across the bay of Fundy. 
Chiefs of parties or gangs were to give the governor security 
to carry away no passengers or effects, nor more provisions 
than would serve them for the trip, nor to outstay the time 
limited in their pass. (Mr. Arthur Savage was, in May, 1729, 
appointed marshal of the court of vice admiralty in Rhode 
Island, probably the same who was member of council, naval 
officer and secretary at Annapolis, N. S., in 1 720. See Rhode 
Island documents?) 

At this time the French inhabitants persisted in refu- 
sing to take the oath of allegiance, looking upon them- 
selves as the indispensable liege subjects of France by 
the engagements they had laid themselves under, and from 
which their priests told them they could not be absolved. 
They went on building and improving, seeming to have no 
thoughts of going away. They acted on a contempt of the 
garrison on a reliance upon their own numbers and Indian 
aid. The governor and council at Annapolis Royal recom- 
mended that 600 additional soldiers should be sent out that 
200 men should be employed to fortify Canso, and 100 of 
them left there as a garrison, and that 400 should be sent to 
fortify Mines, part of whom should be thereafter detached to 
Chignecto. They state that the French sent out four ships 
this summer, two of which arrived at the island of St. John, 
where the French intend to settle and build a fort. They 
recommend permanent garrisons at Mines and Chignecto, of 
150 men at each place. That 200 men should be sent to form 
a settlement on the East coast, at Port Razoir, Laheve, Mar- 
ligash, or Chebucto. That the troops should leave Great 
Britain in March ; and they further propose that a ship of war 
and two sloops of 50 tons each be employed on the station. 
{Letters 0/27 Sept., 1720.] Governor Philipps sent his major, 
Armstrong, along with Mr. Henshaw, with copies of the ex- 
aminations of the five French prisoners to cape Breton, there 
to demand satisfaction and restitution for the fish and goods 
taken, and the three British subjects killed at Canso. 

In October, some charge of indiscreet language, reflecting on 

1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 379 

governor Philipps' administration, was brought by the gover- 
nor before the council against Mr. William Winniett, who was 
arrested in consequence ; but on his subsequently writing a 
" letter of submission," the proceedings against him were 
abandoned. At this time, governor Philipps says of the 
Indians, " I have taken particular care to treat them in the " 
" civillest manner that any governor yet has done. There " 
" has scarce past a week since I am here but some of them " 
" have been with me, whome I have never failed to assure of" 
" his majesty's good will and protection, and required them " 
" to acquaint all their nation therewith, and that I expected " 
"considerable presents for them from the king in token of" 
" his affection. At the same time, I never dismissed them " 
" without presents, (which they always expect), for which I " 
" am out of pocket about a hundred and fifty pounds. But I " 
" am convinced that a hundred thousand will not buy them " 
" from the French interest while the priests are among them, " 
" who, having got in with them by the way of religion, and " 
" brought them to regular confession twice a-year, they " 
" assemble punctually at those times, and receive their abso- " 
" lution conditionally that they be alwayes enemyes to the " 
" English." He had, by the advice of the council, " sent for " 
" the chiefs of the St. John river Indians," (Malicites), " who " 
" came accordingly." He says : " In my humble opinion, " 
" the man-of-war upon the station of New England should " 
" have attended the ffishery at Cansoe in the season, accord- " 
" ing to the orders that were sent upon my application, when " 
" at London ; but why shee has layne all this summer in " 
" Boston harbour I can't guess, unless she has waited for the " 
" reliefe that is said to be coming. It is certaine that had" 
" she been at Cansoe, that loss to the king's subjects had not " 

" happened. Some of the Indian robbers who returned " 

" from Cansoe to Manis, to the number of eleven, finding a " 
" New England trading sloop there belonging to Mr. John " 
" Alden, and being flushed with their former success and " 
" applauded by the priests, they plunder'd her also, at the " 
" very doors of the inhabitants, who lookt on without restrain- " 
" ing those wretches, under the sham pretence of being afraid ' 

380 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 

" of provoking them. This has been, hitherto, no more " 

" than a mock government, its authority having never yet " 
" extended beyond cannon reach of this ffort." He sends 
home a census of the population and description of the settle- 
ments. He says : " It would be more for the honour of the " 
" crowne, (I speake it with humble submission), and proffit " 
" also, to give back the country to the ffrench, than be con- " 
" tented with the name only of government, and the charge " 
" that attends it, whilst they bare the rule and make it sub- " 
" servient to the support of their settlement at cape Breton, " 
" which could ill subsist without the graine and the cattle " 
" they fetch from Manis." 

This autumn, at the request of the persons engaged in 
the fishery at Canso, the government sent a detachment 
of a company of soldiers there, under command of major 
Armstrong. They were to take possession of the small fort 
which the* fishermen were erecting, and defend the place till 
spring, when the people would return to fish. Armstrong 
was empowered to allot the ground and beaches for fishery, 
gardens, Sic. Lieutenant Jephson and his children were sent 
with them. They were sent part in the sloop from Canso, and 
the rest in a schooner. The detachment sent in the sloop 
were shipwrecked, and saved on Grand Manan, and afterwards 
taken off in captain Boudre's sloop, and got to Canso. 

The trade of Annapolis Royal at this time was carried on 
by four or five sloops from Boston, who commonly made three 
voyages in the season, bringing some woollen manufactures of 
Great Britain, but mostly West Indian products. These they 
exchanged for furs and feathers, to the value of ; 10,000 
yearly, without paying duties outward or inward. The collec- 
tor was a diligent officer, but his salary was small, and he had 
not a shallop at his command, or any allowance for extraordi- 
nary disbursements. The expence of fortifications required 
was estimated at ^3000. [Philips to secy, of State, 24 Nov., 
1720.3 The governor thought two regiments not too many 
" for the defence of a frontier country, larger in extent than " 
" New England and New York together," when also the inha- 
bitants and the Indians are hostile. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 381 


Mr. Broadstreet was sent to Mines as deputy collector and preventive officer, 
to observe the trade and correspondence the people there carried on with Cape 
Breton. The inhabitants told him that he could not be protected there, and 
therefore it was necessary, for his safety, to return. He requested a guide to 
conduct him back to Annapolis through the woods, writing to the deputy to that 
effect, but not able to obtain one, he ventured alone. 


" I am upon as good terms with these last" (the Indians) " as it is possible " 
" for an English governor to be, excepting a few Banditti without a head, who " 
" inhabit about Minas and Chignecto, and have been the actors in the late mis- " 
" chiefs ; but they and their actors have been disowned and disapproved by the " 
" rest. Yet, the rest among them will promiss to live peaceable with us, but " 
" conditionally, while the allyance subsists between the two crownes." 

[Letter of Gov. Philipps.} 

The lords of Trade write to governor Philipps, 28 Dec'r., 1720 : 
They had fully represented to the late lords Justices the substance of his for- 
mer letters. They have recommended additional troops to be sent to Nova 
Scotia, and that a man-of-war should be allowed to attend the colony, or that the 
governor should be allowed to hire a sloop for defence, and to prevent illicit 
trade ; on all which his majesty's directions would be given. The details he has 
written of the affairs of his government are very acceptable, and he is recommen- 
ded to continue to give particulars by each opportunity " with regard to the " 
" province itself, and its neighbours, whether foreigners, Indians, or H. M. " 
" subjects." 

As the French inhabitants seem likely never to become good subjects while 
the French governors and their priests retain so great an influence over them, 
" for which reason, we are of opinion, they ought to be removed as soon as the " 
41 Forces which we have proposed to be sent to you shall arrive in Nova Scotia " 
" for the protection and settlement of your province ; but you are not to attempt " 
" their removal without his majesty's positive orders for that purpose. You " 
" will do well in the meanwhile to continue the same prudent and cautious con- " 
" duct towards them, to endeavor to undeceive them concerning the exercise of" 
" their religion, which will doubtless be allowed them, if it should be thought " 

41 proper to let them stay where they are. The presents for the Indians, " 

" we hear, have been ordered some while since, of which your agent will give " 
" you the necessary advices." They thank him for his statement of the trade of 
the Province ; but say, that it cannot be put right until the forces are sent out, 
when they will do all they can to prevent illegal traffic. 

382 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 


Governor Philipps, referring to the French settlements, says : " By -which " 
" the English colonys will be environed from Mississippi to Cape Breton" 


The count St. Pierre, premier ecuyer de madame la duchesse d'Orleans, was at 
the head of a company formed in 1719 to settle the island of St. John, (now 
Prince Edward Island), and obtained a grant, dated in August, 1719, of the 
islands of St. John and Miscou, in franc aleu noble, without judicial powers, 
which the king reserved to himself, subject to faith and homage to the French 
crown at the chateau of Louysbourg, without rent, for the establishment of a 
shore fishery of codfish ; and in January, 1 720, he obtained a similar grant of the 
Magdalen islands. [4 Charlevoix, 148.] 

On receiving these grants, the count entered into a treaty of association with 
M. M. Farges and Moras. St. Pierre reserved to himself the seigneurie, as far as 
its honors are concerned ; also 1000 arpens of land in St. John island, and as 
many in the island of Miscou, with the right to build a tower or castle there as a 
mark of seigneurie. The remaining property under the grants was to be con- 
sidered as divided into 24 equal parts ; of which, 3 were to belong to the count, 

12 to de Farges, and 6 to de Moras, and their advances and interest in the com- 
pany to be in the same proportions. This partnership was to continue for 29 
years, beginning i January, 1720, at the end of which time, if the partners or their 
heirs did not renew it, a division of property should take place, comprising the 
islands, rt|nts, lands and houses, (not deeded to settlers.) St. Pierre to take 1-4, 
Farges 1-2, and Moras 1-4, In October, 1722, the count found he could no 
longer contribute his quota of funds to the company, and Farges and Moras 
undertook to go on without his help ; but on this account, the Count reduced his 
interests thus : Of the 24 equal parts, he was to have but 4 clear, de Farges 

13 1-3, and Moras 6 2-3. The count and his partners expended over 1,200,000 
livres. In 1727, the king revoked the exclusive privileges of fishery given over 
the islands in these two grants. In 1730 the king re-united to his domain the 
islands he had granted to the count. M. de Crevecour, son of St. Pierre, peti- 
tioned the count de Maurepas for compensation under these circumstances. 
[Paris mss.~\ 


Alden stated afterwards in council, that he could not say any of the French had 
induced the Indians to rob him.'nor had they assisted therein, although they had 
bought the goods from the robbers at low prices, and that they apparently spoke 
in his favor ; but he believed if they had given the least active assistance, the 
pillage would have been prevented. 


Letter from St. Ovide and Demery to Gov. Philipps, from Louisboitrg, 27 Sep- 
tember, 1 720. 

Monsieur. Nous avons re9U par Mr. Armistron, (Armstrong), major de votre 
regiment, la lettre que vous nous avez fait 1'honneur de nous ecrire au sujet du 
traitement qu'ont commis les sauvages aux Anglais a Camceaux. II nous parait 

History of Nova-Scotia. 383 

que les capitaines Anglais qui vinrent ici apporter les premieres nouvelles. vous 
ont rendu un compte peu juste de 1'attention que nous fimes a leurs plaintes ; 
nous ne croyons pas pouvoir en donner une meilleure preuve que les assurances 
que nous leur donnames que nous allions depecher, comme il a etc fait, des offi- 
ciers avec un detachement pour se rendre sur les lieux, aim de dissiper et chasser, 
autant qu'il serait en leur pouvoir les sauvages, et meme de leur faire rendre ce 
qu'ils avoient pille ; que s'il se trouvait des Francois meWs dans cette affaire, 
de les saisir afin de les faire punir et faire rendre tout ce qu'ils avoient pris sur 
les dits Anglais ; qu'aurions nous pu faire de plus, monsieur, si les sauvages 
avoient commis cette action envers les sujets du Roi Tres Christian notre 
maitre ? A 1'egard des Francois pris par les Anglois, en enlevant leurs morues, 
et dont il y en a quelques-uns que vous detenez au Port Royal comme prison- 
niers, la declaration que vous leur avez fait faire doit paroitre un peu suspecte, 
car quand il serait vrai, ce que nous savons positivement qu'il n'est point, qu'il y 
cut eu quelques Fra^ois assez mal intentionnes pour induire les sauvages a 
commettre une si mauvaise action, ce secret n'auroit jamais etc confie a des 
simples matelots-pecheurs, a qui Ton fait toujours dire ce que Ton veut ; au sur- 
plus par 1'examen particulier qui sera fait de cette affaire, et qui sera envoye a la 
cour, s'il est verifie que les Fra^ois avaient en part, nous sommes persuades que 
la couronne de France rendra a cette d'Angleterre la justice qu'elle pourra sou- 

Vous nous marquez, monsieur, qu'il vous a etc rapporte par deux sau- 
vages, que Ton avoit parle de cette affaire en ce port trois mois devant qu'elle 
cut etc executee, et que c'etait M. de St. Ovide qui faisait agir les Sauvages. Ce 
soup9on mal fonde fait peu d'impression a M. de St. Ovide, et ne peut entrer 
que dans des esprits aussi barbares que ceux des Sauvages : meme en verite, il 
est surpris avec raison que vous ayez pu faire mention dans votre lettre d'une 
idee aussi peu convenable au caractere qu'il remplit ici ; au reste, s'il est vrai 
que ces bruits qui ne sont pas venues jusqu' a nous aient couru, il se peut faire 
qu'ils n'aient point en d'autre cause, que la grande union et liaison que les Sau- 
vages ont avec les peuples de 1'Acadie, qui se sont trouves allarmes (des ordres) 
pressants que vous leur avez donnes. 

Nous aurions du nous attendre que vous auriez remis a M. Amstron, porteur 
de vos ordres les 5 Franfois que vous detenez au Port Royal ; puisque vous 
deviez etre persuade que la Cour de France rendrait sur cela une justice exacte, 
ainsi, monsieur, nous uous prions de vouloir bien vous la renvoyer, executant de 
notre c6te tout ce que les sujefs du Roi d'Angleterre nous ont demande. 

Au surplus, par la justice prompte que nous rendons a ce sujet, et les ordres 
qui ont etc" donnes a M. de Pensens, qui a etc envoye sur les lieux a cet effet, et 
dont M. Armstron est porteur, vous verrez et vous devrez e'tre convaincu, Mon- 
sieur, de 1'attachement que nous avons a conserver la paix et 1'union qui est entre 
les deux Couronnes et entretenir avec vous en particulier 1'aimable correspon- 
dance qui nous est ordonne"e. 

A 1'egard des missionaires, qui ont pu faire quelques mouvements, ils ne doi- 
vent vous donner aucun ombrage, n'ayant d'autre objet qui les affaires de la 
religion, et les comptes qu'ils sont obliges de rendre a leurs superieurs dont 
nous ne sommes point ignorants. 

Nous vous sommes bien obliges, monsieur, pour 1'attention que vous avez bien 
voulu avoir de nous envoyer monsieur Armstron, major de votre regiment pour 

384 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 

traiter cette affaire ; vous ne pouvez pas le mettre entre les mains d'un officier 
plus prudent et plus capable. 

Nous avons 1'honneur d'etre tres parfaitement, monsieur, vos tres humbles et 
tres obeissants serviteurs, 



A Louisbourg, ce 27 September, 1720. 

Sir. We received by Mr. Armstrong, major of your regiment, the letter you 
did us the honor to write on the subject of the ill-treatment the English at Can- 
ceaux received from the Indians. It appears to us that the English captains 
who came here first with the news, have not done justice in what they told you 
of the attention we paid to their complaints. We do not think we can give a 
better proof of it than the assurances we gave them that we were about to dis- 
patch (as we did) officers with a detachment to the spot, to disperse and drive off 
the Indians, as far as they could be able, and also to compel them to surrender 
their plunder ; and if any French were found to have meddled in the affair, to 
seize them, that they might be punished, and made to give up whatever they 
might have taken from the English. What more could we have done, sir, if the 
Indians had committed this offence against the subjects of the most Christian 
king, our master ? 

As regards the Frenchmen taken by the English while carrying off their cod- 
fish, (some of whom you detain prisoners at Port Royal), the declaration you have 
obtained from them seems open to suspicion ; for even if it were true (which we 
positively know it is not) that there had been some Frenchmen evil disposed 
enough to induce the Indians to commit so bad an action, this secret would never 
have been confided to simple sailor fishermen, who can be always made say 
whatever is desired. A close inquiry will be made into this business, and the 
particulars reported to our court ; and if it is clear that Frenchmen have been 
concerned, the French crown will render full justice to the British. 

You observe, sir, that you have been told by two Indians that this affair was 
spoken of here three months before it was put in execution, and that it was M. 
St Ovide who caused the Indians to act. A suspicion so ill founded makes little 
impression on M. de St. Ovide, and cannot enter minds which are not as barba- 
rian as those of the Indians. In truth he is, with reason, surprized that you have 
noticed in your letter an idea so little suitable to the character he sustains here. 
Besides, if it is true that these reports (which we have not heard of) have reached 
you, it may be that they had no other cause than the great union and connection 
which subsists between the Indians and the people of Acadie, who are alarmed at 
the urgent orders you have issued concerning them. 

We should have expected that with M. Armstrong the bearer of your orders 
you would have sent us the five Frenchmen you detained at Port Royal, as you 
ought to be persuaded that the court of France would perform exactly what jus- 
tice dictates in this business ; so we pray you, sir, to have the goodness to send 
them back to us, we being ready to comply with all the requests made by the 
subjects of Ihe king of England. Besides, by the prompt justice we have done on 
this subject, and the orders given to M. de Pensens, who was sent to the spot 
for the purpose, and of which Mr. Armstrong has a copy with him, you will see, 
and you ought to be convinced, sir, of the attachment that we have to preserve 

History of Nova-Scotia. 385 

peace and union between the two crowns, and to keep up a kindly intercourse 
with you, as we are directed to do. 

As to the movements of the missionaries, you should not take offence, as they 
are connected with religious matters alone, and the reports they are bound to 
make to their superiors, as we are well aware. 

We, sir, are much obliged for your attention in sending Mr. Armstrong, major 
of your regiment, to treat on this business. You could not place it in the hands 
of a more prudent and capable officer. 

We have the honor to be, 
Very perfectly, sir, 

Your very humble and 

Most obedient servants, 

Louisbourg, 27 September, 1720. 

386 History of Nova-Scotia. 1721, 


1721. Major Armstrong applied for and obtained six months 
leave of absence, on the ground of ill health, to go to Great 
Britain. Governor Philipps stated to the secretary at war 
that Armstrong had " never mentioned one word of this to " 
" me, nor am I sensible of any sickness he has had since he " 
" left England, unless the toothache be called so." Says he 
has never yet had officers enough to compose a general court 
martial ; deprecates the leave granted as an infringement of 
his authority, and requests it may be recalled. He writes to 
Mr. Popple, secretary of the Board of Trade, that the French 
had been urging the Indians to make war, but as the French 
could not openly join them, the Indians refused to act. They 
were told that the young king of France was crowned the 
Regent out of power, and the peace between the two crowns 
about dissolving. He says : " I humbly conceive their lord- " 
" shipps may be under some mistake in settling the western " 
" bounds of this province at the river St. Croix, whereas cap- " 
" tain Southack's mapp layes it down at Kennebec river ; " 
" and the late governor Subercase held the government in " 
' that extent, as appears by the preamble to all the passports. " 
" It seems more likely that that river, or the next to it, " 
" Penobscot, were designed for the bounds of this province, " 
" in reguard they run quite through the country, whereas " 
" St. Croix has its rise not far from the coast." 

The inhabitants of Mines sent Philip Melanson and Antoine 
Landrie to Annapolis, with letters on the subject of the pillage 
vof Alden's vessel. Their conduct was deemed evasive, and 

1721. History of Nova-Scotia. 387 

written statements were sent them by Mr. William Winniett, 
in March, 1720-1, demanding full restitution, and requiring 
that their deputies, and their priest, father Felix, should wait 
on his Excellency with a full submission in writing. 

Mr. Armstrong, who commanded the detachment at Canso, 
feeling some apprehensions of an attack by the Indians, who 
had assembled at Artigonish, sent the sloop Charlemont, com- 
manded by Mr. Peter Boudre, express to Annapolis, requesting 
stores of war, &c. Governor Philipps replies 4 April, 1721. 
He concludes the meeting of the Indians " to be no more " 
** than usual about the time of their Pasque or Easter, tho* it " 
*' is not unlikely but that they make use of that opportunity " 
" for contriving of mischief." He sends him stores, but tells 
him not to commence any work of fortification until further 
directions come from England, " so that you must content " 
*' yourself with that ffort which the fishery have erected at " 
*' their cost, which I hear is very defenceable ; and in case it " 
*' wants any strengthening or necessary conveniencys, there " 
" is no doubt but those people will be easyly perswaded to do " 
" it, since it will be for their defence." He directs him to get 
an account of the arms, powder and ball, lent them out of the 
Annapolis magazine in their necessity, "for militia are alwayes " 
"' obliged to defend their own propertys at their owne expence/' 
He mentions five months provisions. New rate for each man 
per week : Bread, 7 Ib. ; beef, 7 lb., or pork, 4 Ib. ; pease, 3 
pints ; butter, 6 oz., or cheese, i lb. ; flour, i lb., or rice, i 1-2 
lb. '' I have no bread but what I bake from hand to mouth, " 
*' but I have sent you your due proportion in flower ; and as " 
"you have a very good Baker in the comp a , and oven in" 
" the place, you can make as good shift as we." Philipps says 
he expects to be at Canso in six weeks, by a man-of-war, capt, 
Durell, daily expected to call for him. (An admiral Durell 
died at Halifax, N. S., in 1766.) He thinks he shall bring with 
him a sloop, now building at Boston, for the service of this 
province. (This was the sloop William Augustus, launched in 
July, 1721, arrived at Annapolis in August, 1721.) He thinks 
of bringing one or two companies from Placentia to reinforce 

388 History of Nova-Scotia. 1721. 

The inhabitants of the river Annapolis and its environs 
petitioned the government for permission to sow their lands, 
and surety that they might gather the produce, or else to have 
liberty to withdraw to Isle Royale. The governor told them 
that he had referred the question to England for decision, and 
recommended to await the reply, assuring them that nothing 
but the most positive orders of the Crown would induce him 
to disturb them in their possessions, unless they should rebel 
or disobey authority. 

12 April, 1721, on the representation of Charles Robicheau, 
deputy of Cobequid, the number of deputies from that district 
was increased from one to four, (one only being required to 
attend on the governor.) At the same time the number of 
deputies from Mines was increased from three to twelve, (three 
only of them being bound to attend on the governor.) These 
deputies were to be annually chosen by the inhabitants, sub- 
ject to the governor's approval. Their duties were to receive 
and put in execution the orders of the governor, and to report 
the names of persons disobedient. Their expenses in coming 
and going were to be defrayed by the inhabitants. 

Wednesday, 19 April, 1 72 1. It was resolved by the governor 
and council, that a General Court, consisting of the governor 
and council, should sit at four certain times in the year, as a 
court of judicature. The first tuesdays of February, May, 
August and November, were appointed for terms of its sitting. 

On the 8 May, 1721, governor Philipps, writing to the Board 
of Ordnance, complains of lieutenant Washington, whom he 
calls their officer, " upon the repeated complaints of major " 
" Mascarene, imploy'd by the honble. Board as engineer." He 
incloses his examination, and leaves it to the Board to judge 
or reprimand him. He tells them also, " No work has been " 
" undertaken here since the fall, unless small jobbs, at repair- " 
" ing chimneys, &c., which is unavoidable in such tottering " 
" buildings. As to what was done in the summer, hope the " 
'* honble. Board is satisfied with the reasons that made it " 
" necessary." (This expression ' fall ' for autumn has been 
considered an Americanism, but we can hardly suppose gen'l. 
Philipps acquired it on this side of the Atlantic.) In writing 

1721. History of Nova-Scotia. 389 

at this time to the secretary of State, he says that the French 
inhabitants are waiting an answer from government. Refer- 
ring to the pillage of Alden's sloop, he says that the deputies 
sued for pardon, and promised to pay the damage ; " but if it " 
" be determined for them to retire, I expect it will be in the " 
" manner that the Jews marched out of Egypt, not only with " 
" their owne effects and what they can borrow, but will first " 
" distroy the country. Therefore the best way (in my humble " 
" opinion) of answering, will be of answering in the manner " 
" we have proposed, to fall to worke and build Forts among " 
" them ; and when they find the Government in earnest, and " 
" capable either to protect or" (here a word has become illegi- 
gible) " them, 'tis not unlikely that they will sit downe quietly " 
" in their possessions, and become good subjects, with good " 
" looking after. As to the latter," (the Indians) " they are to " 
" meet me towards the latter end of this month, to receive " 
"his majesty's presents, and I shall make use of this oppor- " 
" tunity to oblige them to the most advantageous conditions " 
" of peace and traffick with his majesty's subjects." He men- 
tions the establishment of the general court, and says he 
thinks it to be conformable to his instructions, which refer 
him to " the lawes and rules of Virginia" as a rule or pattern 
for this government when they can be applicable to its cir- 
cumstances. He hopes it may meet with approbation, and 
says : " It is certain that the notion of here being no other " 
" form of law but the martial, hinders many people from " 
"coming to live among us." By Virginia act of 1662, c. 19, 
the general court of governor and council was to sit three 
times a year. Same act established county courts before jus- 
tices of peace ; and 1662, c. 37, directs juries to be empan- 
nelled at all courts. The juries were not used at Annapolis. 
19 June, 1721. The governor writes to the lords of Trade 
against lieutenant Washington, (of the Ordnance), whom he 
calls " the most scandalous wretch upon the earth." 16 Aug. 
he writes to the Board of Ordnance. He reiterates his com- 
plaints of Mr. Washington, adding, " I know I ought not to " 
" complain when I have the power to punish ; but hope I " 
" may be excused, if I avoyd as much as is possible haveing " 

3QO History of Nova-Scotia. 1721. 

" anything to do with people of such vile and wicked princi- " 

" pies. As to the survey of the eastern coast, which was " 

" intended this summer, the sloop that has been built for " 
" that service being arrived but three dayes since, much time " 
" is lost, and little can be done on that affair the remainder " 
" of this season, which I hope need not retard the projections " 
"for this country, inasmuch as both the scituation and cir-" 
" cumstances thereof are fully before you ; and as Cansoe is " 
" the first place proposed to be fortifyed, I intend, with the " 
" engineer, to steare our course directly thither, to prepare a " 
"plan of it, to be sent you in the /#//." 

" There is not one carriage that will stand once fireing in " 
" this garrison. You may please to remember that I repre- " 
" sented the bad condition thereof to the Board before I left " 
" London, which your lieutenant (if it be possible for him to " 
" speake truth at all) assured me often he had sent you them " 
" at his first arrival, tho' I have not found one word of it in " 
" all his letter book. Be that as it will, the governor of Bos- " 
" ton has lately received a very impudent letter from the " 
" Indians on that side, upon which it has been thought pro- " 
" per to arm in expectation of a rupture. If it ensues, we " 
" shall not be long quiet here ; and how ill a condition we " 
" are in for war, without a gun mounted, and almost a whole " 
" curtain of the old worke tumbled downe this summer, may " 
" be worth the while of the hon'ble. Board to consider." 

In his letter of the same date to the Board of Trade, he 
calls the letter of the Indians to the governor of Boston, " a " 
" very insolent letter from the Indians of that quarter assem- " 
" bled with their priest to celebrate some festival, upon " 
" which it has been thought advisable to arm. If a rupture " 
" ensues, we shall not long be quiet here, it being said that " 
" some of our chiefs are gone thither, but it may be no more " 
'than a drunken inspiration, and when" (they) "hear of" 
" troops marching, end in a peccavi" He tells the lords of 
Trade that he would not be able to visit Lahave and Chibouc- 
tou ; that he would have to hire a vessel to bring the re- 
mainder of the companies from Placentia to Annapolis Royal, 
with all their provisions, which would require a much larger 

1 72 1. History of Nova-Scotia. 391 

hold than the small province sloop has. There would be loss 
of time in employing her, if capable. The hire would be only 
thirty pounds. He says he is the worst off of any of the gov- 
ernors, as he has no allowance, or tax or duties, to cover con- 
tingencies. The king's presents for the Indians, having been 
at Boston all the winter, had now arrived ; but as the giving 
them required form, &c., be puts it off until his return. 

The English settlers had, by this period, got some footing 
east of the Kennebec. As their position was growing strong, 
the Indians were stirred up to jealousy, and demanded by 
what right v they were taking possession and building forts 
there. The English alleged that the territory had been ceded 
by the French crown to England. On this the Indians sent 
deputies to Canada, to enquire on the subject of the governor, 
the marquis of Vaudreuil. His reply was that the treaty of 
Utrecht made no mention of their country. The governor of 
Boston collected the eastern Indian chiefs, and informed them 
truly of the cession, but they set up an independant claim, 
denying the right of the French king to dispose of their lands. 
Every courtesy was shewn them by the English, and their 
hostile feeling seemed to have been subdued. The Indians 
themselves were quite averse at this time to entering into any 
quarrel with the English, preferring the advantages of trade 
and friendly intercourse. It happened that Toxus, the chief of 
the Norridgewock Indians, died this year. Ouikouiroumenit, 
a pacific Indian, was chosen in his place, and four hostages 
were sent to Boston by agreement. This becoming known at 
Quebec, Vaudreuil and Bdgon, the intendant, wrote on the 
15 June to father Ralle, in severe terms, inveighing against 
the Narantsouaks (Norridgewocks) for yielding to English 
persuasion in electing the new chief, and in sending hostages. 
They also promised to send on deputies from the Indians at 
St. Francis and Becancour, (in Canada), to oppose the English 
interest. This was in consequence of Ralle having stated that 
the Indians in his vicinity required to be supported by some 
of those from Canada in their interviews with the English 
governor. A number of these Canadian Indians were accord- 
ingly induced to go, and pere la Chasse, superior of the Jesuits, 

392 History of Nova-Scotia. 1721. 

(called the superior general of missions), and another of his 
order, also went on. These clergymen collected above a hun- 
dred Indians from Panaouamske", and deputies from Medoctec 
and Pemoukady ; also some Indians from Pegouakky and 
Amiraukanne, who live nearest to New England. In all, 
above two hundred Indians, under arms, assembled in July or 
August, 1721, and appeared at Georgetown, on Arowsick 
island, where the interview had been appointed to take place. 
In another place it is called the fort of Menarkoux, at the 
bottom of the river Narantouak. They represented the Aben- 
aquis and their allies. The baron St. Castin and the Jesuit la 
Chasse were with this party. The governor of New England, 
perhaps aware of the unfriendly spirit spreading among the 
tribes, did not attend on this occasion. The Indians threw 
down two hundred beaver skins as a compensation for cattle 
of the English which they had killed, and ordered the English 
to leave the territory east of the Kennebeck, and to restore 
the hostages they held. Ralle is said to have been also pre- 
sent. The Indians left a letter for the governor of New Eng- 
laad with Mr. Penhallow, chief officer at the English fort. 
This was composed by pere de la Chasse. I. It complains 
of a detention of the hostages, in breach of agreement. 2. It 
expresses surprize that the English should take possession 
and dispose of their country without their consent. 3. It 
requires that all the English should leave their territory forth- 
with, and restore the prisoners. 4. It states that if two months 
expired without redress, they would do themselves justice. 
[2 Hutch., Mass., 261-266. 2 Williamson, Maine, 105. 4 Char- 
levoix, 114-116.] It is said that the priest of Narantsouak 
wrote his name Seb. Rale, without an s in the surname, or any 
accent, circumflex or acute. [Historical Magazine, New York, 
for January, 1860, page 30.] 

Governor Philipps sailed from Annapolis in the sloop 
William Augustus, captain Southack, about the middle of 
August, 1721, and arrived at Canso on the 5th or 6th Sep- 
tember. On the 1 3th September, the schooner Hannah, 
William Souden, master, with provisions and cloathing for 
the garrison of Annapolis, was cast away on the Tusketts, 

1721. History of Nova-Scotia. 393 

and the vessel and cargo proved a total loss. One-third 
was offered as salvage for goods found. 26 September, 1721, 
captain Alden's sloop from Boston was put in quarantine at 
Annapolis, as the small pox was rife in Boston. The woollen 
goods and cotton wool on board were ordered to be aired 
before landing them. The Massachusetts Assembly met 23rd 
August, at the George tavern, beyond Boston neck, in conse- 
quence of the disease. 

On the ist October, 1721, governor Philipps writes to 
the lords of Trade, dating from " Cansoe." He says it was 
an agreeable surprize to find Cansoe in a flourishing state. 
It would have been broken up for good, if he had not sent 
the detachment there, which he had since reinforced with two 
companies. " So that my good neighbors at cape Breton " 
" seem to give up their pretention of right, an d talk only of " 
" its being a place neutral." He urges the importance of 
Canso to the fishery and to the settlement of the province ; 
recommends it to be made a free port for three or four years. 
" My arrival here gave a general joy, being taken as a good " 
" presage of the government's intention to assert its right ; " 
"and, to confirm the opinion more, I have determined to" 
" pass a bad winter here, without the necessaries of life, " 
" which hinders me from being more particular to your lord- " 
" ships, my papers being left at Annapolis Royal." He notices 
that he remains under an incapacity to receive families and 
begin the settlement. " There are several that offer at this " 
" time, but your lordships, who drew my instructions, know " 
" the extent of my power." When the surveyor comes, it will 
take two or three years before he can make any progress. 
(This alludes to a regulation of the British government, which 
directed that all tracts of forest land, suitable for masts and 
timber for the navy, should be set apart and surveyed as 
crown reserves, before any lands for settlement could be laid 
out and measured.) Philipps suggests whether " a reserve " 
" (in every settlement to be made) of all woods fit for the use " 
" of the Royal navy, may not answer the ends of a survey, " 
" and save time." He says : " In the meantime, I have made " 
" dispositions of small plots of ground, and little rocks or " 

394 History of Nova-Scotia. 1721. 

" islands in this harbour, for the conveniency of the fishery, " 
" which I have promised to confirm." 

In November, a party of militia From New England, under 
colonel Westbrooke, went to Norridgewock to seize Ralle. 
He escapes himself, but they get his box of papers, in which 
his correspondence with Vaudreuil was found. The evidence 
of the intrigues used to stir up the Indians to hostility against 
the English, was amply supplied by the documents thus obtain- 
ed. [Grahams Col. Hist., 2 v., p. 71.] In December, young St. 
Castin was taken prisoner to Boston, having been captured by 
stratagem, and there placed in close confinement ; but after 
some examinations, he was set at liberty. [2 Hutch, Mass., 
272. 4 Ckarlevoix, 115-116.] 



A description of Nova Scotia, signed by P. Mascarene, engineer, and certified 
as accurate by governor Philipps, appears to have been prepared for the infor- 
mation of the British government in 1720 or 1721. He bounds the province of 
Nova Scotia, or Acadie, on the Kennebec river, about 44 N. Lat, and says its 
breadth extends from the easternmost part of the island of cape Breton to the 
south side of the river St. Lawrence, leaving to the French, by the treaty of 
Utrecht, the islands in the gulph, including cape Breton. The climate is cold, 
and very variable, and subject to long and severe winters. Soil fertile ; produces 
wheat, rye, barley, oats, all manner of garden roots and herbs ; abounds in cat- 
tle. Plenty of wild and tame fowl. Well timbered with oak, fir, pine of all sorts 
fit for masts, pitch and tar, maple, ash, beech, asp, &c. Iron mines, copper 
mines at cape Dore. " The whole cape being of a vast height, and an entire " 
" rock, through the crevices of which some bits of copper are spued. Good " 
" coal mines, and a quarry of soft stone, near Chignecto, and at Musquash " 

" Cove, ten leagues from Annapolis Royal. Also in St. John's river, very " 

" good and plenty of white marble is found, which burns into very good lime. " 
" Feathers and furs are a considerable part of the trade of this country, but the " 
" most material is the fishing of cod, which all the coast abounds with, and " 
" seems to be inexhaustible. There are four considerable settlements on the " 
" south side of the bay of Fundy, Annapolis Royal, Manis, Chignecto and " 

History of Nova-Scotia. 395 

" Cobequid. Several families are scattered along the Eastern coast. The inha- " 
" bitants are all French, mostly of the Romish persuasion." He considers the 
fear which the French allege they entertain of the Indians in case they should 
take the oath, &c., as a pretence, as he says the Indians are but a handful in 
this country, while the French are able to appear a thousand men under arms. 
The French are not industrious. English settlers would be much more so, and 
would lessen the necessity of military expence. He accuses the government of 
cape Breton of inducing the people not to take the oath of allegiance. Cape 
Breton is barren, and dependant on Nova Scotia for provisions. Recommends 
600 troops to be sent, and the oath to be tendered to the inhabitants or their 
removal to be effected. Contemplates that the cattle be retained for new Eng- 
lish settlers. 

In describing Annapolis, he says : ' Two leagues above Goat Island is the " 
" Fort, seated on a rising, sandy ground, on the South side of the river, on a " 
" point formed by the British river," (formerly la riviere du Port Royal, or riviere 
Dauphin, now called the Annapolis river), " and another small one, called Jenny " 
" river," (the L'equille of Lescarbot, called also Allen's river and Little river.) 
" The lower town lies along the first, and is commanded by the Fort. The " 
" upper town stretches in scattering houses a mile and a half South East from " 
" the Fort, on the rising ground between the two rivers. From this rising " 
" ground to the banks of each river, and on the other side of the less one, lie " 
" large plats of meadow, &c. On both sides of the British river are a great " 

" many fine farms, inhabited by about 200 families. The fort is almost a " 

" regular square has four bastions ; and on the side fronting the point, which " 
' is formed by the junction of the two rivers, it has a ravelin, and a battery of " 
" large guns, on the counterscarp of the ravelin, which last, with the battery, " 
" have been entirely neglected since the English had possession of this place, " 
" and are entirely ruined. The works are raised with a sandy earth, and were " 
" faced with sods, which, being cut out of.a sandy soil, (the whole neck between " 
" the two rivers being nothing else), soon mouldered away, and some part of " 
" the work needed repairing almost every spring. The French constantly " 
" repaired it after the same manner, except part of the Courtin, covered with " 
" the ravelin, which they were obliged to face with pieces of timber some time " 
" before they quitted possession of this place. The English followed that last " 
" method in repairing of this fort, revesting of it all round with pieces of round " 
" timber of six or seven inches diameter, to the height of the Cordon, and rais- " 
" ing a parapet of sod work." The expences were so great as to create a disgust 
of repairs. 

Thus the fort laid for a great while tumbling down, till governor Phiiipps found 
it necessary to put it into a posture of defence. The French of the river could 
arm and assemble four hundred men in twenty-four hours' time. He recommends 
a garrison of 200 men, and a thorough repair of the existing fort at a cost of ^800 
for service, until a stone redoubt can be erected. 

Manis, (called Minas, (Spanish), Menis and Manis, also by some of the Eng- 
lish), called by the French les Mines, from the copper mines at Cap des Mines or 
Cap Dore. Vessels of 40 or 50 tons run up with the tide, which rises 9 or 10 
fathoms, up a creek to the town, where they are left dry on a bank of mud by the 
receding tide. It might be made the granary of the province and neighboring 
governments. Mentions a meadow of nearly four leagues in extent, partly dyked, 

396 History of Nova-Scotia. 

(Grand Pre.) " The houses, which compose a kind of scattering town, lie on a 
" rising ground along two creeks, which run betwixt it and the meadow, and " 
" makes of this last a kind of peninsula." This place has great "store of cattle." 
Near the shores they catch " white porpoises." 

The population of Mines is greater than that of Annapolis river. The Indians 
are there also frequently. The people are less tractable than those of Annapolis. 
" All the orders sent to them, if not suiting to their humours, are scoffed and " 
" laughed at, and they put themselves upon the footing of obeying no govern- " 
" ment. It will not be an easy matter to oblige these inhabitants to submit to " 
" any terms which do not entirely square to their humors, unless a good force " 
" be landed there, and a Fort or Redoubt of earth be thrown up, well ditched, " 
" freezed and palissaded, till a more durable may be built. This Redoubt must " 
" have four pieces of cannon, (sakers), and command the meadow which is their " 
" treasure." The language of governor Brouillan as to these republicans, is 
repeated almost verbatim. The force should be 300 or 400, as the harbor is so 
wild no ship of force can remain there ; and if she could anchor safely, it would 
be near twelve miles from the redoubt. Smaller vessels must lie dry for sixteen 
hours out of the twenty-four, so they might be burned, and a retreat cut off. The 
redoubt should contain 150 men, which would be sufficient garrison. Cobequid 
has about fifty French families. There is thence a communication by a river to 
Chebucto. The Indians resort much to Cobequid. Chignecto contains about 
seventy or eighty families. There is much grain and more cattle there than any- 
where else. There are very good coal mines there, of easy access ; but shelter is 
wanting for the vessels, which have to anchor in the open bay. Near the town 
itself, which lies four leagues beyond the coal mines, there is a small island, 
which has a good quarry of soft " stone. It cuts in layers of four or six inches " 
" thick, and hardens soon after it is cut." The inhabitants are given to hunting 
and trading. The trade with cape Breton consists in carrying furs, grain, cattle, 
&c., and receiving in return linens and other goods. A small fort should be 
built on the neck, with a garrison of one hundred and fifty men. The French 
have this summer sent four ships, with two hundred families, with provisions, 
stores, and materials for erecting a fort, and making a settlement on the island of 
St. John. 

Canso is an island, with several less ones adjoining, lying at a small distance 
from the Main, and at S. E. and N. W. from the passage which bears the same 
name, and separates the island of cape Breton from Nova Scotia. There is a 
great resort there for the cod fishery by the English, and was so by French 
before the seizure made by captain Smart, in H. M. ship Squirrell. Twenty thou- 
sand quintals of dry codfish would have been exported thence this season but for 
the Indian attack. If duly protected, Canso, with a fort and garrison, would be 
likely to become the chief place of trade, though not so conveniently situated for 
a seat of government as Port Rosway, Lahave, Marligash, Chibouctou, &c. Res- 
pecting these, he promises information hereafter. 


9 May, 1721. An order of governor and council passed, requiring any person 
leaving the province to report his name ten days previously in the Secretary's 
office, that creditors might have notice and get security. This regulation is bor- 

History of Nova-Scotia. 397 

rowed from the act of Virginia, 1662, c. 127, which was afterwards in substance 
re-enacted by the general Assembly at Halifax, and remained in force until a 
recent period, making masters of vessels liable for the debts of those they took 
away without passes. 

10 October, 1721. John Adams having filed a caveat against Peter Boudre, as 
leaving the province, the Council decided that as he was going to Canso, the 
caveat was improper. 

398 History of Nova-Scotia. 1722. 


1722. In this year 1 722, a war broke out between the Indians 
and the people of New England, which lasted three years, and 
was called Lovewell's war. On the 18 June, a party of Indians 
seized five Englishmen on the Kennebec, whom they carried 
off as hostages in place of the four Indian hostages kept at 
Boston. They subsequently attacked a fishing vessel at 
Damariscove, and the English fort on the river St. George, 
but without success. A vessel, in which Mr. Newton, collec- 
tor of the customs at Annapolis Royal, and John Adams, son 
of Mr. Adams, of the council of Nova Scotia, were passengers, 
with captain Blin, from Boston, touched at Passamaquoddy, 
for water. They were not aware of the Indian hostilities, and 
going on shore they were made prisoners by a party consist- 
ing of ten or twelve Indians and about an equal number of 
French. The people in the sloop cut their cable, and fled to 
Boston. The prisoners were afterwards released on ransom. 
Douglas attributes their liberation to the fact that lieutenant 
governor Doucett had secured twenty-two Indians by way of 
reprisals. Further hostilities occurred on the New England 
frontiers, and the governor and council at Boston declared 
war against the Eastern Indians on the 25 July, and the gen- 
eral court or assembly of that province confirmed this step on 
the 8th August, and voted to raise one thousand men to carry 
on the war. [2 Hutch.., Mass., 277.] A letter from the lords 
of Trade to governor Philipps, dated Whitehall, 6 June, 1722, 
acknowledges the receipt of his despatches of September and 
November, 1720, and of i October, 1721. The measures of 

1722. History of Nova-Scotia. 399 

improvement and defence he urged on the government are 
civilly alluded to ; but the delay of reply, and the cool answers, 
must have tended to check the zeal he had evinced for the 
prosperity of the province. As to the attack on Canso, &c., 
they " hope some redress may be had therein, as soon as his " 
" majesty's affairs will permit" The building a fort at Canso 
is in the hands of the Ordnance, who are waiting an order 
from the king before they will send materials and workmen. 
He should have applied to the treasury on the subject of con- 
tingencies. As to the want of a surveyor to set out tracts of 
wood land for furnishing H. M. navy, they have proposed to 
his majesty that the governor should be empowered to set out 
the lands. That he may then grant lands to settlers. They 
do not understand him about a free port at Can^o think it 
may be impracticable. As to the small settlements on little 
islands about Cango, he must remember his instructions, that 
" the coast is left free for the fishery to all H. M. subjects." 

In July, 1722, the Indians captured several trading vessels 
in the bay of Fundy, and eighteen vessels in the harbors on 
the coast, among which was a sloop that governor Philipps 
had despatched with bread for the use of the garrison of Anna- 
polis. {Douglas Summary, 317, 560.] Nothing could be more 
unexpected, as the governor but a short time before had the 
chiefs, with him, and feasted them, while they gave solemn 
promises of friendship and alliance. The Indians flattered 
themselves with hopes of reducing Annapolis by famine and 
blockade, but provisions arrived in the meantime at Canso from 
Europe, and Philipps armed some vessels there, which got 
safe with these supplies to the garrison. Lientenant governor 
Doucett made prisoners of about twenty Indians, who lay 
encamped in the woods, including women and children in that 
number. By this time they were in the middle of the fishing 
season at Canso, and its harbor was full of ships, waiting for 
their cargoes, when fresh advices came that the Indians were 
cruising upon the banks with the sloops they had taken, 
assisted by the prisoners, whom they compelled to serve as 
mariners ; and that they gave out that they were to attack 
Canso with all their strength. This alarmed the people there 

400 History of Nova-Scotia. 1722. 

greatly, bringing to mind their sufferings two years before. 
They were disheartened to find that measures had not been 
taken tnis year for the security of the place, and they were 
inclined to break up, and let every man shift for himself. 
Philipps had just then received, by express, from governor 
Shute, of New England, the declaration of war that province 
had made against the Indians, with a request for assistance. 
He assembled the people of the harbor of Canso, and prevailed 
on them to concur with him in fitting out and manning two 
sloops to protect the fishery. He placed an officer and a party 
of soldiers on board each of them. They were partly manned 
by volunteer sailors from the merchant vessels in the port. 
One of them was commanded by John Eliot, of Boston, and 
the other by John Robinson, of Cape Ann. Both were sent 
out after the enemy. \Gov. Philipps' letter to the lords of Trade. 
Canso, September 19, 1722.] 

" Eliot, as he was ranging the coast, espied seven vessels in 
" a harbor called Winnepang, and concealed all his men, 
" except four or five, until he came near to one of the vessels, 
" which had about forty Indians on board, who were in expec- 
" tation of another prize falling into their hands. As soon as 
" he was within hearing, they hoisted their pendants and called 
" out, ' Strike, English dogs, and come aboard, for you are ' 
" ' all prisoners.' Eliot answered that he would make all the 
" haste he could. Finding he made no attempt to escape, they 
" began to fear a Tartar, and cut their cable, with intent to run 
" ashore, but he was too quick for them, and immediately 
" clapped them aboard. For about half an hour they made a 
"brave resistance ; but at length some of them jumping into 
" the hold, Eliot threw his hand granadoes after them, which 
" made such havock, that all which remained alive took to the 
" water, where they were a fair mark for the English shot." 
" From this or a like action probably took rise a common expres- 
" sion among English soldiers, and sometimes English hunt- 
" ers, who, when they have killed an Indian, make their boast 
" of having killed a black duck. Five only reached the shoar. 
" Eliot received three bad wounds, and several of the men 
" were wounded, and one killed. Seven vessels, with several 

1722. History of Nova-Scotia. 401 

" hundred quintals of fish and fifteen of the captives, were 
" recovered from the enemy. They had sent many of the pri- 
" soners away, and nine they had killed in cold blood. The 
" Nova Scotia Indians had the character of being more savage 
41 and cruel than other nations." (This opinion has most likely 
no better foundation than the notion long entertained in Nova 
Scotia, that the Malecites and Abenaquis were more ferocious 
than the Micmacs ; or that which prevailed among all the 
maritime Indian tribes, of the extraordinary malice and cruelty 
of the Iroquois, and especially of the Mohawks.) " Robinson 
" retook two vessels, and killed several of the enemy. Five 
" other vessels the Indians had carried so far up the bay, 
4< above the harbor of Malagash, that they were out of his 
" reach, and he had not men sufficient to land, the enemy 
" being very numerous. The loss of so many men had enra- 
" ged them, and they had determined to revenge themselves 
4i upon the poor fishermen, above twenty of whom yet remained 
" prisoners at Malagash harbour, and they were all destined 
" to be sacrificed to the manes of the slain Indians. The 
<l powowing and other ceremonies were performing, when cap- 
*' tain Blin, in a sloop, appeared off the harbour, and made the 
" signal, or sent in a token which had been agreed upon 
" between him and the Indians, when he was their prisoner, 
" should be his protection. Three of the Indians went aboard 
41 his vessel, and agreed for the ransom both of vessels and 
" captives, which were delivered to him, and the ransom paid. 
" In his way to Boston, he made prisoners of three or four 
" Indians, near cape Sables ; and about the same time captain 
" Southack took two canoes, with three Indians in each, one 
" of which was killed, and the other five brought to Boston." 
\2 Hutch., Mass., 295, 296.] 

This expedition of the two sloops from Canso was so effec- 
tual, that, as Philipps says, in three weeks' time they retook 
all the vessels and prisoners, except four, " which the New " 
" England people poorly ransomed." On this occasion many 
Indians were killed, among their number four chiefs, who had 
been with governor Philipps but a month before, receiving the 
king's presents upon the most solemn assurances of their 

4O2 History of Nova-Scotia. 1722-23. 

intention to live in peace and friendship with his majesty's 
subjects. Being asked the reason of their sudden change, all 
of them agreed in one story, that they were set on by the 
French governors. He also says : " It is certain that they" 
(the French) " did expect, by their advices from Europe, a " 
" speedy rupture between the two crowns ; and the troubles " 
" in Great Britain" (alluding to the South Sea bubble of 1721, 
and an alleged conspiracy in favor of the Pretender in 1722) 

" being magnified here, they concluded they had been " 

(a word defaced by decay in mss.) " and gave the hint, (as is " 
" reasonable to imagine), to the Indians, to do what mischief" 
" they could by surprise. However, they have paid dear for " 
" it, having never received such a check in this country, and " 
" we are now as easy and quiet as if there was not an Indian " 
" in the country, so that the business of this place will con- " 
" elude with success." Governor Philipps signified his inten- 
tion of going to England as soon as the ships were despatched, 
and the garrison put in a good posture of defence. He had 
not left Canso, however, on the 23 Sept'r., 1722, o. s., being 
4 Oct'r., new style. In the latter part of the year, several 
Indians came to the Fort of Annapolis, and made submission. 

1723. A conspiracy to restore the Pretender having been 
detected in England in 1722, many arrests took place there, 
and a Mr. Layer was executed. {Smollett's History, p. 333.] 
We find in the records of Annapolis Royal that " on the good " 
"news that arrived there in the printed papers" respecting 
the detection of this " horrid, bloody, cruel and most barba- " 
" rous, inhuman conspiracy against his " (the king's) " sacred " 
"person and government," thursday, the 2ist March, 1723, 
was appointed as a day of thanksgiving. 

The Indians continued this year to make war on the Eng- 
lish in Nova Scotia, and on the frontiers of Massachusetts, 
where they kept up a petty skirmishing. [2 Hutch., Mass., 303.] 
In July, the Indians surprized one captain Watkins, who was 
on a fishing voyage at Canso, and they killed Watkins, two 
other men, one woman and one child, upon Durell's island. 
\Douglas* Summary, 317.] In the autumn, letters from the 

1723. History of Nova-Scotia. 403 

chiefs of the Indians in different places of the province, pro- 
fessing peaceable intentions, were presented to the lieutenant 
governor Doucett and his council, at Annapolis, at which time 
governor Philipps was in England. On receipt of one of those, 
the council resolved, " that a civil answer be sent to amuse " 
" them till farther instructions from Britain," from which we 
must infer that the pretended pacific views of the Indians 
were considered hypocritical. A feeling of distrust and anx- 
iety evidently prevailed during this year. The smallness of 
the garrison the absence of the governor the intercourse 
kept up by the inhabitants with the rulers of Quebec, tended 
to create constant alarm. 

The regent duke of Orleans, who supported the policy of 
peace with England, died 22 November, 1723. 


From a letter if Governor Philipps to the lords of Trade, 30 Nov'r., 1734. 
The presents shipped by Bamfield arrived in Boston in November, 1 720, and; 
they came to Nova Scotia on 30 July, 1721. The Indians had notice to assemble 
at Canso in the Spring, to receive these presents ; but in stead, they rendez- 
voused for the purpose of a war upon the English. Meanwhile, one of the chiefs,. 
with his followers, went to Canso, and was entertained two days civilly, and got 
their portion of the presents. Within four or five days after the news reached 
Canso that the Indians had surprized many of the fishing sloops in several of the 
harbors, putting part of their crews to death, and reserving the rest to navigate 
the vessels, in order to turn pirates, their intention being to take all vessels they 
met on the banks, and then to attack Canso. Two vessels were fitted out at 
Canso, with soldiers and an officer in each, which met aqd routed them with great 
slaughter -made many prisoners recovered some twenty of the captured vessels, 
and .released many prisoners from impending death, "and among the trophies" 
" of victory brought home, was the head of that very chief who .had received " 
** the king's presents of roe but three weeks before." 


There is a letter dated Canso, 23 Sept'r., 1722, signed by governor Philipps, 
in which he gives a house and ground in Annapolis Royal to doctor William 
Skene, promising a formal confirmation, or grant. This letter is recorded in the 
Register Book of Grants and Deeds, under date of 1740. 

404 History of Nova-Scotia. 


On 27 September, 1722, Armstrong petitions the lords- of Trade for relief from 
his losses in the public service. 


During the latter part of this year, several of the Indians came to Annapolis 
Royal, and submitted under the terms of the proclamation issued at Canso by 
the Governor. The first entry I find of this kind is " At a council held at the " 
" Hon'ble. lieut. governor John Doucett's house, in his Majesty's garrison of " 
" Annapolis Royall, on friday, the igth of October, 1722. Present ; " 

" The Hon'ble Lieutenant Governor, President. " 
" Major Paul Mascarene. William Skene, Esq. " 

" John Adams, Esq. William Shirreff, Esq. " 

" Hibbert Newton, Esq. Peter Boudre, Esq. " 

" The hon'ble lieutenant governor acquainted the Board that Jackish, the " 
" Indian, who has his wife and children here prisoners, was come to submitt " 
" himself upon the tarmes of his Excelly's. proclamation." The council agreed 
to admit him to terms of submission, which were to be prepared and signed by 
him and other Indians. Jackish was ordered to remain near the garrison. 

In council, 5 Nov'r., 1722. The terms to be signed by the Indians were repor- 
ted, and ordered to be translated into French, " for the Indians better under- " 
" standing the same." 

Monday, 12 Nov'r., the terms were read, and interpreted to the Indians. They 
eigned it, and a copy was given to them. 

Wednesday, 14 Nov. Three more of " this river Indians" came before the 
council, and signed terms. 

Mr. James Blin and his crew, being aspersed for "selling shott at Shicka- " 
" necto," came and swore to their innocence. 

Three boys, Charles Davis, Nicholas Hutton and George Willis, who had been 
taken prisoners on the Eastern coast of this province by the Indians, and ran- 
somed by the French at Mines and Pisaquid, by the said James Blin, were ex- 
amined under oath, stated that a great many of the inhabitants of Mines and 
Pisagett were under arms, pretending fear of an attack by the English. Heard 
the French say " That if they were attacked this summer, they would, with 600 " 
" Indians who were already arrived from Canada, and 1500 of themselves, go " 
" and burn Annapolis in the winter ; that they expected six ships, with 600 " 
" men, to sail from Cape Breton, in order to take this fort." Charles Davis said 
" he had lain in the woods some nights with the inhabitants, who had remo- " 
" ved their goods from their houses, in expectation the English would come." 

20 Nov'r., two more Indians came in, and signed terms. 23 Nov'r., two more 
came in. 

3 Dec'r., 1722. Philip Melanson, from Mines, brought two Indians who had a 
letter addressed to the lieutenant governor. These were two Indian chiefs who 
came in with him from the body of Indians at Mines. This letter, which deman- 
ded hostages from the government, was voted impertinent, and the Chiefs were 
detained as prisoners. One of them, subsequently, made his escape. 

History of Nova-Scotia. 405 

1 1 Dec'r. Germain, an Indian, of " this river," came in and signed the terms 
of submission. 

13 Dec'r., 1722. Captain John Jephson, commanding the volunteers against 
the Indians, offered, if the lieutenant governor would give him twenty men, to go 
up the river to the Mass house, in order to look for Indians. The council advi- 
sed against it. i. For the danger to the lives of those Indians who are under 
the protection of the government, who have hostages and passports. 2. Dis- 
turbing the French inhabitants, who own the church. 3. Evil effects, if any 
accident befel the party. 


Douglass, in his Summary, p. 330, says : " In time of peace, the Garrisons in " 
" Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, with a reduced regiment of foot and detach- " 
" ments of the Train, cost Great Britain about ,15.000 per annum." 

Boston at this time contained near 12,000 inhabitants, of whom 844 died in 
1 722, of small pox. Massachusetts then contained 94,000 inhabitants. [Douglass* 
Summary, p. 531.] 


Monday, 30 Sept'r., 1723. Joseph Dougas, came in a schooner, with letters 
from M. Beaucours, lientenant governor of Cape Breton, and M. Demazy, commis- 
saire ordinateur, recommendatory. As Dougas was an inhabitant who withdrew 
in 1714, in general Nicholson's time, he was held to have forfeited all property 
here. He had also a letter from major Alex'r. Cosby, at Canso, to the lieuten- 
ant governor, requesting to purchase and ship provisions for that garrison ; but 
as Dougas had French merchandize, it was resolved he should not break bulk, 
but be sent away. Cosby had shipped things to buy pease and pork with, the 
lieutenant governor of Placentia having taken provisions destined for Canso. 


14 October, 1723. Vaudreuil and Begon state that Alexandre du Bourg, notary 
at Port Royal, Mines and Beaubassin, came here (Quebec) last year by express, with 
another inhabitant of Acadie, to demand of us, for themselves and nine others, 
payment of the sum of U45/. 12s. <)d., (livres, sous and deniers), being the amount 
of supplies furnished by them in 1711 and 1712 to war parties. They brought the 
orders, &c., and said they had left their claims with M. Clignancourt, ensign, but 
not getting paid, came at length themselves. They say that they are continually 
obliged to assist the Micmacs, who being at war with the English, take from them 
by force their cattle and other provisions, when they do not give them of free will, 
and that the English blame them for the injury done by the Indians. The governor 
general and intendant recommend payment of this demand, and the more so, that 
incase of a war, the inhabitants and Indians united could drive the English out of 
Port Royal. They add that some of the inhabitants have openly declared for the 
English, and interfere to prevent the Indians from making war. They recom- 
mend the payment to be made to the missionary, who will distribute it among 
the eleven claimants. 

406 History of Nova-Scot^a. 


In council, 20 Oct'r., 1723. One monsieur Mutton, a surgeon at Mines, came 
to Annapolis, and the lieutenant governor having heard that he had cured several 
of the enemy Indians that had been wounded by the ' partys' sent out against 
them, made him prisoner, and asked advice of the council. " Said Mr. Mutton " 
" being called before Board and examined, the opinion of the Board is, that for " 
" want of eividences, the said Mr. Mutton shall give good security to the Gov- " 
" ernment for his good behaviour for the future, and appearance here whenever " 
" called for." 


In a paper drawn up by governor Philipps, dated 28 Nov'r., 1723, (at which 
time he was in England), he states that the garrison of Annapolis consists of five 
companies, amounting in the whole to two hundred men, exclusive of commis- 
sioned officers. There were then about ten or twelve families of English, who 
lived together in a small fauxbourg, (suburb), under cover of the Fort. The river 
just within the entrance forms a large basin, capable of containing a very great 
fleet of ships. This is just above the town. At Canso, he (the governor) had 
erected a small fort, and a battery for twelve guns, at his own expence. Three 
cannon are now mounted in the Fort, which is garrisoned by four companies, and 
the ships that come there place their guns in the battery. The fort of Annapolis 
Royal is quite gone to decay ; more than one third of the ramparts are level with 
the ground. 

1724. History of Nova-Scotia. 407 


1724. In February, 1724, pere Isidore, a Franciscan friar, 
came to Annapolis. He had been selected by pere Claude 
Sanquiest, superior of the Recollects at Louisbourg, to be 
resident priest at Pigiguite, (now Windsor.) Major Alexander 
Cosby, who commanded at Canso, wrote to lieutenant gover- 
nor Doucett, at Annapolis, that his Excellency, the governor, 
had authorized Sanquiest to appoint a cure for Pigiguite. The 
council considered that Isidore had come for approbation, 
14 which," they say, " is more than any have heretofore done," 
and agreed that he should have the cure of Pigiguite, with its 
accustomed perquisites, &c., and advised the lieut. governor to 
give him an order to that effect. The council attending at 
this time consisted of the lieut. gov'r. Doucett, president ; and 
messrs. Adams, Newton, Skeen and Shirreff. These gentle- 
men, and several of the officers of the garrison, took the oaths 
of allegiance, &c., 27 Jan'y., 1723-4. 

The Indians continued this year to make war on the frontier 
settlements of New England. May i, they killed James Nock, 
who was riding home. i6th, they captured two men and two 
children. I4th, from an ambush they killed a man and a 
woman who were returning home from church. 2 June, they 
captured two men. 10 June, at Oyster river, they killed a 
man and his son, who were at work in the fields. One of the 
Indians was slain on this occasion. " The slain Indian was " 
" a person of distinction, and wore a kind of coronet, of scar- " 
" let dyed fur, with an appendage of four small bells, by the " 

408 History of Nova-Scotia. 1724. 

" sound of which the others might follow him through the " 
" thickets. His hair was remarkably soft and fine ; and he " 
" had about him a devotional book, and a muster roll of 180 " 
" Indians, from which circumstances it was supposed that he " 
" was a natural son of the Jesuit Ralle, by an Indian woman " 
" who had served him as a laundress. His scalp was preset " 
" ted to the lieutenant governor in council, by Robert Burn- " 
" ham, and the promised bounty was paid to captain Francis " 
" Matthews, in trust for the company. June 27. The Indians " 
" entered the house of a quaker, named John Hanson, in " 
" Dover, killed and scalped two small children, pillaged the " 
" house, and carried off the wife, an infant of 14 days old, the " 
" nurse, two daughters and a son. This was done so secretly " 
' and suddenly, that the first person who discovered it was " 
" the eldest daughter, at her return from meeting before her " 
" father." [2 Belknap, N. H., 57-59.] Hanson went to Canada 
and ransomed his wife, and all his children except one girl of 
seventeen. [2 Hutch., Mass., 308.] 

Captain Josiah Winslow, and thirteen men belonging to the 
fort at St. George's river, who were out in whaleboats, were 
watched by a party of Indians, about one hundred in number, 
in thirty canoes, who surrounded and killed them all ; but 
three Indians, who were in the English boats escaped, and 
carried the news to the fort. The Indians also took several 
fishing vessels, one having swivel guns. Two vessels which 
were armed and sent after them, returned unsuccessful. The 
Indians took, in all, eleven vessels, with forty-five men, of 
whom they killed twenty-two, and carried away twenty-three 
as captives. [2 Hutch., Mass., 307] While thus active in New 
England, they were not wholly idle in Nova Scotia. After 
their own fashion, they made what they called war, but which 
the English described as robberies and murders. In order to 
check their proceedings, the government of this province 
seized and detained several Indians as prisoners. This mea- 
sure induced some of the Indians of Annapolis river to make 
submission, and to enter into engagements to demean them- 
selves peaceably, and to inform the government of any insult 
or attack that should be intended against it. They signed to 

1724. History of Nova-Scotia. 409 

this effect ; and they were given to understand, that if any 
British subject should be murdered near the garrison, or a 
shot fired against it, reprisals would be made on the prisoners. 
{Minutes of Council of % July, 1/24.] In the summer of 1724 
a party of Indians, consisting of thirty Malecites and twenty- 
six Micmacs, attacked Annapolis, and killed two of the garri- 
rison, viz., Serjeant McNeal, whom they shot and scalped, and 
a private man of a party that sallied out. An officer and three 
men of the sallying force were also dangerously wounded. The 
Indians withdrew, their loss being two wounded. The Eng- 
lish, thus repulsed, were confined to their fort. After eating 
some sheep belonging to the inhabitants, the Indians aban- 
doned their design. Subsequently the English burned three 
French houses, as reprisal for an English house that the 
Indians had burned. So says father Felix ; but Douglass 
states that two French houses were burned in reprisal for two 
English. Several of the English, living without the fort, were 
captured by the Indians, but soon after ransomed by the 
French. Two men, a woman and two children, belonging to 
the garrison, were also taken, but soon released. The English 
took father Charlemagne, missionary of Port Royal, and sent 
him to Louisbourg, alleging that he could and should have 
given them notice of this intended attack. (See news from 
Acadie, related by father Felix, missionary.) They also passed 
a standing order that there should be no more Mass said up 
the river ; that the Mass house (so they termed the church) 
there should be demolished, and one built at Annapolis, to 
which they might all resort, "as an eternal monument of" 
"their said treachery." [Records of Council, 18 May, 1736. 
Doiiglass Summary, 317.] The English shot and scalped one 
of the Indian prisoners, who had been two years detained 
there. He was put to death on the spot where Serjeant 
McNeal had been slain. The decision to execute this Indian 
hostage or prisoner took place in council, at the hon'ble. John 
Doucett's house, in the garrison of Annapolis Royal, on Wed- 
nesday, 8 July, 1724. Present : the hon. lieutenant governor, 
president ; . major Paul Mascarene, John Adams, Hibbert 
Newton, William Skeen and William Shirreff. Some of the 

4io History of Nova-Scotia. 

very Indians who had signed the instrument of submission, 
were guides and actors to the hostile party. The execution of 
this hostage I cannot but regard as a blot on the fair fame of 
our people, while great allowance should be made for the feel- 
ings of the English, exasperated as they doubtless were by the 
barbarous cruelties exercised on their countrymen in New 
England and Nova Scotia, and the treachery they found at 
work everywhere. However this execution may be palliated, 
I see no grounds on which it can be in any way justified. 

Pere Felix recounts in the same narration above referred to, 
that a second party of eight Malecites, being twenty leagues 
distant from Canceaux, towards Mocodome, (Country harbor), 
on the East coast, took a vessel about three leagues from land, 
and that three canoes boarded a French schooner of Port Tou- 
louse, commanded by an Acadian named Pelerin, that had 
been taken by the English in the passage of Fronsac, (streights 
of Canso), coming from bate Verte, laden with cattle, and in 
which Mr. Cosby, an English major, commandant at Canceaux, 
had placed eight men and two cannon, under command of a 
serjeant, to cruise and capture the Acadian vessels. The eight 
Indians boarded the schooner in the night, killed the captain 
and five men, and took three prisoners. Father Felix charita- 
bly ransomed the serjeant, Pierre leBlanc ransomed a second, 
and Paul Melanson the third prisoner. 

At the same time a party of about seventy or eighty Indians 
collected at Mines, thirty of whom were Malecites from St. 
John's river, the rest belonging to Shickabenacadie, (Shuben- 
acadie ?) and the Eastern coast. Mr. Blin arrived there with 
his vessel, and anchored at Baptist cove. The Indians forbade 
the inhabitants going on board. Mr. Winniett arrived with 
his vessel, and finding Blin's vessel where he had not expected 
to see her, he put up his ensign in the shrouds, and fired a 
gun. Receiving no signal in return, he supposed Blin .had 
been captured by the Indians ; but Blin sailing immediately, 
they spoke each other. Blin informed Winniett of the inter- 
ference of the Indians, and that a Frenchman, who had been 
aboard of him, had been stopped some time by^them. On 
consulting together, they were of opinion that two vessels 

1724. History of Nova-Scotia. 411 

together would be quite safe, and on this they went and 
grounded on the mud bank, on Saturday. Winniett received 
a letter from two of the inhabitants to assure him they would 
be on board the next day. They came accordingly, and in- 
formed him that the Indians would have attacked the vessels, 
(separately), but that the presence of the two together broke 
their design. On the monday, several inhabitants came on 
board, who stated publicly that the Indians had held several 
councils, and were very much divided in opinion. Some de- 
signed to attack Annapolis others Canso, and the rest were 
for dispersing. [Minutes of Council, \6July, 1724.] Winniett 
was told at Mines that the priest of Annapolis Royal and some 
of his men had been there. The council ordered the empty, 
ruinous houses in the lower town of Annapolis to be appraised 
and pulled down, lest the enemy should burn them ; the own- 
ers were to be compensated with vacant land in the town. In 
July and August, the governor and council at Annapolis 
examined father Charlemagne, and three of the people who 
had been with him at Mines, as to their conduct. They after- 
wards examined father Isidore, and they took into considera- 
tion a letter from father Felix. Charlemagne was detained in 
custody, to be sent out of the province ; the three inhabitants 
were liberated, Isidore promoted to the cure of Mines, and 
Felix ordered not to return to the province. ( See particulars 
in appendix to this chapter.) 

The people of New England, looking on Ralle as the chief 
instigator of the Indian war, resolved upon sending an expedi- 
tion against the principal settlement of the Indians at Nor- 
ridgewock, (Narantsouac.) Four companies of militia, consist- 
ing in the whole of 208 men, commanded respectively by 
captains Harman, Moulton, Bourn, and lieutenant Bean, were 
ordered up the river Kennebec for this purpose ; and three 
Indians of the six nations, (Iroquois), were prevailed with to 
accompany them. This party left Richmond fort, on the 
Kennebec, 8 August, o. s., (19 August, n. s.) Next day they 
came to Taconick. There they left their whaleboats, with a 
lieutenant and 40 men as a guard, and the remainder proceed- 
ed by land on the loth for Norridgewock. The same evening 

412 History of Nova-Scotia. 

they discovered two Indian women, and fired at them. One, 
the daughter of the chief Bomazeen, they killed, and made the 
other prisoner. From the latter they obtained information of 
the state of Norridgewock. On the i2-23d., a little after 
noon, they came near the village. Supposing that part of the 
Indians might be at their corn fields, which were at some dis- 
tance, the English divided their force. Harman, with about 
eighty men, went direct towards the fields, while Moulton led 
as many more straight to the village, of which they came in 
sight about 3, p. M. Not an Indian was visible, all being in 
their wigwams. The English were ordered to advance softly, 
and in profound silence. An Indian coming out casually, 
looked round, and perceiving the English advancing, gave the 
war whoop, and ran for his gun. The whole village, which 
consisted of about sixty warriors, besides old men, women and 
children, then took the alarm, and while the warriors hastened 
to meet the English, the rest fled for their lives. Moulton, 
instead of suffering his men to fire at random through the 
wigwams, charged them, on pain of death, not to fire until the 
Indians had first discharged their guns. It happened, as he 
expected, in their surprize they overshot the English, of whom 
none was hurt. The English then discharged in their turn, 
and made great slaughter, but every man still kept his rank. 
The Indians fired a second volley, and immediately fled 
towards the river. Some jumped into their canoes, but had 
left their paddles in their houses. Others took to swimming, 
and some of the tallest could ford the river, which was about 
sixty feet over, and the water being low at the time, it was 
nowhere more than six feet deep. The English pursued. 
Some furnished themselves with paddles, and took to the 
Indian canoes which were left ; others waded into the river. 
They soon drove the Indians out of their canoes, and shot 
several in the water. It was conjectured that not more than 
fifty of the whole village reached the other side of the stream, 
and that some of this remnant were killed before they got to 
shelter in the woods. The English after this returned to the 
village. There they found the Jesuit in one of the wigwams, 
firing at a few of their men who had not joined in the pursuit 

1724. History of Nova-Scotia. 413 

of the Indians. He had an English boy, of about fourteen 
years old, in the wigwam with him, who had been taken about 
six months before. He shot this boy through the thigh, and 
stabbed him in the body, but he afterwards recovered by the 
care of the surgeon. (This cruel act seems to have little pro- 
bability about it. Harman appears to have made oath to this 
charge ; but as he was absent at the corn fields, he could only 
repeat what he was told.) Moulton had given orders not to 
kill Ralle ; but one of the English force having been wounded 
by his firing from the wigwam, a lieutenant, named Jaques, 
stove open the door and shot him through the head. Jaques 
alleged that when he entered the wigwam, Ralle was loading 
his gun, and declared that he would neither give nor take 
quarter. Moulton allowed that something was said by Ralle 
which provoked Jaques, but expressed doubts of the correct- 
ness of the latter's statement, and always disapproved of his 

An Indian chief, named Mog, was shut up in another wig- 
wam, and, firing from it, killed one of the three Mohawks, 
(Iroquois.) The brother of the slain Indian broke down the 
door, and shot Mog dead. The English followed, and killed 
the squaw and two helpless children. Having cleared the 
village of the enemy, they plundered the huts of which it con- 
sisted. The plunder was not very valuable a little corn, 
some blankets, kettles, a few guns, and about three barrels of 
powder, formed the booty thus obtained. In addition, the 
plate was taken from the church, and the crucifixes and images 
found there broken up. This building had been built a few 
years previously by carpenters from New England. Harman 
and his party, who went towards the corn fields, did not come 
back till near night, when the action was over. Both his and 
Moulton's men lodged in the wigwams that night, keeping up, 
however, a guard of forty men. Next day they found twenty- 
six dead bodies, besides the corpse of Ralle, and they held one 
woman and three children prisoners. Among the dead were 
Bomazeen, Mog, Job, Carabesett, Wissememett, and a son-in- 
law of Bomazeen, all noted warriors. The English marched 
early for Taconick, being anxious about the men and boats 

414 History of Nova-Scotia. I 7 2 4- 

they had left there, which they found were in safety. After 
they had begun their march from Norridgewock, Christian, 
one of the three Mohawks, went back and set fire to the church 
and wigwams, and then rejoined the party. On the 16-27 
they all arrived at Richmond fort. 

Harman went to Boston with the scalps, and being chief in 
command, was promoted to be a lieutenant colonel. Moulton 
had no official recompense at the time. He is said to have 
had the " applause of the country in general" for this exploit. 
[2 Hutch., Mass., 309-314] There are in the details of this 
affair, which in the main must be reliable, as they are adopted 
by Hutchinson, many things that are revolting to contemplate. 
The capture and the slaughter of women and children, perpe- 
trated by men who lay claim to civilization, seem wholly 
inexcusable. We must, however, bear in mind that the doc- 
trines of the New England puritans at that period were deeply 
tinged with ideas drawn from the ancient Jewish history, in 
the old testament, whence they also drew their maxims of 
reprisals and retaliation. Actuated by such notions, and exci- 
ted by such border wars as the Indians carried on against 
them, it is more to be regretted than wondered at that they 
became, under the pressure of particular exigencies, in some 
instances, more savage than the savages themselves. There 
is a dangerous ferocity in human nature when the restraints 
of true religion and pure moral sentiment are wanting, and no 
dependance can be placed on gentle habits or social refine- 
ments as a safeguard when the tide of evil passions is once let 
loose. Hutchinson, who wrote some thirty years after the 
destruction of Norridgewock, does not make a single remark 
implying blame on any part of the proceedings ; on the con- 
trary, he appears indirectly to justify or palliate the whole line 
of conduct pursued by the New England commanders and 
their men on this occasion. He only seems to regret that 
Moulton was not immediately rewarded for his share in this 
enterprize, although he informs us that captain Moulton was 
' many years together' a member of the council colonel of a 
regiment in the expedition to Louisbourg in 1745, and with 
reputation sustained the first military and civil offices in the 

1724. History of Nova-Scotia. 415 

county of York, and that he died at York in 1765. One can- 
not fail to observe that Moulton conducted the attack on the 
Indian village with military prudence and skill. When we 
reflect on the shooting at the two Indian women before their 
arrival at the village, with the subsequent acts, we find Moul- 
ton blaming lieutenant Jaques only, and we may conclude that 
the fault found with him was simply for negligence in forget- 
ting the order given to take Ralle alive, and that the other 
excesses and plunderings were regarded as matters of course. 
Charlevoix (vol. 4, p. 120-122) states the number of the Eng- 
lish and their Indian allies in this affair at eleven hundred. 
Looking at the circumstances, one can hardly doubt that 
Hutchinson gives us the true number as two hundred and 
eight. Charlevoix mentions the sacrilegious treatment of the 
sacred vessels of the host, &c. the burning down of the 
church, and the scalping and mutilation of Ralle's corpse. He 
informs us that Sebastian Ralle (or Rasle) was of a good 
family in Franche Comti, and died in the 67th year of his age : 
that he had undergone a long and painful illness, and a severe 
operation several years before : that he was skilled in the* 
Indian languages, and though strongly urged to quit his dan- 
gerous post, refused to do so. Belknap (2 N. H.,,60) says 
Ralle had resided twenty-six years at the mission of Narant- 
souak, and that he had spent six years before that in travelling 
among the Indians. 

In Sept'r., 1724, the misconduct of a clergyman employed at 
Annapolis, in the garrison, led to his arrest and dismissal. (See 
appendix to this chapter.) In Oct. leave was given for provisions 
to be sent to Louisbourg, at the request of governor St. Ovide, 
as he had conferred a similar favor on governor Philipps and 
the garrison at Canso in their necessity. In November, in 
consequence of a letter of lieutenant governor Dummer, of 
New England, of a contemplated treaty with the Indians, 
terms of peace with them in Nova Scotia were prepared, and 
sent to Mr. Newton, who was then in Boston. 

The priest Breslay received permission to stay and officiate 
at Annapolis Royal. 

4i 6 History of Nova-Scotia. 


Governor Philipps, who appears to have remained in England from the close 
of 1722, addressed several letters to the Board of Trade, respecting the sloop 
William Augustus, which had been built at Boston for the use of his government. 
In May, 1721, materials of iron work, cordage, and duck for sails, had arrived at 
Boston, consigned to him. Capt. Durell, of the Royal Navy, had held a consul- 
tation in London with colonel Armstrong, of the Board of Ordnance, and colone*! 
Gardner, (governor Philipps' agent), respecting this vessel, and captain Durell 
made a draft of her. Governor Philipps entrusted the building of her to captain 
Durell's management. She was launched and fitted for sea in July, 1721, and 
arrived at Annapolis in August, 1721, captain Southack being her commander. 
Having been victualled, she sailed about the middle of August, 1721, with the 
governor and engineer on board, to begin the survey of the Eastern coast. A 
sketch of the Eastern coast, and an exact survey of Canso harbour, were prepared 
and sent to the Secretary of State. She arrived at Canso on the 5th or 6th Sep- 
tember, 1721. In March, 1722, governor Philipps went in the William Augustus 
along the shores north of the Gut of Canso. On his return in a few days after, 
she was sent to Placentia, to remove troops thence to Nova Scotia, whence she 
returned in August, 1722, at the time the Indian war broke out. In this war 
service she was employed until October. She then went to Boston, and returned 
with provisions for the garrison at Annapolis, where she arrived in December, 
'1722. In the early part of 1723, she was employed by the lieutenant governor at 
Annapolis as a guard ship, and in the summer she was sent to Canso with war 
stores. She got there in August, and in September, 1723, was laid up by the 
governor's orders, as he could no longer sustain the expence of keeping her 
running. The expences he estimates at the navy rate of ,4 a man per month, 
which, tor 12 men, would be ^48 per month. He prays to be allowed for her 
cost, and that she should be re-commissioned. Captain Durell had stated that 
it would be impossible that the man-of-war he commanded on the Boston station 
could perform the duties required for Nova Scotia. 


In Council, 28 April, 1724 : 

The honourable lieutenant governor acquainted the Board that he had received 
a petition from Joseph Dougas and John Bourg, of Cobaguite, complaining of 
some hardship done them by Peter Triquette, (alias) Patron, who pretends to be 
the heir of Mathew Martain, the late senior of that place, as upon file, and being 

" It is the oppinion of the Board that the said Mathew Martain was not qua- " 
" lifted by will to make the said Patron his heir, and that therefore the senior- " 
" ity of Cobaguite falls to his majesty, and that the governor should send an " 
" order there to signifie the same." 

" Then John Adams, esq., having no post nor sallary from the Government, " 
" desired, in behalf of himself and others of the Board, that a petition, setting " 

History of Nova-Scotia. 417 

' forth the same, might be sent, to be laid before his majesty, requesting some " 
" consideration for their necessary attendance at the Board." 

" Which being considered and advised on, agreed that John Adams and " 
" Hibbert Newton, esqr's., draw up and prepare the same." 

The above petition signed by President, in Council, II May, 1724. 


Monday, i June, 1724. Council are of opinion that La Verdure's children, hav- 
ing abandoned and left the country, have no right to any of the marshes. And 
further, that those who neither had nor would not undertake to repair their 
marshes according to his Excellency General Richard Philipps' proclamation, 
forfeited the same to his majesty. 


In Council, 22 July, 1724 : 

Examination of father Charlemagne, the Romish priest of this river, before the 
Governor and Council. 

Question, ist. Father Charlemagne : Why did you not, at yo'r arrival, (when 
you waited on the Governor), acquaint him of the party of Indians being at 
Mines, and of their designes against us ? 

Ans'd. I must then have been a wizard. 

Quest. Did you know of any party of Indians when you was at Mines ? 

Ans'd. There were Indians of this province mett there with Golin, their mis- 
sionary, on account of devotion. 

Quest. Did you know of any strange Indians being there, and that it was 
talk'd of their coming here ? 

Ans'd. There were six strange Indians, who came there the friday before I 
came away. 

Quest. Wherefore, then, did you not acquaint the governor of these six 
Indians, when at yo'r arrivall he asked you what news, when at the same time 
you told him there was none ? 

Ans'd. My business is only to attend my function, and not to enquire into or 
meddle with any other business, news or affairs ; and that not finding any Indians 
in my way hither, and finding everything quiet here, I thought it was only talk of 
the Indians, and that they had no further designe. 

Quest. Do you not think that all people that are under the protection of any